Jim O'Callaghan (Dublin Bay South, Fianna Fail)
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Both I and the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, very much welcome the opportunity to discuss in Dáil Éireann the processing and enforcement of international protection. It is important to emphasise what, in fact, is meant by "international protection". It is sometimes confused with other areas of immigration. "International protection" is the term that we use to describe those people who come to countries such as Ireland, or indeed any other country, because they say that they are fleeing persecution or war. It derives from the 1951 Geneva Convention, which was put in place in the aftermath of the Second World War when we saw very many examples of people being persecuted in countries or having to flee war because of events outside their control. When we talk about international protection, we are talking about the term that is used for the purpose of describing individuals fleeing war and persecution.

The term "international protection" became common in usage within the European Union. For the purpose of trying to identify what are the laws in Ireland governing international protection, I refer people to the International Protection Act 2015. As Members will be aware, that legislation, in effect, transposes into Irish law the directives and regulations in respect of international protection that were agreed to and introduced by the European Union. It is important at the outset that we understand by "international protection".

The reason I wanted to make that opening comment is international protection is only an element, a proportion, of immigration into Ireland. We need to put the numbers of people coming in and claiming asylum into the context of the general figures for immigration in Ireland. In doing that, and in forming that context, I always go back to the population of the island that existed 185 years ago in 1840. The population of Ireland before the Famine was 8 million. The devastation of the Famine is evident from the fact that today on the island of Ireland we have not yet got back to those figures.

What we have noticed in recent years, and this is particularly aligned with our economic success and the attractiveness of Ireland as a country, is that immigration has increased significantly. If I had to choose between the population of Ireland going up or down, I would favour the former. We saw what happened for many years when the population was declining and it can destroy a country.

On immigration generally, I would like to put on the record some of the statistics in respect of the numbers of people who came into Ireland so we can assess the numbers of people coming in and claiming international protection. The Central Statistics Office, CSO, produces finely tuned statistics on the matter. For the year ending April 2024, the CSO recently recorded that 149,200 people immigrated into Ireland. Of those, 30,000 were returning Irish citizens, 27,000 were other EU citizens, 5,400 were UK citizens and approximately 86,800 were citizens of other countries, including Ukraine. I will return to that issue presently. Those were the numbers who came into Ireland. Of course, people leave each year. Approximately 70,000 people left Ireland in the year ending April 2024. Those consisted of 34,700 Irish citizens, 10,600 other EU citizens, 3,000 UK citizens and 21,500 other citizens, including Ukrainians.

It is important to set out those figures for the numbers coming to and leaving Ireland before we come to assess and appraise the figures in respect of international protection. Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, the number of people coming into Ireland were approximately 3,000 to 4,000 each year. The numbers obviously dropped significantly in 2020 and 2021 because of the travel ban and the impact of Covid restrictions. I think 1,500 and 2,500, respectively, came into Ireland in 2020 and 2021. There was then a significant increase in the numbers coming in in 2022 and 2023. In fact, in each of those years 13,500 people arrived to Ireland claiming international protection. In 2024, 18,500 people arrived to Ireland claiming international protection. During 2022, 2023 and 2024, in the region of 44,000 or 45,000 people came into Ireland and claimed international protection.

At the same time, we were also providing temporary protection to people who were fleeing the war in Ukraine. I will not go into the details of the distinction between temporary protection and international protection but obviously it is known that when it comes to temporary protection, people similarly are entitled to come here for that purpose. A significant number of people came into Ireland claiming either international protection or permanent protection on the basis of what was happening in Ukraine and, indeed, what was happening internationally.

I just wanted to set those statistics in context because it is important that we do not allow the discussion about international protection to be viewed solely as the cause of immigration in Ireland or as what it is being generated by; it is not. There is a whole variety of other reasons people are coming into Ireland. Most of them are coming in to work. The Minister of State has responsibility for the visa systems. Last year, we issued approximately 150,000 visas for people to come to Ireland, many of them to work. Many of them come for holidays and the short term. It is important that we understand and get a sense of the proportion of people coming here to seek international protection in the context of general immigration.

