Dáil debates

Wednesday, 2 November 2005

Private Members' Business.

Irish Unification: Motion.

6:00 pm

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I propose to share time with Deputies Ó Snodaigh, Ferris, Sargent, Finian McGrath and Joe Higgins.

Photo of Rory O'HanlonRory O'Hanlon (Cavan-Monaghan, Ceann Comhairle)
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Is that agreed? Agreed.

7:00 pm

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

—re-affirming its support for the Good Friday Agreement as endorsed in referendums by the people of Ireland North and South;

—recognising the political progress brought about by the peace process and the Agreement, benefiting all the people of Ireland; and

—reiterating its appreciation of the work undertaken to date by the North-South Ministerial Council and the North-South bodies;

resolves to:

—work for the full implementation of the Agreement in all its aspects and for the re-establishment of the institutions of the Agreement at the earliest date;

—promote all-Ireland policies and strategies, benefiting all parts of the island;

—actively seek to persuade Unionists, through dialogue, of the advantages of unification for all the people who share this island, in their diversity; and

—prepare politically, economically, socially and culturally for Irish unification, identifying steps and measures, including a Green Paper, which can assist a successful transition to a united Ireland.

Cuirim fáilte roimh Theachtaí Shinn Féin ón Tuaisceart, ón taobh eile den Teorainn. I welcome to the Visitors Gallery Sinn Féin MPs, including our party president Gerry Adams, and members of the Northern Assembly.

Molaim an rún seo ar son Theachtaí Shinn Féin. Is annamh a bhí deis ag an Dáil aontú na hÉireann a phlé. Ní cuimhin liom díospóireacht ar an gceist seo ónar toghadh mé i 1997. Cé gur phléamar próiseas na síochána go minic, ní raibh deis againn díriú ar an ghá a bheith ag obair i dtreo aontú na hÉireann. Mar sin, cuireann séáthas orainn, mar Theachtaí Shinn Féin, an rún seo a chur os comhair na Dála agus iarraidh ar gach Teachta tacú leis.

Ní rún amháin atá ann seo, áfach. Seo fógra chomh maith go bhfuilimid chun dul ar aghaidh go dtí an cuspóir sin i gcuideachta gach duine sa tír a bhfuil an cuspóir daonlathach sin aige nó aici.

It is an honour to present this motion on behalf of the Sinn Féin Deputies. The motion encapsulates the central aim of our party and, more importantly, the sincerely held objective of the vast majority of the people of Ireland. The democratic objective of the reunification of Ireland is reflected, to one degree or another, in all political parties represented in the Oireachtas. All the principal political parties state that Irish unity is one of their aims but it must be more than an aspiration and an objective, however sincerely held. If we are serious and sincere we must work together towards Irish unity. This motion is an invitation to do just that.

We have debated the peace process many times but we have not taken the opportunity to address the issue of Irish unity itself. Our motion presents such an opportunity. This debate comes in the wake of the momentous decision of the IRA to end its armed campaign and to put its weapons beyond use. I do not believe any of us yet appreciates the enormity of this development. It will take time for it to be seen in its proper historical context. It marked a crossroads not only in the peace process but in the development of politics on this island. It confirmed what the peace process had established — that Irish republicans are totally committed to the peaceful and democratic way forward to our objective of Irish unity and national sovereignty.

The immediate task before us is the reinstatement of the structures established under the Good Friday Agreement. That is the responsibility first and foremost of the British and Irish Governments. On the part of the DUP there can be no more possible excuses for non-engagement with Sinn Féin. The excuse of IRA weapons is no longer tenable; indeed, the hollowness of that excuse as used so often in the past has been exposed since the IRA's announcement and its putting of weapons beyond use.

Those who seek to minimise the significance of developments this past summer and the potential for progress which they offer, are doing a grave disservice to their constituents. However, I believe the DUP will enter negotiations with Sinn Féin. One thing is certain — whittling down the Agreement, failing to implement it or abandoning the legitimate political objective of Irish unity will not encourage dialogue. On the contrary, it will reinforce intransigence.

Sinn Féin has tabled this motion and we urge the Irish Government to publish a Green Paper on Irish unity because we believe that the practical planning for a United Ireland should begin now. It is a moderate motion and I am disappointed at the Government amendment which does not reflect in full the essence of the proposition before us. I urge the Government, even at this late stage, to abandon its amendment and to support the Sinn Féin motion.

Throughout the peace process we have consistently urged an island wide approach in key policy areas, including the economy, health, education, employment, agriculture and tourism. We have given practical expression to this through the work of our Ministers in the Executive and the all-Ireland Ministerial Council. In the Assembly and in the Dáil, Sinn Féin representatives have continuously pressed the need to sustain and develop the all-island approach enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. By planning for Irish unity and by demonstrating that unification can lead to a better society for all the people of this island, Nationalists will go far towards persuading many Unionists that they can have a secure future in a new, united Ireland.

We should be strengthening and building upon the all-Ireland aspects of the Agreement. The Irish Government should be initiating and sustaining a planned programme of all-Ireland social and economic development which aims to remove the obstacles created by partition, strengthen the links between the people in all parts of the island and integrate the economy and society. Such work should proceed at all levels and the Irish Government should not be dependent upon the active co-operation of any British Administration, although such co-operation is not only desirable but an obligation of the British Government under the Agreement.

Central to the Good Friday Agreement is an equality agenda which seeks to address many injustices. It cannot be stressed enough that equality applies to everyone. It will benefit all sections of the community. The attempt to portray the equality agenda as meaning privilege for Nationalists is the latest manifestation of the sectarian scare tactic designed to prevent Unionists making common cause at any level with Nationalists. Unionists need to embrace the equality agenda. There is no other way forward for their community. Refusal to do so can slow down but cannot halt the process of change. Participation now in the process of change is the best guarantee that their interests will be represented most effectively.

Many in the unionist community already privately admit that Irish unity is inevitable. Recognition that this process of change is leading to Irish unity will be a very painful but ultimately liberating development for Unionists. Nationalists throughout Ireland also need to come to terms with the reality that the achievement of their aim of Irish reunification will mean profound change. The political landscape will be transformed. New political alignments will evolve. New island wide economics will develop. There will be new demands on the economy to meet the needs of a reunited island and people. There will be many challenges but also many opportunities.

Every Deputy and Senator has received a copy of Sinn Féin's discussion document, A Green Paper on Irish Unity. In summary it sets out the following programme. There is a national responsibility on the Irish Government to formulate and implement a strategy to achieve the democratic objectives of national self-determination, Irish reunification, political independence and national reconciliation. Consultation, engagement, persuasion and negotiation, with a view to securing active support for a united Ireland, must be the means towards these ends. It must involve a negotiation with the British Government and must be underpinned by a meaningful and substantial peace dividend from both Governments.

Such a strategy needs to have an international dimension which includes seeking specific forms of support from popular and political opinion in Britain, the Irish diaspora and the international community. The Taoiseach should commission a Green Paper on Irish unity to be completed within one year. The aim should be to identify steps and measures which can promote and assist a successful transition to a united Ireland and to develop detailed planning for a new state and a new society that all Irish people can share. All stakeholders in society on this island must be given an opportunity to take ownership of the debate and be part of the process this initiates.

The Green Paper should be referred to a specially dedicated joint all-party committee of the Oireachtas on Irish unity to monitor, assess and report progress on implementation. A Minister of State should be appointed by the Government with the dedicated and specific responsibility of driving forward and developing policy options and strategies to advance the outcomes of the Green Paper and to direct and co-ordinate the Government's all-Ireland policies. Participation by people resident in the Six Counties in the democratic life of the nation should be facilitated and include Northern representation in the Houses of the Oireachtas. Citizens in the Six Counties should have voting rights in presidential elections and for a reformed Seanad elected on a national list system.

Finally, the Irish Government, in consultation with the social partners, the community and NGO sector, the business and agricultural sectors and the trade unions, must begin the process of co-ordinating economic planning on an all-Ireland basis.

