Trevor Sargent (Dublin North, Green Party)

I move amendment No. 3:

To delete all words from and including "promote all-Ireland" in the fifth paragraph and substitute the following:

"—promote the full development of strands one, two and three of the Agreement so that decisions in relation to North-South as well as East-West and Northern concerns are taken on a sustainable basis at the lowest effective level and in a way that respects diverse political aspirations and devolved decision making as provided for in the Good Friday Agreement."

Is oth liom a rá nach féidir liom aontú go hiomlán le rún Shinn Féin, cé go dtugaimid tacaíocht do cheithre as seacht gcuid den rún atá os ár gcomhair anocht. Tá an Comhaontas Glas ar bun ó 1981 ag obair ar sheacht bprionsabal. Those principles include a sustainable quality of life, maximising self-reliance for communities and encouraging grassroots democracy which prioritises consensus based decision-making principles. Like all parties in the House, we have campaigned for the Good Friday Agreement and continue to work for its full implementation. However, we are unique among Dáil parties in that we do not trace our origins back to violent revolution, which I acknowledge resulted in the formation of the State, represented by Deputies in Dáil Éireann while the Northern province was represented by Northern MPs, some of whom we welcome to the audience for this debate.

For many Greens, the nation state has a useful role in forging identity and in addressing many needs but it is not by any means sufficient to deal with the major global and international problems we discuss on occasion in the House, although not often enough, such as climate change, drug trafficking, the exploitation of workers and so on. For this reason, our amendment recognises the importance of the Good Friday Agreement in its totality, including the importance of strand one. Much work remains to be done and we must focus on this, for example, with regard to policing. Sinn Féin has an important role in moving forward that agenda, which I hope it will help by joining the policing authorities as soon as possible.

Strand two is vital and needs to be further developed. The Ceann Comhairle will know that on the Order of Business we regularly ask, particularly in the context of the Ferns report, when we will have a register of people considered unsafe to work with children. We are repeatedly told that the hold-up is due to the lack of progress in the peace process and the lack of an Assembly in the North. For many, this is ironic because rather than doing away with all forms of terror, we seem to be replacing one form of terror, paramilitarism, with another form involving children being exposed to danger.

The Sinn Féin amendment should focus more on strand three, which concerns the east-west dimension of the Good Friday Agreement. We know of the threat of bird flu, the ongoing threat of rabies, fisheries issues and, given the Rossport five controversy, the importance of gas supplies for this country. Gas will not be supplied from the Corrib gas field in anything like the quantity needed so we must ensure good working relations and co-operation between Ireland, Britain and mainland Europe as far as Siberia if we are to take for granted the supply of energy at current levels. The east-west dimension is not simply a political aspiration; it is vital for our day-to-day needs.

The Sinn Féin motion, while valid in terms of the aspirations of that party and many other people of a Nationalist background is, unfortunately, another example of putting the cart before the horse. As one who sees a rationale behind an all-island organisation which takes into account the co-operation of people of diverse political opinions, I believe it is more likely to frighten Unionists than to persuade them down the road to joining a united Ireland. For example, if we all support the Good Friday Agreement, we should acknowledge that Northern Ireland exists. I repeatedly ask why we must listen to constant references to the Six Counties. I accept that the term is a numerically correct statement of fact but Northern Ireland exists. The Good Friday Agreement acknowledged this fact and we all supported the Agreement on the basis that we accepted it. It is time we were mature enough to recognise it. That said, this is not to agree that Northern Ireland must always exist or that we wish to deny anyone's valid political aspirations.

I agree with the motion that we need to maximise North-South developments, whether in regard to REPS, an island-wide environmental protection agency, transport issues that relate to both sides of the Border, or energy issues. I do not blame Sinn Féin for rushing the fence at this point given that Fianna Fáil has demonstrated it is quite happy to make political footballs out of serious issues such as the commemoration of 1916.

See this speech in context