What does, however, distinguish international protection applications from other individuals who are coming to Ireland on a work or holiday visa is that in the context of international protection, we have obligations to fulfil. The two most prominent obligations are to provide a place of accommodation for people who come here claiming international protection and to process their applications. The reason we have to do that is that it is not the case that simply because somebody claims to be entitled to international protection, they are so entitled. Every country in the European Union and the world has a system in place for the purpose of appraising and assessing those applications to determine whether they are valid or should be rejected. In each European Union country, there is an obligation to provide an appeal mechanism. People who are rejected at first instance must be given the capacity for appeal. Unquestionably, what puts tension and pressure on the Irish system of governance is the fact that we must provide accommodation. When, prior to Covid, we were processing 2,000, 3,000 or 4,000 applications per year, we are able to do so. In fact, the criticism at the time was that direct provision centres were not suitable enough and needed to be improved, and unquestionably they did. That was the political argument at that stage. In 2022, 2023 and 2024, because of the numbers arriving in, there was a crisis in the system. That is unquestionably the case and neither I or the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, would have any hesitancy in saying that the surge in numbers created a crisis. It was extremely difficult to provide accommodation for every person. In fact, in truth, we were not able to provide accommodation for everyone. That is the important architecture in understanding the system of international protection.

I also want to say something at this stage, in parenthesis if I can, about events that have taken place over the past two weeks. We have seen some reprehensible acts over the past two weeks. I mention them not just for the purpose of condemnation but also for the purpose of communicating a message. We saw approximately two weeks ago an allegation of serious sexual assault against a child being made against a person who had applied for international protection and had been refused but was still being accommodated within an International Protection Accommodation Services, IPAS, centre. We then saw serious acts of violence and rioting committed against members of An Garda Síochána and attempts were made to attack and cause damage to the centre in Citywest. Last weekend, we saw the reprehensible act of an individual trying to set a building on fire in the knowledge that there were people in that building. Let us be honest about it: that was an attempted murder if ever I saw one, in terms of the consequences of a fire going up on that stairwell.

I refer to those three reprehensible acts because it is extremely important that in this House we do not allow that extreme behaviour or the criminal acts of others to dictate our policy when it comes to international protection. I know all of us in this House will be outraged by the acts I have recounted. I urge people to ensure we do not allow extremists and people involved in criminal activity to dictate and mould how we will respond in terms of policy to the issues raised in respect of international protection. It is important not only that we condemn those acts but also that we do not permit the individuals who were behind perpetrating them to have any belief that their actions will mould or change our behaviour.

In terms of the processing of international protection applications, it is obviously the case that if 18,500 people come to Ireland claiming international protection, as was the case last year, it will be a very significant job to process those applications. That processing is done by my Department through the International Protection Office, IPO. Each individual who comes to Ireland and claims asylum, or international protection as it is more formally called, will have an interview in the IPO. Their account will be appraised by an officer and a determination will be made in respect of it. My predecessor started the process of improving the numbers within the IPO and I commend her on doing so. There were 143 IPO staff in 2019 and I am pleased to say that today there are 620, which is an increase of 334%. It is extremely important for people who come and make an application for international protection to have their applications dealt with promptly. It is fairer for them to have their applications dealt with promptly and it is fairer for the Irish system as well. We have seen an increase in the number of staff at the IPO, but we also seen an increase in the use of ICT and technology. It is now a paperless office. The Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, and I have visited the IPO and we have seen that it is run extremely efficiently. We can see the benefit of further investment in the IPO in the numbers of decisions it is making each year. Last year it delivered 14,000 first decisions, compared with 8,500 in 2023. Already this year we have seen 16,600 decisions. I am confident that by the end of this year we will see the IPO produce 20,000 decisions. This is achieving the policy objective that the Minister of State and I have set. We want to see applications determined more quickly and efficiently.

Later this year or early next year I will bring a new international protection Bill before the House. It will seek to put in place a requirement, imposed on me, on my office and on the appeals process, that we determine applications within a period of 12 weeks. That is something people may think cannot be achieved but I am pleased to tell this House that since July of this year we have been running a pilot project within the IPO and the International Protection Appeals Tribunal, IPAT, which has been assessing applications from three countries - Georgia, Brazil and India - to see whether we can fulfil our time obligations that will kick in during June of next year. I am pleased to say that pilot has been successful. We have seen over 300 decisions from applicants from those countries which have gone through first stage, the appeals stage, and in many instances deportation orders signed, within a period of 12 weeks. Let us be clear that the policy objective of the Government is to ensure that by the middle of June 2026, applications for international protection made after that date will be processed extremely quickly; within 12 weeks, including the appeals process. I think that is a fair system. I know others in the House may think it is unfair to process applications with such speed but I disagree. My view, and the policy I am seeking to set out, is that it is fairer on everyone concerned if we can get a determination in respect of applications promptly and within the 12-week period.