I look forward to a serious debate on these proposals. I call on the Taoiseach to proceed with his invitation to the 18 MPs in the Six Counties to participate in a committee of the Dáil, beginning in early 2006 and to be held at least twice a year. The knee jerk and partitionist reactions to this reasonable and modest proposal from the leaders of Fine Gael and Labour surely raise profound questions for the members of these two parties, one of which subtitles itself "the United Ireland Party" and the other which claims the mantle of James Connolly. I ask Fianna Fáil Deputies and Senators, and indeed their party's members, if they will allow this proposal that we have put forward to be vetoed by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy McDowell, who has called for Irish republican MPs, elected on the basis of non-participation in Westminster, to take their seats there and to swear an oath of allegiance to the English Queen. These nay-sayers have misrepresented the Irish people. We are mandated by them to work together for the benefit of this country, and that includes working together towards Irish national reunification.

The type of society we will have in a united Ireland is already being shaped. We must ensure that it is not a cold house for any section of our community. What Dr. Martin Luther King said about the world in 1967 applies equally to Ireland and the world in this new century:

We have inherited a large house, a great 'world house' in which we have to live together — black and white, Easterner and Westerner, Gentile and Jew, Catholic and Protestant, Moslem and Hindu — a family unduly separated in ideas, culture and interest, who because we can never again live apart, must learn somehow to live with each other in peace.

I put the motion to the House and recommend it to all Deputies.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Ar dtús báire ba mhaith liom an deis seo a ghlacadh chun fáiltiú arís roimh an chéim chróga a ghlac Óglaigh na hÉireann i mí Mheán Fómhair, ag léiriú arís go bhfuil siad dáiríre faoi Éire a athaontú go síochánta. In aineoinn nár sínitheoirí Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta iad, táid tar éis na dualgaisí a bhí curtha orthu a chomhlíonadh, rud nach bhfuil fíor maidir le sínitheoirí na cáipéise úd, Rialtas an Stáit seo ina measc.

Chonaic mé leasú an Rialtas níos luaithe inniu agus tá sé tragóideach. Meatacháin atá iontu. Nach bhfuil aon chnámh droma acu? Nach bhfuil siad sásta seasamh leis an idéal a bhí ag bunaitheoirí a bpáirtí agus obair chun Éire a aontú, seachas an tseafóid seo atá acu, "ná cuir as do na hAontachtóirí"? Cad faoi na náisiúntóirí? Cad faoi na poblachtánaigh? Nár fhógair Bertie féin le déanaí gur phoblachtánach é? Níl aon ról ag aon phoblachtánach suí ar an chlaí ag fanacht le Éire í féin a athaontu.

Tá sé de dhánacht ag an Rialtas a rá linne ina leasú go bhfuil dualgais fós le comhlíonadh ag poblachtánaigh. B'fhiú dóibh féachaint ina stábla féin ar dtús, más ag lorg teist an chomhaontaithe a theip ortáid. B'fhiú dóibh féachaint air sin.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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An focal a úsáid gan ómós a thabhairt don Teach seo, ní Bertie rud ar bith ach an Taoiseach.

Photo of Noel TreacyNoel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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Gan ómós a thabhairt don Teach.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Ag casadh ar an méid atá le rá agam mar gheall ar dhualgais an Rialtais, tá freagracht áirithe acu maidir le sraith a trí de Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta a chomhlíonadh, is é sin "cinntiú go mbeidh ar a laghad léibhéal cosanta ar chomhchéim" ó thaobh cearta daonna agus forálacha cothromais sna 26 Chontae is atá sna Sé Chontae.

Creidim dá réir go bhfuil dualgas ar an Rialtas treorú don Aire Dlí agus Cirt, Comhionannais agus Athchóirithe Dlí, an Teachta McDowell, múnla Patten i dtaobh póilínteachta a ghlacadh don Gharda Síochána, Fear an Phobail nó Ombudsman an Gharda ina measc.

Theip ar an Stát arís teist an chomhchéimeacha's a ghlanadh nuair a deineadh Coinbhinsiún na hEorpa um Chearta Daonna a chorprú anuraidh. Ba chéim chun tosaigh bunú Choimisiún Chearta Daonna na hÉireann, ach má tá sé chun an teist atá luaite agam a chomhlíonadh agus a ghlanadh is gá déileál leis an easpa maoine a choscann é ó bheith ag obair agus ag gníomhú gan stró. Is gá chomh maith a rá leis an Aire Dlí agus Cirt, Comhionannais agus Athchóirithe Dlí gur gá dó éisteacht agus aird a thabhairt ar mholtaí a thagann ón choimisiún sin. Arís agus arís eile, tá tar éis teip ar an Rialtas ó thaobh an Chomhaontaithe de sa chás seo. Feictear é sin ar an tslí a bhfuil sé ag caitheamh leis an lucht siúil, na dídeanaithe agus imircigh, agus an dá leibhéal de shaoránacht a bhunaigh sé anuraidh. Féach ar an phraiseach a dhein sé maidir leis an Acht míchumais níos luaithe i mbliana. Nuair a chaith daoine vóta ar son an Chomhaontaithe i 1998, bhí siad ag tnúth go mbeidh tairbhe le baint acu as an chosaint ar chearta a bhuaigh poblachtánaigh san idirbheartaíocht roimhe sin. Ach níl le feiscint acu ó shin ach go bhfuil an chosaint sin á laghdú de réir chlár polaitiúl na heite deise.

Ar cheist na slándála bhí an méid seo le rá ins an Chomhaontú: "gur féidir agus gur chóir gurb ionann forbairt timpeallachta síochána ar bhonn an Chomhaontaithe seo agus gnáthshocruithe agus gnáthchleachtais slándála a thabhairt isteach". Bhí sé i gceist, dar ndóigh, go scarfaí leis na hAchtanna um Chiontaí in aghaidh an Stáit 1939-85 mar a ligeann na coinníollacha síos. De thairbhe na forála seo, thuaraiscigh Binse Morris, mar shampla, moltaí Hederman, agus go háirithe conclúidí an Choiste um Chearta Daonna sna Náisiúin Aontaithe, a dúirt go lom díreach "Nach gcreideann siad go bhfuil aon bhonn cirt leis — An Chúirt Speisialta — bheith ann san lá inniú". Tá tionchar creimneach ag reachtaíocht éigeandála ar nós na hAchtanna um Chiontaí in aghaidh an Stáit agus na Cúirte Speisialta agus níl aon áit in aon stát lena leithéid de reachtaíocht.

Tá fís ag Sinn Féin i leith Éireann ann aontaithe lonnaithe i bhForógra 1916 agus i gClár Daonlathach na Chéad Dála. Tá sé sin ár mbun luachanna agus ár mbun prionsabal.

D'fháiltigh mé an tseachtain seo caite nuair a d'fógair an Taoiseach go raibh sé chun comóradh Stáit a dhéanamh athuair ar Éirí Amach 1916, ach impím air machnamh dáirire a dhéanamh ar luachanna agus spriocanna na sínitheoirí agus cé chomh difriúil is atá sé ó thaifead Rialtas eile thar na blianta ins an Stát seo. Sin an aidhm agus féachaint amach anseo chun tosaigh.

Photo of Martin FerrisMartin Ferris (Kerry North, Sinn Fein)
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As this motion states, there is a clear and pressing need for the case for Irish unity to be actively promoted. Not to do so will condemn the north-eastern counties of this country to another prolonged period of crisis. There are those like Deputy Rabbitte who argue the opposite. In his speech here on 28 September, Deputy Rabbitte spoke about the Six Counties as though it was some exotic country on the other side of the world, and its inhabitants a strange band of beings whose actions and motivations are a constant puzzle to all of us in this part of our country.

I wonder to what extent the leader of the Labour Party speaks for all his members when he adopts that attitude. The vast majority of Labour members and supporters who I know see themselves in the tradition of James Connolly and strongly support the demand for a united Ireland. Perhaps Deputy Rabbitte is speaking more from the perspective of the anti-republican ideology that dominated Democratic Left.

Deputy Rabbitte and others contend that the solution to their problem is to engineer a permanent settlement in which the Six Counties remain forever under British sovereignty. Republicans who argue to the contrary are accused of going beyond the Good Friday Agreement and of deepening divisions.

Republicans have never made any secret of the fact that we do not regard a devolved administration as the final settlement. What we have done, with others who do not include Deputy Rabbitte, is bring about a situation in which advocates of Irish unity and defenders of the union can argue their respective positions in something approaching a normal political environment.

However, we do not believe that political normality can ever be achieved while the British claim and exercise jurisdiction over that part of our country. Far from that jurisdiction being "bedded down", as hoped for by Deputy Rabbitte and others, the period since 1998 has proven that it is the ultimate and ongoing cause of tension and instability. Therefore, the logical solution to that is to bring about a situation in which all the people of Ireland can create a state in which all our cultural identities and interests are accommodated. It is our belief that this can be best achieved in an all-Ireland republic.

Deputy Rabbitte also accused republicans of failing to recognise or to address what he terms inter-communal divisions. That is patronising nonsense. How could republicans in the Six Counties fail to recognise differences that govern every aspect of their life there?

As for failing to do anything to address those divisions, I assure Deputy Rabbitte that my party has far closer and more genuine links with members of the Unionist community than he or anyone else in this State. Those links are extensive and ongoing and sometimes, in the light of sensitivities, of necessity, low-key. They are something we take very seriously and not to be used as occasional publicity stunts.

Over the course of our dialogue with unionism we have come to recognise deeply held beliefs and fears, and have sought in various ways to address them. We have no wish to oppress or dominate those with different belief systems and cultures but we are nonetheless convinced that the best way in which to protect all differences is through the creation of a genuinely republican society, as envisaged by the founders of Irish republicanism and the framers of the 1916 Proclamation and Democratic Programme. It was not Irish republicans who allowed this State to be turned into a narrow clerical dominated society in which the sort of horrors we read about in the Ferns Report were allowed take place — a society of mass poverty and emigration. Those responsible for that were successive Fianna Fáil Governments and coalitions that included Fine Gael and the Labour Party. Republicans did not create that society and we have no wish to recreate it and foist it on our fellow Irish men and women in the Six Counties.

I must also refer to the positive role played by the Irish Republican Army in attempting to bring about a settlement. The IRA helped to initiate the peace process and the ceasefires declared by the organisation were crucial steps on the way to the Good Friday Agreement. Unfortunately, the goodwill displayed by the IRA and the risks taken by that organisation have not always been reciprocated. Nonetheless, the IRA has continued to take bold initiatives. In September it took an unprecedented step in regard to its structures and arms. This was done despite considerable unease among republicans conscious of the dangers inherent in a situation where Unionism retains the physical means to attack Nationalists. While I know that there has been a generally positive reaction from members of the Unionist community, there is little leadership among its political representatives, who are either unwilling or afraid to reciprocate in a way that would lead to the re-establishment of the political institutions. Of course, it is also the responsibility of the two Governments, particularly the British Government, to ensure that this takes place as soon as possible. Once that is done there can be some semblance of normal democratic politics. Unionists will be free to argue their position and Sinn Féin will certainly not be found wanting in promoting the need for an all-island settlement.

Photo of Trevor SargentTrevor Sargent (Dublin North, Green Party)
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I move amendment No. 3:

To delete all words from and including "promote all-Ireland" in the fifth paragraph and substitute the following:

"—promote the full development of strands one, two and three of the Agreement so that decisions in relation to North-South as well as East-West and Northern concerns are taken on a sustainable basis at the lowest effective level and in a way that respects diverse political aspirations and devolved decision making as provided for in the Good Friday Agreement."

Is oth liom a rá nach féidir liom aontú go hiomlán le rún Shinn Féin, cé go dtugaimid tacaíocht do cheithre as seacht gcuid den rún atá os ár gcomhair anocht. Tá an Comhaontas Glas ar bun ó 1981 ag obair ar sheacht bprionsabal. Those principles include a sustainable quality of life, maximising self-reliance for communities and encouraging grassroots democracy which prioritises consensus based decision-making principles. Like all parties in the House, we have campaigned for the Good Friday Agreement and continue to work for its full implementation. However, we are unique among Dáil parties in that we do not trace our origins back to violent revolution, which I acknowledge resulted in the formation of the State, represented by Deputies in Dáil Éireann while the Northern province was represented by Northern MPs, some of whom we welcome to the audience for this debate.

For many Greens, the nation state has a useful role in forging identity and in addressing many needs but it is not by any means sufficient to deal with the major global and international problems we discuss on occasion in the House, although not often enough, such as climate change, drug trafficking, the exploitation of workers and so on. For this reason, our amendment recognises the importance of the Good Friday Agreement in its totality, including the importance of strand one. Much work remains to be done and we must focus on this, for example, with regard to policing. Sinn Féin has an important role in moving forward that agenda, which I hope it will help by joining the policing authorities as soon as possible.

Strand two is vital and needs to be further developed. The Ceann Comhairle will know that on the Order of Business we regularly ask, particularly in the context of the Ferns report, when we will have a register of people considered unsafe to work with children. We are repeatedly told that the hold-up is due to the lack of progress in the peace process and the lack of an Assembly in the North. For many, this is ironic because rather than doing away with all forms of terror, we seem to be replacing one form of terror, paramilitarism, with another form involving children being exposed to danger.

The Sinn Féin amendment should focus more on strand three, which concerns the east-west dimension of the Good Friday Agreement. We know of the threat of bird flu, the ongoing threat of rabies, fisheries issues and, given the Rossport five controversy, the importance of gas supplies for this country. Gas will not be supplied from the Corrib gas field in anything like the quantity needed so we must ensure good working relations and co-operation between Ireland, Britain and mainland Europe as far as Siberia if we are to take for granted the supply of energy at current levels. The east-west dimension is not simply a political aspiration; it is vital for our day-to-day needs.

The Sinn Féin motion, while valid in terms of the aspirations of that party and many other people of a Nationalist background is, unfortunately, another example of putting the cart before the horse. As one who sees a rationale behind an all-island organisation which takes into account the co-operation of people of diverse political opinions, I believe it is more likely to frighten Unionists than to persuade them down the road to joining a united Ireland. For example, if we all support the Good Friday Agreement, we should acknowledge that Northern Ireland exists. I repeatedly ask why we must listen to constant references to the Six Counties. I accept that the term is a numerically correct statement of fact but Northern Ireland exists. The Good Friday Agreement acknowledged this fact and we all supported the Agreement on the basis that we accepted it. It is time we were mature enough to recognise it. That said, this is not to agree that Northern Ireland must always exist or that we wish to deny anyone's valid political aspirations.

I agree with the motion that we need to maximise North-South developments, whether in regard to REPS, an island-wide environmental protection agency, transport issues that relate to both sides of the Border, or energy issues. I do not blame Sinn Féin for rushing the fence at this point given that Fianna Fáil has demonstrated it is quite happy to make political footballs out of serious issues such as the commemoration of 1916.

Photo of Noel TreacyNoel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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That is a disgraceful statement.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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It is a coincidence, no doubt.

Photo of Trevor SargentTrevor Sargent (Dublin North, Green Party)
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It is a political football, as the Minister of State well knows. Everybody in this country has particular regard for the sacrifice that took place in 1916 and its important effect on our history. My family would have known the Pearse brothers from 1912 and many in this Chamber would have a particular wish to be involved in 1916 commemoration ceremonies.

Photo of Noel TreacyNoel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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Why does the Deputy not do so?

Photo of Trevor SargentTrevor Sargent (Dublin North, Green Party)
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Because Fianna Fáil has decided the ceremonies are an Ard-Fheis device to rally its troops and try to out-do the Sinn Féin Party. People will see it for what it is. If Fianna Fáil was serious about the 1916 commemoration, rather than turning it into a political football it would have established a cross-party forum to establish a consensus on how all parties and Independents in the House, and civic society, would wish to commemorate the 1916 Rising centenary.

Photo of Finian McGrathFinian McGrath (Dublin North Central, Independent)
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It is not too late.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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Someone must make a decision.

Photo of Trevor SargentTrevor Sargent (Dublin North, Green Party)
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While the peace process cannot be a cold house for Unionists, neither should it be for Opposition parties. As Dublin Castle no longer hosts the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, it is in effect a cold house for Opposition parties. This must be resolved if the Government is serious about inclusiveness and bringing Unionists on board in future governance. How can the Dáil agree to this motion when all parties have different views on what a united Ireland means? We must set down the different options and hold a referendum to avoid the pitfall of majority rule which gave us so much grief in the North.