A person who brings an application before the IPO has an entitlement to appeal a decision to IPAT. At the end of 2024 there were 9,700 appeals pending; as of now there are nearly 17,000 appeals pending. We are getting through the appeals faster this year than last year. The number of appeals pending is increasing because of the number of people who arrived during the previous three years. I also recently announced that Ireland has signed an operational plan with the European Agency for Asylum, EUAA. I know this will provide us with great support. Under the agreement, up to 30 new personnel from that association will assist us in our supports. That is about the processing of international protection applications.

I cannot ignore the fact that approximately 81% of applications are rejected at first instance. Approximately 70% to 76% of those refusals are appealed but even on appeal, only 25% to 30% of appeals are granted. I cannot shy away from the fact that the majority of people who apply for international protection are refused. I know some people in this House do not want to say that and they do not have to say that. I am not requiring them to do so. As Minister for justice, along with the Minister of State with responsibility for migration, Deputy Brophy, I cannot shy away from that. We would be remiss in our duties if we were to do so. When that happens, the question that must arise is what happens to people who have gone through the system and have been told they are not entitled to international protection. What should happen to them? The remedy is that we serve them with deportation orders. If it were the case that everyone who applies can stay, regardless of whether they are successful or unsuccessful, we would not be able to cope with the numbers who would come to Ireland. I want to be frank about what would happen if we were to adopt such a policy.

I think everyone in this House realises that there has to be a consequence when somebody is refused international protection. There is a consequence under the policy we are operating. Already this year, I have issued nearly 4,000 deportation orders and approximately 1,700 people have been removed from Ireland through voluntary returns, enforced deportations, deportations on charter flights or deportations on commercial flights. It is not something from which the Minister of State or I derive pleasure, but we would be neglecting our very serious responsibilities if we did not seek to do it. Voluntary return is the mechanism we prefer to ensure people will accept an assisted offer to go back. The message has to be delivered fairly unambiguously that if people apply for international protection, are refused and are served with a deportation order, they must leave the country. Already this year, up to 31 October, I have signed 3,877 deportation orders and 1,770 people have had their departures confirmed through these pathways.

Deputies will ask how it can happen that somebody with a deportation order can still be in the country. I think Deputy McDonald raised this issue in respect of the suspect who was arrested following the alleged sexual assault in Citywest. When a deportation order is issued, it gives a person a certain period of time to leave the country. There are mechanisms whereby he or she can seek to appeal that order, and there are mechanisms that can have an impact in delaying giving effect to the deportation order. On many occasions it is to the advantage of the Department and me to have people who have deportation orders present in an international protection accommodation centre. We know they are there. Recent charter flights I have directed have been assisted by the fact we knew where the people with the deportation orders were. They were in an international protection accommodation services, IPAS, centre and we could remove them because of that. I do not profess to say that this is an easy issue; it is not. It is complex. The Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, and I are seeking to say that there is a rules-based system and if people comply with the rules, they will be satisfactorily responded to by Ireland.

Colm Brophy (Dublin South West, Fine Gael)
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Along with the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, I will start by addressing the terrible arson attack that took place in Drogheda over the weekend. Our thoughts are with the families impacted by this. It was an attack on an IPAS centre but it was actually an attack on their home. It is truly awful to see something like that happen to someone's home. My thoughts are also with the victim of the alleged sexual assault in Saggart recently. I also want to commend An Garda Síochána members who so bravely defended the peace in Citywest when faced with such abhorrent behaviour. We put our trust in the justice process to deliver due process over the coming months.