The issue of Northern Irish MPs having speaking rights in this House must be discussed. There are several options to ensure there is an outreach north of the Border and that the door is not closed to those voices in the North which can be examined through the precedent when the late Gordon Wilson was appointed to the Seanad. We need to reform the Dáil. How can we persuade Unionists if smaller political parties are denied party recognition in the Dáil? This would not be acceptable in the Northern Ireland Assembly. Parity of esteem is needed on both sides of the Border.

Photo of Finian McGrathFinian McGrath (Dublin North Central, Independent)
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I welcome and support this important and excellent motion which concerns the peace process, the Good Friday Agreement and clearly maps out the way forward for all people on the island of Ireland. It is clear and straight, meriting Members' support. This motion is above party politics. We all need to unite around these positive principles of democracy, equality and Irish independence. Sadly, there are many in the House who do not have the courage of their convictions and constantly throw out their two-nation rants in regular debates.

I am pushing for the implementation of this motion, along with the principles of Tone and Connolly. I commend and thank all those who worked hard in the peace process and who, over the years, held their nerve against doubt, cynicism and suspicion. I pay tribute to those Members involved in the process. I challenge those Members who are trying to wreck this beautiful project. I will use this occasion to defend the integrity and vision of Fr. Alec Reid, particularly in light of recent criticisms and attacks against him. I stand by Fr. Reid, one of the main architects of the peace process.

I challenge the hypocrisy of those who claim to follow in the tradition of Collins, Connolly and Pearse and yet have a problem with having Northern Irish representatives speaking in this House. Statements on this matter over recent days were a disgrace. I want to see Nationalist and Unionist representatives speaking frequently in the Houses of the Oireachtas. The House should not be a cold house for any community or religion. The door must always be open for Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, Jew or dissenter, and particularly for those with a democratic mandate.

I support the recent calls for all elected representatives in the North to participate in the House. It is particularly relevant with the talk of commemorating the ideals of the 1916 Rising which preach independence, sovereignty, equality, justice and respect for diversity. I find it astonishing that some parties have tried to hinder the principles and ideals of 1916 by preventing representatives from the North speaking in the House. It is a shameful disgrace, showing a lack of political vision and making a mockery of political and social inclusion. The majority of the people on the island of Ireland want this to happen. I urge all Members to support the motion.

The motion resolves to work for the full implementation of the Agreement in all its aspects and for the re-establishment of the institutions of the Agreement at the earliest date. It seeks to promote all-Ireland policies and strategies, benefiting all parts of the island. It actively seeks to persuade Unionists, through dialogue, of the advantages of Irish unity for all the people, in their diversity, who share this island. It resolves to prepare politically, economically, socially and culturally for Irish unification, identifying steps and measures, including a Green Paper, which can assist a successful transition to a united Ireland.

These are sensible proposals that deserve all Members' support. I recognise the political progress brought about by the peace process and how it has benefited the people of the island of Ireland. I had my doubts about losing Articles 2 and 3 and other matters. In the end I went with those who took the risk for peace, justice and equality. It is up to all of us to move the process forward. Not talking to political opponents must never be an option in any conflict resolution scenario. Politicians must be brave with vision. We must try all options in leading our people. We now have a wealthy island but a divided people. We need to unite the people and the island of Ireland. This strategy is clearly set out in this motion. This motion is about Irish independence, justice, equality and peace but also a progressive future for all our people on the island of Ireland. I urge all Members to support the motion.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Well done.

Photo of Joe HigginsJoe Higgins (Dublin West, Socialist Party)
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Both the Sinn Féin motion and the Government amendment are predicated on the belief that the Good Friday Agreement is a template for a resolution to the political crisis in Northern Ireland. That is a fundamental fallacy. The Good Friday Agreement has provided for the institutionalisation of sectarian division, not for its overcoming. Since the IRA ceasefire halted its disastrous paramilitary campaign, the polarisation of the communities in Northern Ireland has widened horrifically. It has been a process not of coming together, but unfortunately of the separation of communities. Sectarian-based political parties are part of this polarisation. They contribute to it and, in many cases, lead it.

The Provisional IRA correctly realised at the end of the 1980s that its paramilitary campaign was not winnable. In a modern industrialised society, the methods of paramilitarism or individual terrorism cannot defeat state imperialism. The end of the Provisional IRA's campaign was also predicated on the belated acceptance by republicans that the British establishment had no vested interest in holding on to Northern Ireland as a colony. It would be quite happy to see unification of this island on the basis of the present establishments, North and South, and why not? The Twenty-six Counties is a mecca for profits for British, US and other companies without the costs of an army, administration, etc.

Opposition to a united Ireland within the context of the present set-up comes from within the Protestant population. What is sought by Sinn Féin is unification on the basis of the present system, in reality the coming together of the capitalist states, North and South. The Protestant working class in particular will simply not agree to this. If pushed in that direction, it will resist. Any delusion that a demographic change in the North will solve the problem is wrong-headed. Just as the Catholic population, a minority, never reconciled itself to the Unionist state, neither will the Protestant population ever accept a united Ireland on the basis of the present system. Sinn Féin's attempt to rally Fianna Fáil, a right-wing party of neoliberal capitalism, behind its Green Paper for a capitalist united Ireland will copperfasten the rejection of the Protestant population. If pushed, it will not lead to a united Ireland but to a Balkanisation of Northern Ireland. A dangerous vacuum exists in the Protestant population which Love Ulster and other sectarian groups are seeking to fill.

Sinn Féin aspires to coalition with Fianna Fáil. It has a similar formulation to the Labour Party of the past in that it will decide after the general election. Coalition with Fianna Fáil would mean acquiescence in the new liberal agenda dominating European capitalism at present, just as Sinn Féin Ministers in the North implemented private finance initiatives and other right wing policies of the Blair Government. That which was true in the days when James Connolly and Jim Larkin organised working class people in Belfast is true today. Only the unity of working people can overcome sectarian divisions, and that can only be achieved by working class people struggling together on the issues that confront them both at the time, such as the horrific poverty that still exists in both communities.

By opposing the economic attacks of the Blair Government such as the attempted imposition of water charges and the attack on public services they will find in the struggle the way to a democratic and socialist resolution to the national question and a future where there is no risk of one community being discriminated against by the other. The only unity achievable on this island is a socialist Ireland jointly achieved by working people, Protestant and Catholic, North and South, on the basis of a socialist economic and political transformation of society.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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Tá mé ag caint thar ceann an Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha, an Teachta Dermot Ahern, atá thar lear sna Stáit Aontaithe ar obair oifigiúil. Chomh maith leis sin, ba mhaith liom am a thabhairt sa díospóireacht seo don Aire Stáit, an Teachta Tracey, agus do na Teachtaí Glennon agus O'Connor. An bhfuil sé sin i gceart?

Photo of Rory O'HanlonRory O'Hanlon (Cavan-Monaghan, Ceann Comhairle)
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Aontaithe.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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I move amendment No. 1——

Photo of Rory O'HanlonRory O'Hanlon (Cavan-Monaghan, Ceann Comhairle)
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It is not appropriate to move the amendment at this time. The Minister may speak to the amendment.

8:00 pm

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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Níl gá ar bith dul ar aghaidh leis an leasú ag an bhomaite. Dá mbeadh cead agam, b'fhéidir go n-éireoinn as an mhéid atá le rá agam agus atá scríofa síos, mar tá sé an-deacair a bheith ag éisteacht lena bhfuil le rá ag go leor daoine anseo, ní amháin ó mhuintir Shinn Féin ach ón Teachta os mo chomhair chomh maith. I am delighted to see he is the last bastion of the socialist point of view in the House.

I welcome the opportunity to address the House this evening and to reiterate the Government's strong commitment to the Good Friday Agreement as the template for a peaceful democratic society in Northern Ireland and for political agreement on the island as a whole.

In 1998 the people of Ireland, North and South, voted by an overwhelming majority to support the Good Friday Agreement. In the first Thirty-two County act of self-determination since 1918, the Irish people gave the two Governments a strong, clear and unambiguous mandate for our ongoing work with the political parties to restore partnership Government to Northern Ireland. The Government's resolve to fulfil the people's mandate, to implement the Good Friday Agreement in full and to restore the institutions established under the Agreement has never wavered and will not waver now.

Devolved Government on an inclusive basis is clearly in the best interests of all communities in Northern Ireland. All political parties and politicians want to serve their communities and deliver for their communities. All Members of this House know this as fact. That is why we are here. Our democratic tradition, embodied and practised in this Chamber, is a strong one. We are elected to exercise responsibility on behalf of the communities we serve and we are directly accountable for the decisions we take. There is no substitute for democratic Government, linking communities with the decision-making process and those who represent their interests. We should not lose sight of the fact that our main objective is the consolidation of truly democratic institutions in Northern Ireland. That means the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. It means the restoration of partnership government with locally elected Ministers working in partnership for the benefit of all. This is the fundamental purpose of our ongoing efforts.

The Government's motion this evening underlines the simple fact that to rebuild the institutions of Government we must first rebuild confidence and momentum in the political process. When political parties North and South commended the Good Friday Agreement to the people of Ireland and when the Irish people overwhelmingly endorsed that Agreement they did so in the firm belief that it represented the definitive path to peace. We will not betray the people's trust or undermine their confidence by settling for anything less than full implementation of the Agreement.

The constitutional balance struck in the Agreement is a careful and sensitive one. It underlines the legitimacy of seeking a united Ireland. It also recognises, however, that it is the current wish of a majority of people in Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Most importantly, it clearly and unequivocally enshrines the principle of consent. Article 1 clearly states:

It is for the people of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively and without external impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, accepting that this right must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland.

The Agreement also puts in place a mechanism through which, when the time is right, support for a united Ireland can be measured and through which effect can be given to any resulting vote in favour of change. Many in this House, including the members of this party in Government, are firmly committed to creating a climate in which unity can be achieved, a unity of people as much as of territory. Indeed our programme for Government clearly commits us to securing "lasting peace in Ireland through the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement". It further states that the efforts to this end will be "without prejudice to the ultimate goal of achieving a united Ireland in peace and agreement".

That aim will not be realised through the rather simplistic formula of persuasion and preparation proposed in the motion tabled by Sinn Féin this evening. Neither will it be realised through bringing forward a Green Paper on Irish unity. These proposals simply ignore the urgent and primary need to restore trust and confidence in the political process itself and to re-establish the institutions of devolved Government in Northern Ireland. The Good Friday Agreement is the Government's clear mandate in this regard. We have no other. Any other approach to the question of unity would serve as a distraction from our immediate priority of restoring the institutions and would act as a damaging and destabilising influence on a process that can only thrive where there is trust and confidence.

I am glad to say that through the tenacity and perseverance of both Governments, in challenging circumstances, there have been significant developments in the past few months which represent a promising start towards the rehabilitation of that trust. The date on which the IRA leadership issued a statement formally announcing an end to its armed campaign, 28 July, was described by the Taoiseach as heralding a new era for all the people of the island of Ireland. He said he hoped it would mark the day when the tradition of using violence to advance political objectives in Ireland would finally come to an end. The unprecedented commitment by the IRA to end its armed campaign, to complete the process of decommissioning and to use exclusively peaceful means was welcomed here in Ireland and across the world. At that time, the Government said we would judge that statement based on actions. We said that independent verification would be vitally important to enable trust and confidence to be restored.

The confirmation on Monday, 26 September by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning that the IRA had put all its weapons beyond use was acknowledged and welcomed in this House as a momentous development. We received a comprehensive and unambiguous statement from General de Chastelain and his team that "the totality of the IRA's arsenal" had been decommissioned. We also had a statement from two independent clergymen, who witnessed every stage of the process and confirmed that they were "certain, utterly certain, about the exactitude of this report". Many will still need some time to reflect on these developments. They will need assurance that the IRA is true to its commitment of 28 July to use exclusively peaceful means. They will want to check against delivery on decommissioning and on the ending of all IRA paramilitary and criminal activity. We should be clear that there must be an end to all IRA paramilitary and criminal activity.

The seventh report of the Independent Monitoring Commission was published on 19 October. While the IMC could only make a limited assessment at that stage of the effect of the IRA statement of 28 July, the Government welcomed its findings that the initial signs are encouraging. We now look forward to the IMC reporting more fully in its next report in January 2006. We hope that the report will allow us to move forward. However, it is clearly incumbent on all parties in Northern Ireland, including those represented in this House, to co-operate and engage constructively with the IMC.

Both Governments have consistently stated that there is no place for any illegally held weapons in the new society that is emerging in Northern Ireland. We need an end also to loyalist paramilitary activity and a start to the decommissioning of loyalist arms. In that context, let me echo the words of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, when he welcomed the announcement at the weekend that the LVF is to stand down. This move is an important and necessary step towards decommissioning by all loyalist paramilitary groups and we are hopeful that it can lead to further positive developments. We urge and encourage other loyalist paramilitary groups or organisations to build on this opportunity to bring a speedy end to all paramilitary activities.

In order for us to turn the potential of recent developments into real progress for the people of Northern Ireland we will need courageous political leadership from both communities. The Government motion explicitly condemns sectarian attacks on both communities. Political leaders cannot and should not show any toleration of the street violence, sectarian attacks and intimidation we have seen directed towards both communities in parts of Northern Ireland this summer.

Over the course of the past few weeks, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, has made frequent visits to Northern Ireland and met with community representatives and victims of sectarian violence. He assured them of the Government's commitment to challenging sectarianism at every opportunity. Sectarianism eats away at the fabric of society. It strangles the economy and inhibits investment, saps business confidence and costs jobs. It traps people in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness. If we are to see the new beginning for the people of Northern Ireland envisioned in the Good Friday Agreement, we need to tackle sectarianism, from any quarter, once and for all.

The full rigour of the law must be used by the authorities on both sides of the Border to counter the destructive agenda of those who engage in sectarianism and paramilitarism. At this juncture I commend the PSNI for its work in dealing with public order incidents during the marching season. I also call on Sinn Féin, in the interests of peace and political stability, to take their place in the governance of policing. No police force is perfect.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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The police force in Donegal is not.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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However, the PSNI has clearly staked a claim to the trust of all communities. If it is held back, that is due in no small measure to want of support in the communities it seeks to serve. It has earned that support. A vacuum in policing is in nobody's interest. It is certainly not in the interest of the communities most affected by the violence we have seen in recent months.

The Government is committed to a fully inclusive peace process that leaves no one behind. We support efforts to reach out to all communities in Northern Ireland and we fully accept that there is an onus on the Governments to instill confidence so that both communities find their political voice. The Taoiseach has made it clear that those in the loyalist community who seek genuine efforts at transformation will receive a genuine, open and positive response. The Government is ready and willing to work with those leaders within loyalism who are seeking to address the real needs of their communities through peaceful means.

We are under no illusions that notwithstanding the major improvements in economic and social conditions in Northern Ireland over the past 15 years, there are also serious issues of deprivation and inequality across both communities. As we work towards the restoration of the institutions, we are committed to engaging with the British Government to ensure that disadvantage and inequality is tackled wherever it exists and that resources are targeted at those in greatest objective need. Ultimately, it is the restoration of devolved government that is the best way to address these issues for all sides of the community. There is simply no substitute for a locally elected executive, accountable to a locally elected assembly and working for the social and economic development of Northern Ireland.

Social and economic development North and South is inextricably linked. It is sound policy for us to address common challenges and opportunities on the island on a shared basis. This is particularly apparent to me, coming as I do from a Border constituency. Our motion is explicit in commending the excellent ongoing work of our North-South bodies in this regard. A recent Government announcement is an example of the type of North-South strategic thinking in which we believe. The Government launched a massive ten year transport investment plan yesterday to transform our transport infrastructure.

Photo of Bernard AllenBernard Allen (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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Another plan.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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The plan will complement the extensive infrastructure investment programme in Northern Ireland and both the British and Irish Governments are committed to working together on this investment. The people of Northern Ireland will particularly benefit from the investments in the inter-urban routes between Dublin and Belfast and Dublin and Derry.