As we start this debate, we have seen the discourse on migration that has become increasingly fraught across the world. Here in Ireland we are not immune to the impact of this polarised debate. The incidents in Drogheda and Citywest show the extent to which this is impacting communities. We have seen anti-immigrant protests on our streets. We have seen attacks on international protection accommodation. We have seen attacks on international protection accommodation where people knew that women and children were staying. We have seen the dire consequences of the anti-migrant rhetoric in and the shocking racist attacks on our minority communities. The Government is determined to combat such racist crime and protect vulnerable communities.

The vast majority of Irish people are, I believe, positive towards migration because we know the value of migration to Ireland. Migration benefits our economy, our public services, our infrastructure and has made Ireland a pluralist and more open society. The Government is operating under a clear and co-ordinated strategy to manage immigration in what I want to see, as does the Minister, as a firm, fair and effective way, in a rules-based system. The programme for Government provides a commitment to developing a new migration and integration strategy for Ireland detailing how we intend to meet the demands and the opportunities facing our society and economy over the next decade. This strategy is being led by my Department with support from across Government and we plan to publish it in 2026. It is important to point out that this is the first time such a strategy has been undertaken and we are determined that our approach to migration is rules based, planned and coherent.

The Minister, Deputy O’Callaghan, has gone through in some detail the significant reforms ongoing in the international protection process. This is being done through ongoing legislative reforms, investment in our processing capacity, and particularly with our enhanced co-operation with our EU partners. We are addressing our international obligations and the legitimate concerns of communities across the country.

The programme for Government also contains strong commitments on consultation with communities about local services and integration, and to improved communications on migration and integration. Yes we do accept that we need to improve this. There have been failings in the past and we need to see more improvement in this area. The community engagement team in my Department has a role to share information, to engage, to listen and to help communities prepare for new arrivals. They are doing an excellent job. It is important in these engagements to balance our discussions between recognising the need for urgent shelter for people who are in very vulnerable situations and who are legally entitled to it, and to also recognise the needs and sincerely-held concerns of communities.

By necessity, the work of the community engagement team has to date focused on the opening of new accommodation centres. Some of these engagements have been a simple sharing of relevant information through the relevant channels while in some centres it has involved far more detailed meetings with local community groups, local officials, local public representatives, national representatives and other key stakeholders. This work has involved the provision of briefing notes, the organisation of information sessions and responding to queries from both community organisations and public representatives. It has also involved strategic engagement with key Departments and agencies, local government and civil society organisations. It is vitally important that this work continues and that the community engagement team continues to strengthen engagement at local community level.

Our overall strategic approach is intended to reduce the scale of the demand for accommodation. We want to see the proportion of accommodation provided on State-owned sites increase, with the objective of developing an accommodation system with a reduced reliance on commercial provision. I believe, as does the Minister, that it is particularly important that we move to that process of, by and large, having State-owned facilities so we can provide the best value for money and services: services to the people in those centres and services to the communities that surround them and the best value for money for Irish taxpayers.

I also want to introduce a contribution model for people in international protection accommodation. In this regard, a proposal was considered by the Cabinet subcommittee on migration this week, which came from the Minister and me. The programme for Government included a commitment to introduce such a system. It is expected that the proposals will now be developed and timelines for implementation will be finalised and brought to Government in the coming weeks. While I appreciate that this has been a proposal that was there previously, the Minister and I have worked tirelessly on this over the past weeks to ensure we can bring this proposal to Government in the next few weeks. Not all applicants in centres are working but many are. I believe it makes sense that people who are working and paying income tax would make a contribution towards the cost of their accommodation. It is only fair. The system I want is a system based on fairness. If a person is working in a factory, in a shop or in a tech company, and they are working alongside somebody who is paying for their rent at the end of the month, then there is no reason that person, if he or she has an income, should not be making a contribution to their own accommodation.

I want to move on now to the area of removals. Part of an effective immigration system needs to be an effective returns system. We are working at national level and with EU partners on this. The proposal for a new returns regulation, as presented at European Union level, would establish a common European system for returns with the aim of a swifter, simpler and more effective returns procedure across the EU, while fully respecting fundamental rights. This proposed new legal framework is a complementary measure to the EU Migration and Asylum Pact. It is the Government’s preference that Ireland is part of the new returns measure. Officials in my Department are continuing to engage with European colleagues to determine the most appropriate means for Ireland’s participation. Any decision to participate would be made following the approval of the Oireachtas. My Department firmly believes that it is in the mutual interest of all member states and Schengen-associated countries to ensure as broad a level of participation as possible to reduce fragmentation to ensure coherence and support operational effectiveness across the Union.