Photo of Bernard AllenBernard Allen (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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Whenever they have it.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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Derry and the north west will also benefit from the substantial investment along the Atlantic corridor. Business throughout the island will benefit from improved journey times and enhanced access to key transport hubs such as ports and airports.

Apart from the transport agenda there are huge challenges and opportunities to boost the island economy and quality of life through infrastructure improvements in areas such as energy, telecommunications, waste management and spatial planning. This is why the Government believes in pooling thinking, planning and resources to boost the island economy.

We are conscious of the challenges that still remain to be resolved. We are also conscious of the real opportunity to fulfil the promise of the Good Friday Agreement. The Government is determined to seize that opportunity. We have been lucky in our friends. From the earliest days of the peace process, our efforts have been enriched by the talent, support, patience and encouragement of many in the international community, individuals and governments alike. The Government's amendment recognises in particular the continued and valued support of the President of the United States. President Bush and his envoy are unfailing in their personal commitment to the peace process.

James Breen (Clare, Independent)
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God help us.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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The United States Administration and members on both sides of the aisle in Congress have been with us when we needed them, every step of the way. The Deputy should know much about that in his constituency.

James Breen (Clare, Independent)
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We will be okay if they do as good a job as they did in Iraq.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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I would like to conclude by remembering the victims of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, those on all sides who have suffered at the hands of paramilitaries.

Photo of Martin FerrisMartin Ferris (Kerry North, Sinn Fein)
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What about the British army and the British Government?

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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What of the UDR?

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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The Minister knows we know all about that.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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We owe it to the victims of violence on both sides, to their children and their grandchildren, to persevere and press ahead to implement the Good Friday Agreement.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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The Minister is very single minded.

Séamus Pattison (Carlow-Kilkenny, Labour)
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Order in the House.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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Some Deputies are not here as long as I am.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Thank God. At least we have some free thinking. The Minister is badly shackled.

Séamus Pattison (Carlow-Kilkenny, Labour)
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Order in the House.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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One attribute, respect for others, has always been the basis of this House.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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There was not much of it when I was speaking.

Photo of Martin FerrisMartin Ferris (Kerry North, Sinn Fein)
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The Minister should practise it herself.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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The Deputy is the right man to be criticising me. When I speak about remembering——

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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It is not the Minister personally, she should know that.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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I have spoken about an issue on which this House has been at one, the remembrance of the victims of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

Deputies:

Hear, hear.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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How can the Minister just name paramilitary violence?

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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I take umbrage that parties in this House would show such disregard——

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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The Minister should include all victims.

Séamus Pattison (Carlow-Kilkenny, Labour)
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Order, please.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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——when I speak of all Members——

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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That is an improvement.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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——and when I speak of all sides who have suffered at the hands of paramilitarism. I thought that maturity——

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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The Minister should work away and speak on her territory.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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——might at long last be found on certain sides of the House.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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That will take some time.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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The Government will not be found wanting. We are committed, together with the British Government, to intensifying our dialogue with the political parties to restore momentum in the process and to build a peaceful democratic society in Northern Ireland and political agreement on the island as a whole.

I commend the Government amendment to the House.

Photo of Noel TreacyNoel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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Is cúis áthais dom an deis seo a bheith agam páirt a ghlacadh sa díospóireacht seo faoi aontú na tíre agus na daoine uilig atá ina gcónaí i dTuaisceart ár dtíre. Fáiltím roimh ár gcuairteoirí— na hionadaithe atá anseo —ó Thuaisceart an oileáin seo. Tá mé ag cuidiú ar son an Rialtais leis an leasú oifigiúil ar an rún atá os ár gcomhair. The Government amendment to this Private Members' motion is a comprehensive one that seeks to address some glaring deficiencies in the motion as tabled by Sinn Féin.

The Good Friday Agreement offers a new beginning for all the people of Northern Ireland. It is also a challenge to leaders in both communities to take up the responsibility of building a new and shared future together. In our time, unprecedented strides have been taken in breaking what seemed to be an endless cycle of violence. However, for this cycle to be left behind forever, it will take unflagging commitment by both political and community leaders on both sides to prevent violence and foster positive relationships.

One deficiency in the motion is the absence of any reference to the sectarian attacks which in recent months have posed a very real threat to the peace process. This summer, we have seen a worrying pattern of sectarian attacks, particularly in north Antrim and in Belfast. Petrol bombs, vandalism, arson, harassment and intimidation have spread fear and reinforced segregation. These attacks have not been restricted to one side of the community. The Government has condemned these attacks and my colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, has visited the communities affected and has had discussions with representatives of these communities to hear their concerns directly.

Another deficiency relates to the need to avoid moves which can increase tension between the two main traditions on this island. We have also seen a demonstration of the ongoing potential for violence and disorder following the rerouting of the Whiterock parade last September. While the Government welcomes the fact that the majority of parades pass off peacefully, where they are contentious, they must be resolved through dialogue and positive engagement with the Parades Commission. The main Orange Order march in Derry on 12 July this year demonstrated what can be achieved. For the first time in 13 years, cross-community agreement was sought and reached for a route that included the city side of the Foyle. This shows that it is possible, through leadership and genuine commitment to constructive negotiation, to end destructive patterns of confrontation and begin new traditions of mutual respect.

By way of contrast, a single day of violence can undermine months of patient work to build trust between communities. Such violence must be condemned, not just by one voice but by all. If the people of Northern Ireland are to be free of fear and the threat of violence, all those who claim to lead must do all in their power to prevent sectarian violence continually and without exception. The right of everyone to be free from sectarian harassment, as affirmed in the Good Friday Agreement, is unconditional.

However, we must do more than condemn those who act against this right. We must all support those who work to make its promise a reality. We must work to reduce the feelings of insecurity that go with times of change.

Another deficiency relates to the lack of any clear definition or recognition of the need to reach out in a practical and concrete way to all communities so that none is left behind by the current tide of opportunity. As the Taoiseach made clear in his speech in Bodenstown last month, the Unionist community can be sure that this part of the island holds no constitutional threat to the position of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom. The Irish people have rejected violence and sectarianism and those who used violence to bring about a united Ireland by force have stopped their war and decommissioned the means by which they waged it.

Progress from this point must be balanced or it will sow the seeds of future instability. The Good Friday Agreement is the basis for a peaceful, more prosperous and open society. As such it must be a springboard for all the people of Northern Ireland and not be treated as a framework for separate and competitive development between communities there.

Therefore, I fully support the Taoiseach in his pledge to meet genuine, constructive loyalist leadership with an open and positive response. I also welcome the commitment by both Governments at the last British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference to enhanced engagement with the representatives of the loyalist community.

Another deficiency in the Sinn Féin motion concerns the lack of any call for an end to all paramilitary and criminal activities. This is surely central to future progress and cannot be avoided or evaded.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Fianna Fáil Ministers have a great record with criminality.

Séamus Pattison (Carlow-Kilkenny, Labour)
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Order, please.

Photo of Noel TreacyNoel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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The last year has seen momentous change in the political landscape of Northern Ireland. Some time is needed for those changes to be absorbed. I reassure those who are uncertain at this time of change that these developments can work to the very real benefit of their communities.

Photo of Mary CoughlanMary Coughlan (Donegal South West, Fianna Fail)
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Deputy Morgan should be careful.

Photo of Noel TreacyNoel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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The Government will not seek to sideline any people who raise their voice constructively and peacefully on behalf of their community. No one needs a gun in his or her hand to have his or her concerns and those of his or her community listened to. Any leaders who stay on the path of confrontation and violence should note it is the surest way to hold back the development of the community they claim to represent. I therefore reiterate the call for all remaining paramilitary groups to engage with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning with a view to decommissioning their weapons along with standing down as paramilitary organisations. In that regard, I welcome this week's announcement by the LVF.

Those committed to violence on either side and in either jurisdiction must be met with the full force of the law. The eradication of paramilitarism is a priority concern of the Government. It is an easy and contemptible thing to exert power over one's neighbours through anxiety and fear or to intimidate people from their homes.