As Ireland continues to show its active engagement and involvement in the European Union, I believe that a lack of participation in this proposal could potentially undermine the efforts to bring about effective harmonisation and coherence in the returns domain. Participation in the returns measure would ensure that Ireland can benefit from enhanced co-operation and information sharing with other member states. I must emphasise that my Department is not waiting for the European Union to return people who should not be in the State. As the Minister has indicated, returns this year are the highest they have been for 20 years. We have had six charter removal flights so far this year, coupled with a large increase in those being removed on commercial flights. Just this week, 52 people were removed on a charter back to Georgia. There has also been a large increase in EU citizens removed under the free movement regulations. These orders can be made on the grounds that an individual’s personal conduct represents a genuine, present and sufficiently serious threat affecting one of the fundamental interests of society. The number of removal orders under the freedom of movement directive has increased from 24 in 2024 to 99 so far this year. On Monday, 13 October removal orders were enforced against 23 Romanian citizens who were removed from Ireland by charter flight. A very high bar must be met for a person to be removed under this directive but it is a priority for the Minister and me to ensure that those who meet the threshold are removed from the State accordingly.

Our immigration system is not just about faster processing and a more effective system. We are concerned that when people are granted permission to remain in Ireland, we are ensuring that these people are integrated into Irish society. If one is going to have an effective removal system, one also needs to have an effective system for integration when someone is allowed to remain. My Department administers a series of funds to support anti-racism and integration initiatives around the country. I will be announcing the outcome of a funding call for the integration funding next week. My officials are currently finalising the outcomes of that process.

The Ireland against racism fund, which is a key part of the national action plan against racism, enables non-government and community organisations to provide projects and local initiatives that combat racism. The EU’s Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund, AMIF, aims to support international protection applicants, programme refugees, beneficiaries of temporary protection and other third country nationals in Ireland. Ireland's total budget allocation for the AMIF 2021-2027 national programme is €63.5 million.

The integration and employment of migrants grant scheme is part of the European Social Fund Plus. The total funding under the scheme is €5.5 million, made available over a seven-year period. In 2022, seven projects were approved for total funding of €2.7 million for a three-year period. I announced a second call for funding under this programme in July this year.

Ireland has shown its commitment to a common EU-wide solution to migration by opting in to most elements of the EU migration and asylum pact. The pact is a landmark in our collective effort to manage migration with fairness, compassion, effectiveness and order. It recognises the need for solidarity and shared responsibility across all member states. It emphasises border protection while upholding international law. Crucially, it allows us to distinguish between those in genuine need of protection and those who do not qualify, thereby enabling swifter and more just outcomes. It is really important to recognise that it does not just benefit the country in question; it benefits people going through the process when decisions can be made for them in a fast and effective way. Our commitment to the pact, alongside other member states, shows we stand together in recognising that no country should be left to face these pressures alone. Whether by welcoming refugees, supporting returns or contributing to border management, every state has a role to play and Ireland is no different. The pact also promotes deeper co-operation with countries of origin and transit. We must work upstream by addressing the drivers of migration, tackling trafficking networks and supporting development. We need global solutions for what are global issues.

Much of the public focus on the pact has been on those aspects related to reception conditions and assessment procedures for people arriving seeking international protection. However, an important aspect of a well-managed and effective migration and asylum policy is having the successful integration and inclusion policy about which I have been talking. That is why we are committed to continuing to provide practical ways to support local communities involved in integration efforts right across Ireland.

Along with the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, I consider it very important, particularly in light of what the country has faced in the past week, that we, as an Oireachtas, can have a balanced conversation that respects all the key requirements of the debate. There must be an understanding that there are very vulnerable people who apply for international protection - they are here in our country and we need to understand, look after and respect the process they are going through - and there are also communities that have very genuine concerns. People in those communities must be engaged with and have an opportunity to have their voice heard. They need to see real leadership in this area from us, as public representatives, as Members of this House and as the Government. People who are able and willing to stand up and comment must be allowed to speak and to have their voice heard but we must not pander to the extremes. We must never allow the extremes to win. We must respect what everyone is saying, listen to it fully and work together. For the sake of our country and its long-term future, which will be as a fully integrated modern Ireland with lots of different types of people in it, we must be able to have these discussions and deliver real results out of them.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome this debate on international protection but I am very conscious that it could be taking place in very different circumstances. The backdrop to these statements could, but for the grace of God, have been multiple fatalities as a result of the arson attack in Drogheda. I want to be unequivocal in stating that there can be absolutely no tolerance for racism or racist attacks. Nobody should be in fear for their safety or their children's safety. The message must go out loud and clear that racist attacks on any community or on those living in IPAS accommodation will not be tolerated. The attack in Drogheda was clearly a traumatic ordeal for those impacted, especially the small children involved. I commend the members of the emergency services who saved lives. I hope those who carried out this and similar attacks are brought before the courts and held to account for their crimes.

I also want to be clear in stating there is no contradiction in condemning such racist attacks and also raising concerns about Government mismanagement of immigration generally or the international protection system specifically. The former is abhorrent and unacceptable; the latter is entirely legitimate. In fact, criticisms of Government handling of these matters are not just acceptable but well founded because the international protection system, in particular, is dysfunctional. That is not the fault of those applying for asylum; it is the fault of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, which have made a mess of a system that continues to operate in crisis mode. Decisions on international protection applications are taking too long, as are appeals, and deportations are not enforced. All the while, there is massive profiteering from the provision of often inappropriate IPAS accommodation.

On migration, the Government makes decisions without any consideration of the consequences and with no plan to deal with those consequences. For example, the Government signed up earlier this year to an extension of the temporary protection directive in respect of Ukrainians. There was no consideration of numbers, costs, capacity or other implications in terms of Ukrainians coming to Ireland. The Minister did not even bring the matter to the Dáil for debate, let alone approval, and now he scampers along, making decisions on the hoof and playing catch-up with the Government's lack of forethought. Equally, the decision by the Government to sign up to the EU migration and asylum pact in its entirety is a mistake. It undermines Irish sovereignty and binds us to EU rules that will not take into account our unique circumstances, including that we are part of a common travel area with a state outside the EU. In a week when the Government is citing EU law as an obstacle to implementing contributions to accommodation costs for international protection applicants in asylum and trying to blame EU law for housing delays, it is bizarre that it has yet to realise that tying us into an EU framework that will not only tie the Minister's hands but also the hands of future Ministers is the wrong approach.

There has been a lot of focus on the international protection system, and rightly so. It is a broken system. I have been clear and unapologetic in stating that it has failed local communities and raised divisions and tensions. It has not worked for those communities that have lost local amenities such as hotels and have been given no additional supports by way of investment in health services, educational services or gardaí. The approach of locating IPAS centres in areas based on the single criterion of there being a building owned by someone prepared to provide it for that purpose is the wrong one. It has stripped many communities - working-class communities, in particular - of any sense of agency or being part of the decisions that shape their own areas. It is long past time to end the planning exemption for IPAS and Ukrainian accommodation and ensure a proper system of community engagement in order that communities are part of the decisions that affect them.

We also need to be clear that this dysfunctional system is not working for those fleeing war or persecution. Housing people in communities that are already under pressure does not serve them well. Placing people in accommodation that is often substandard, without fire certificates and without access to the services they need does not serve them well. Forcing people to wait years for applications to be processed does not serve them well. Alongside the pressures this clearly puts on the system, it feeds into the overall sense that the system is broken.

It is still taking far too long for decisions to be made. For those who appeal, the mean processing time is over 2.5 years. That is failure and inefficiency writ large. Even for the so-called accelerated procedure, the overall processing time, including appeals, is 15 months. That is not good enough. While there has been an increase in staff in the international protection system, there is still a vacancy rate of more than 10%. All this means that those awaiting decisions are left in limbo for far longer than they should be. It also means some who will ultimately be adjudicated not to have an entitlement to be in Ireland are holding up accommodation while others who are fleeing war and persecution are rendered homeless.