All the decent people of Northern Ireland have been held hostage long enough by the cowardly and criminal thuggery of the few on both sides. The Good Friday Agreement gives the framework that allows leaders on both sides to be courageous. We have already seen acts of considerable political bravery in the cause of peace. However, until we see the normalisation of society in Northern Ireland, we need political courage to be normal. We need condemnations of violence to be consistent and not selective. We must be proactive in challenging all the forms that sectarianism takes and must be consistently supportive of progressive political voices from all sectors of society in Northern Ireland.

As the Taoiseach has noted, this does not require anyone to give up his or her culture, identity or political ideals. It simply requires the peaceful expression of one's own culture, identity and political ideas as well as tolerance in both word and deed for those of others. The Government believes that if this challenge is taken up, the Good Friday Agreement can be the basis of a true fresh start for all the people of Northern Ireland in which no one is left behind, be they Protestant or Catholic, Nationalist or Unionist, in all parts of Northern Ireland.

Photo of Charlie O'ConnorCharlie O'Connor (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for providing me with the opportunity to contribute briefly to this debate and thank the Sinn Féin Members for tabling the motion. I wish to be associated with the welcome extended to their colleagues in the Visitors Gallery. It is very important that politicians on both sides of the Border should have an opportunity to meet one another to share ideas on a regular basis.

It is interesting to note that on a day when Sinn Féin talked about being ready to be in Government, it has managed to divide the Opposition in a manner that is not always achieved by Members on this side of the House. I commend the Sinn Féin Members in this respect.

I will not rise to any point made except to state that I will not take lectures from Green Party Members about our commitment to 1916. My family is no different from any other in this regard. My father's uncle was a legendary figure named Holy Joe O'Connor who was with Éamon de Valera in 1916.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Good man. The Deputy is one of us.

Photo of Charlie O'ConnorCharlie O'Connor (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
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Hence, if I wish to celebrate the 1916 Rising next year, I will not be stopped by the Green Party or by anyone else. If that can be done through the streets of Tallaght, all the better.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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The Deputy has gone back to basics.

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I did not know how the Deputy would manage to include Tallaght in his contribution.

Photo of Charlie O'ConnorCharlie O'Connor (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
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While Members may not be aware of this, Tallaght has a very rich republican tradition and Deputy Crowe could tell many stories in that regard.

It is good to have an opportunity to express full support for the Government amendment. The Sinn Féin Deputies should examine the Government amendment, as it does less harm to the motion than what some of their close colleagues are trying to do. The amendment highlights the Government's strong commitment to the Good Friday Agreement, as endorsed by the people of Ireland, North and South, in the 1998 referendums. As we know, the historic Agreement provides the basis for permanent peace and a lasting settlement in Northern Ireland. It is essential that we continue to work towards its full implementation.

There have been some significant developments in the peace process in recent months which we should strongly welcome. As efforts by the two Governments continue to rebuild political momentum and confidence in the process, I recall the role of the international community in supporting the Good Friday Agreement as the basis of a lasting settlement in Northern Ireland.

While it is regrettable that this is not acknowledged by some of the other amendments before the House, I am pleased that the Government's amendment includes an explicit acknowledgement of the valuable support provided by the United States of America and successive American presidents. On the long and often difficult path to peace in Northern Ireland, America has been with us every step of the way. The importance of bipartisan US support cannot be overestimated. Its contribution to the efforts to secure a lasting peace and stability in Northern Ireland has been immeasurable. We cannot overstate the political importance of this solidarity in bringing us so far on the road to peace. It is crystal clear to the people of Northern Ireland that the US is committed to their future.

This is a worthwhile debate and I look forward to listening to other contributions, particularly tomorrow night.

Photo of Bernard AllenBernard Allen (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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I wish to share time with Deputies Jim O'Keeffe and Crawford. During the recent Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis, the Taoiseach announced that the traditional 1916 Easter parade would be reinstated. An announcement of this type should have come about following extensive consultation with all political parties and not as part of a political party jamboree. However, the announcement was made without any consultation with my party or with some other parties in this House.

It is very telling to note that, following this announcement, Sinn Féin has tabled a motion calling for Ireland to prepare politically, economically, socially and culturally for unification. It seems to me that what we are witnessing is a type of power play between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin where each party is more concerned with consolidating its respective position with certain elements of the electorate rather than concentrating on the real work that must be done to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement is implemented in full and that peace and stability is fully embedded in Northern Ireland.

The Sinn Féin motion as presented to this House is, therefore, opportunistic and premature. The goal of unification is valid but failing to recognise the work that must be done here and now will do nothing to achieve it. Instead of putting forward motions extolling the virtues of unification, Sinn Féin would be much better employed working in all possible ways towards meeting its responsibilities to the communities it represents. Sinn Féin representatives should take their places on the Northern Ireland Policing Board and at the district policing partnerships. Policing in Northern Ireland has been revolutionised with the establishment of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, PSNI.

At the time of the murder of Mr. Robert McCartney, Sinn Féin found it impossible for many weeks to call for witnesses to go to the PSNI with any information they may have had regarding that dreadful crime. This failure to recognise the rule of law and order and the role of the PSNI in Northern Ireland was unacceptable, as was the party's entire response to the murder of that unfortunate individual.

Sinn Féin calls for the establishment of restorative justice schemes in Northern Ireland which it describes as a viable alternative to the PSNI. Alternatives to the Garda Síochána or the Defence Forces in this State would not be tolerated by Fine Gael. Similarly, members of Sinn Féin should no longer seek to undermine the new structures of the PSNI but should take their places on the Northern Ireland policing board and work with other parties in Northern Ireland to build the best possible policing for the communities they represent.

Sinn Féin also has a clear obligation to co-operate fully with the Independent Monitoring Commission, IMC. IRA decommissioning is welcome but we must see an end to punishment beatings, the exiling of individuals and criminality perpetrated under the veneer of political activity. The recently published seventh report of the IMC noted that the Provisional IRA was responsible for a number of attacks over the period under review, including a shooting and ten assaults. In May, the Provisional IRA forced the removal of one family from its home and attempted to do the same to another last June. The IMC has frequently noted that the leadership of the republican movement has the capacity to turn on and off the tap of violence. We want this tap to be turned off for good and disconnected at the mains. All Members of this House will await the next set of findings of the IMC with considerable interest.

I am not in favour of any move that could be seen to inflame tensions on any part of this island. There are two main communities in Northern Ireland and a myriad of other people who are uncomfortable in aligning themselves with either grouping. The role of this House is not to alienate one community over another or to move in a direction that will clearly, overtly or deliberately antagonise or frighten others. Our role is not to frustrate the peace process or progress in Northern Ireland but to support it and the best way to do so is to focus all our energies towards the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.

In this regard, the recent proposals from the Government to allow Northern Ireland's Members of Parliament access to the Oireachtas are deeply unhelpful. These proposals will damage the prospects for political progress because they clearly follow the demands of one party alone, as is also the case in this motion presented by Sinn Féin.

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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That is not true. With respect, it is factually incorrect.

Photo of Bernard AllenBernard Allen (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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Fine Gael will not endorse any side deals made by the Taoiseach with the leadership of Sinn Féin, whether these relate to Oireachtas speaking rights for Northern MPs or the possible release of the killers of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe.

Fine Gael established the democratic institutions of this State and we will not allow them to be undermined in any way. Sinn Féin's Deputies have speaking rights in line with their democratic mandate at the previous general election.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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We would not get them from Deputy Allen.

Photo of Bernard AllenBernard Allen (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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The Good Friday Agreement envisages the future establishment of a parliamentary forum between the Oireachtas and the Northern Ireland Assembly at which issues of mutual interest could be discussed. Fine Gael supports the establishment of such a forum as part of the full implementation of the Agreement.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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I speak on behalf of Fine Gael, the united Ireland party. I notice this raises mirth on the part of some of the Johnny come lately patriot representatives of Sinn Féin and the IRA.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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In one minute, the Deputy has transformed the Fine Gael policies of 80 years.