The international protection system is also not working for the taxpayer, which is picking up the tab for an ever-increasing bill for accommodation while those providing the accommodation make fortunes. IPAS alone is projected to cost €1.2 billion this year, with virtually no transparency and zero accountability. How and why has it been allowed to get to this point? Is it just part of the wider failures we have come to expect from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael governments? Is it just Government incompetence? The system is working for some people. It is working for those who have become millionaires on the back of the provision of IPAS accommodation. This is a scandal of which we have only barely scratched the surface. For months, I have been calling for a full review of all IPAS contracts granted. The Minister has refused. The system is also working for those companies that gain access to often low-paid, non-unionised and vulnerable workers. These are companies that would not be eligible to get work permits. The system fails the applicants, the communities and the taxpayer but it is benefiting a brand new golden circle.

How very Fianna Fáil.

Sinn Féin is clear. We have to have a managed immigration policy, one that recognises the value of those who come here but also recognises the challenges in capacity, housing and public services and the ability to integrate. On international protection, it is clear we need a rules-based system, where applications are processed in a timely manner, where those found to have a genuine need for international protection are supported to integrate and where those who are not entitled to be here leave or are deported. It is in everyone's interest that the State manages immigration properly. That means managing international protection, work permits and economic migration and those entering the State as tourists and as students and it means ensuring the very small minority who abuse an Irish welcome by becoming involved in criminality are quickly deported. All of that is a basic necessity of proper governance. Instead, we have had a litany of Government failures.

Those failures were crystalised for many by the horrendous recent events at Citywest. It would be a huge mistake for this House to ignore the widespread public anger about what happened to the young girl in this instance. Those who engaged in the violent disorder afterwards, trapped people in their homes and attacked gardaí must be condemned, but that should not allow us to disregard the genuine fury over what happened. What happened was a result of catastrophic failures by the State, in terms of both keeping a vulnerable child safe and ensuring somebody not entitled to be here had left the State.

The questions hanging over Tusla remain unanswered. How does a ten-year-old girl go missing without the public being informed? How the hell does Tusla get away with issuing a statement that essentially blamed the child for Tusla's failure and talked about absconding as if describing a violent criminal? How is this the latest of a series of Tusla failures and yet the Government will not acknowledge that there is a systemic problem in that body? An equally valid question is how someone enters the international protection system, remains in it for six years, receives a deportation order and yet remains in this State to be charged with such a heinous crime. Above all, the question people want answered is whether the Government can give an assurance this will not happen again.

The problem with deportation orders is that the Government is not enforcing them. More than anything, that has led to the undermining of people's confidence in the IPAS system. Yes, more deportation orders have been signed but today, the Minister does not know whether the vast majority of those subject to deportations have left or remain in the State. In 2024, for example, there were 2,403 deportation orders but only 156 confirmed deportations. That is a ratio of 6.5%. While there have been a number of high-profile deportation flights, there is no evidence of whether the wider enforcement in the system has improved.

Across the international protection system, we know changes need to be made in ensuring decisions are made quickly and enforced, including deportation orders, and in bringing the obscene profiteering to an end. Sinn Féin has set them out time and time again. Instead of Simon Harris, Micheál Martin or even the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, speaking as if they were passing commentators, we need the Government to make the changes we have outlined once and for all.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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It should not come as a surprise, given the recent and marked growth in Ireland's population and diversity, that there is a widespread public conversation on migration. It is no surprise either that people recognise the value that nurses from the Philippines, doctors from Syria and engineers from India bring to our society, our economy and our service provision, which would really struggle without them. Ireland remains a welcoming country. It is no surprise either that the Irish public requires and demands that the Government and its agencies manage, regulate and oversee all aspects of the migration of people in an orderly and efficient way. Today's statements are about the international protection system processing and enforcement. The system created and presided over by the Government, as my colleague has said, is broken, not fit for purpose and now does not command the confidence of the public. That is a big problem.

The processing of applications takes far too long. Deportation orders go unenforced. There are no exit checks. Too often, the State does not know if those issued with deportation orders have actually left. Sickeningly, there is massive profiteering from the provision of IPAS accommodation. The Government has made multimillionaires of a small group of people, virtually overnight. Millions have been made from the misery of others. Meanwhile, communities are sidelined, ignored and left behind without the basic resources needed in housing, healthcare and local services. It goes without saying that upholding safety is paramount in any system that functions and commands people's trust. The arson attack on Drogheda at the weekend - the attempt to burn people alive that endangered the lives of small children and led to babies being taken to hospital - was callous, disgusting and indefensible. Those responsible are the most vile of cowards and must face the full weight of the law. Yesterday, my colleague an Teachta Joanna Byrne shared on the floor of this House just how unsafe that particular IPAS accommodation had been prior to any arson attack. Those poor people were doubly failed.