Photo of Martin FerrisMartin Ferris (Kerry North, Sinn Fein)
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The Deputy should visit Ballyseedy.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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Speaking on behalf of the united Ireland party——

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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The Deputy is welcome aboard.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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——when I speak about uniting the country I do not refer to a Government in Dublin, rather a healing of the divisions between the people on this island. Now that the murderous campaigns of the IRA and other paramilitaries have ended, we have a real opportunity to advance towards this objective and of which we can avail in the fullness of time. What must be clear is that the opportunity will not be realised by those who believe unity can be achieved by force or sleight of hand. Neither can this unity be achieved by those blind to the reality of the situation in so far as they are stubbornly opposed to progress that is acceptable to normal and reasonable people on this island.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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The Deputy is talking about himself.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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Fine Gael has always had a bipartisan approach to matters relating to Northern Ireland. Essentially, this has involved not making political capital out of such matters and, while in Opposition, broadly supporting the thrust of Government policy in dealing with the issue without giving a blank cheque. Fianna Fáil has mainly followed the same approach. I recollect the bizarre exception concerning the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 20 years ago, which laid the foundation for this country's present progress and the Good Friday Agreement.

Apart from that bizarre exception, Fianna Fáil has followed that bipartisan approach during its time in Opposition. That bipartisan approach helped to bring about results in determined opposition to terrorism and paramilitarism, in advancing the peace process and eventually contributed to the development of the Good Friday Agreement. I commend this bipartisan approach, in particular resisting the temptation to make political capital from the national issue, to others in the House, in particular Sinn Féin.

I examined the Government amendment and I state genuinely that I support and endorse every phrase in it, no doubt delicately crafted by those in Iveagh House in the Department of Foreign Affairs. It would be in the national interest to have a unanimous vote in support of those sentiments tomorrow.

I mentioned the full support of the courts for the Good Friday Agreement and bipartisan support for the Government's approach to Northern Ireland. However, let me make clear that Fine Gael does not give the Government a blank cheque. The leader of the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Enda Kenny, made it clear that Fine Gael would not support issues outside of the Good Friday Agreement, such as arose in the case of the release of the killers of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe. Deputy Kenny stoutly stood up and defended the position of Detective Garda McCabe's family and widow and members of the Garda Síochána. We did not and will not support anything other than that. Whether or not it was a side deal to the Good Friday Agreement, it was not part of the Agreement.

In the same way, it is not in the Good Friday Agreement to extend either representation or speaking rights in this House to people from Northern Ireland. I was vice-chairman of the All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution which examined this issue two days after the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement. The views and decisions of that committee have been misrepresented. The decision of that committee was to endorse the proposal in paragraph 18 of strand two of the Good Friday Agreement that the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Oireachtas should consider developing a joint parliamentary forum bringing together equal numbers from both institutions to discuss matters of mutual interest and concern.

The committee also supported the establishment of an independent consultative forum as mooted in paragraph 19 of the Agreement. It examined the issue of representation in this House and the unanimous recommendation of the committee was that no change should be made in the franchise for Dáil elections. The committee also examined the issue of speaking rights, teased out all the aspects and its final view was, "that any such participation should take place on a cross-community basis with parity of esteem for the different communities in Northern Ireland".

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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We fully agree.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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That is why I consider it utterly ridiculous that the Taoiseach should write to party leaders recommending such a course of action in the situation that exists at this stage. In his letter he envisages that a committee of this House would meet at least every six months, with the first meeting to be held in early 2006. Is there the slightest opportunity that we would have cross-party representation from Northern Ireland in this House in early 2006? Is the Taoiseach living in another world or does he have another agenda as far as Sinn Féin is concerned?

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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We have enough Unionists here at the moment.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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That is a matter for him to explain to this House and to the Irish people. What must we do about Northern Ireland? We must ensure this House unanimously supports an end to criminality in this country and on this island. It would be helpful if that support were there.

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Of course the Deputy will not see an end to criminality.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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This House should also unanimously support the police on this island——

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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We will not see an end to criminality until the rights of all political expression, including Deputy O'Keeffe's——

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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——including the Garda Síochána and the PSNI. It would be helpful to the development of the peace process on this island if that unanimous support were forthcoming. I do not see it as yet. I would like to see that followed by the re-establishment of the institutions in Northern Ireland, as those provided for by the Good Friday Agreement are part of the peace process. I am running out of time.

Photo of Caoimhghín Ó CaoláinCaoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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We know that.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I am sure Deputy O'Keeffe is running out of time.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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I am running out of time on this motion.

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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It is a bit late to correct that.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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The Fine Gael Party and its predecessor, Cumman na nGaedheal dealt with the issue——

Photo of Arthur MorganArthur Morgan (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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And its predecessor the Blueshirts.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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——long before Deputy Morgan's Johnny come lately party was founded in 1969.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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The Deputy should cop on to himself. He does not understand his own history.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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I genuinely believe it would be in the national interest to have an all-party bipartisan approach to the national issue. No party in this House should try to make political capital from the national issue and the problem of Northern Ireland. Fianna Fáil did it in the past and Sinn Féin is doing it now.

Photo of Aengus Ó SnodaighAengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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The Deputy should listen to the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and conclude.

Photo of Jim O'KeeffeJim O'Keeffe (Cork South West, Fine Gael)
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We should have a unanimous vote in the House in favour of the Government's amendment.

Photo of Seymour CrawfordSeymour Crawford (Cavan-Monaghan, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important motion asking Dáil Éireann to reaffirm its support for the Good Friday Agreement. I recognise more than most the benefits that permanent peace can bring to this island home of ours. I am old enough to clearly remember the 30 year period, from the late 1960s to the end of the last century, when more than 3,000 people died and thousands of others took injuries to their graves or still bear the burden of injuries on both sides of the religious and political divide. Fine Gael has a proud record, being the first party to clearly see that this issue could be dealt with through democratic political means. Unfortunately, when the Sunningdale Agreement was signed by the then Taoiseach, Mr. Liam Cosgrave, and the late Mr. Brian Faulkner, other so-called democrats went out of their way to make it unworkable.

In the 1980s Fine Gael, led by the then Taoiseach, Mr. Garret FitzGerald, followed through with the Anglo-Irish Agreement. At that time, the main Opposition party went out of its way to condemn that agreement, to the extent of sending people to the United States to undermine it. Of course, records will show that 12 months later, while in Government, the same party fully operated the agreement which brought about a new and workable structure on this island. IFI funding came about because of that agreement and the European funding for peace that came from the Good Friday Agreement has also been of benefit. I sought IRA decommissioning, which recently occurred, since the Good Friday Agreement was signed. I wish to make it clear to the people in the Public Gallery that I did not seek it for the sake of decommissioning. They are welcome here and I would be happy to see them in this House rather than at the activities in which they were previously involved.

It is equally important to finalise policing structures. It is clear that many young Catholic men and women are prepared and eager to join the ranks of the PSNI. It is vital that personnel come from all areas and backgrounds because without proper policing and control of racketeering it would be difficult to have constructive peace. To this end, I believe a strong policing presence should be along the Border, both North and South. It is unacceptable to me and most right-thinking people that robbery with the use of balaclavas, knives and iron bars should happen in broad daylight, or at any other time of day for that matter.

I sought to recall the Dáil on 10 August, without apology, because I was extremely anxious that deals were being done that far exceeded what people voted on in the Good Friday Agreement referenda. My request is more justified now than ever, when we read correspondence sent from the Taoiseach's office and hear what has been stated by the leadership of Sinn Féin regarding special rights. They claim to have agreement on speaking rights in the Dáil Chamber under the guise of a committee. My party has worked with the British Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body and all other agreed structures. It is vital that we finalise the aspects of the Good Friday Agreement and get the Assembly up and running and ensure that structures used are inclusive rather than perhaps aggravating some sections of the Northern Ireland community solely for the benefit of one party rather than for the common good.

Fine Gael has given total support to Government negotiations through the normal and proper structures and will continue to do so. However, there must be no side deals and no effort to jump ahead until what was agreed in the Good Friday Agreement is brought to full fruition. The full working of the Assembly and the cross-Border bodies brings tremendous benefits to all the people of the island. That is what we voted for in the referenda and that is what was agreed in the Good Friday Agreement, that we would accept that in the short term we would work within the current structure in Northern Ireland. Now some people wish to ignore that and jump ahead.

I will support the Government amendment tomorrow night.