The sexual assault of a ten-year-old child in Citywest last month was sickening. The news that the man charged with the assault was subject to a deportation order months ago and yet still remained in the country really shocked and angered people. The violence that followed all of that is in no way acceptable and is in no way excused in any set of circumstances, but people no longer trust that the system ensures safety for the public or for those in IPAS accommodation. That is a failure of Government. An international protection system can only work if it is grounded in fair, reasonable and enforceable rules, mindful of the need to safeguard social cohesion, respect communities, protect people's rights and command public confidence. That means those whose applications are successful and have leave to remain here must lead full lives, enjoy opportunity, contribute to our society and be fully integrated, but it also means that where an application fails and where a deportation order is issued, it must be enforced efficiently and speedily. It is only through the full enforcement of all the rules that we can have a system that works and enjoys people's trust.

The vast majority of our people not alone reject racism but see it as abhorrent, ugly and un-Irish. They have no truck with those who seek to spread hate in our communities and we all have a solemn duty to keep every person safe on our streets and in our communities and to create an atmosphere where people of goodwill can have an open, honest conversation about how we build a system that works, a system that meets our international protection obligations in a fair way and deals with the concerns and needs of the people of Ireland.

People want to see an end to the Government's chaotic approach and a migration system and international protection system with a book of rules that is clear, strong, reasonable and fully enforced. That is a fair and reasonable expectation and it is the responsibility of the Government to deliver.

Joanna Byrne (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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It has been clear for quite some time that this Government has been mismanaging the entire IPAS process and accommodation. Concerns raised by the Opposition and civil society groups have been dismissed by this Government. It has buried its head in the sand, stating how much it is spending to fix the problem, which only continually gets worse. It is solely responsible for the mess and it will not be remedied under this Government, which makes statements in the press but then takes a hands-off or do-nothing approach. Recent comments by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste show they are taking no responsibility for their own failures in relation to migration. Because of the failures of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in government, our migration and international protection system is a mess and is operating in crisis mode. Every stroke of the pen takes too long, from decisions to appeals to deportations. Worse, there is massive profiteering in the provision of inappropriate IPAS accommodation.

The review by the Comptroller and Auditor General of the management of international protection accommodation is a damning indictment of the Government's failures to address profiteering and cost overruns. The Government should not be able to dismiss the C and AG's review but I have no doubt it will do its best to ignore it. The review is damning about a lack of due diligence and payment controls in the awarding of IPAS contracts, which the State is due to spend €1.2 billion on this year alone. The Irish taxpayer deserves better.

Following the despicable arson attack on the IPAS accommodation in my hometown of Drogheda, the Government ordered a security review of all IPAS accommodation. General security in emergency details is already part of the IPPS inspection checklist to ensure the occupants are safe. From what I have witnessed, this is not the case. I refer the Minister to the fact I outlined to the House yesterday, where one of those families in Drogheda had no way out of the burning building except via stairs that were ravaged with flames. When we checked the inspections, we saw that few inspections have been published for 2025. In fact, only two have been published for County Louth for this year as the year draws to a close. Will the Minister tell me why this is the case? Is there a lack of inspectors or are issues that require remediation arising that we are not hearing about? Similarly, there is no inspection report for the D Hotel in Drogheda. The last review, in 2024, counted only 89 occupants despite the hotel having capacity for over 500. This was the only hotel in the largest town in this country and it was ripped out of the tourism and hospitality sector. I call on the Minister to publish the 2025 reports for all IPAS accommodation in County Louth immediately. If he cannot do that, he must make a statement to this House to explain why.

Following recent events, the people of this State, County Louth and indeed Drogheda need to be certain that those operating IPAS accommodation centres have been awarded contracts appropriately and based on merit, providing value for money and in areas that can accommodate them. The people of this State and more importantly those in IPAS accommodation deserve a system that is fair, efficient and enforced. It is time to stop prioritising profiteering.

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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I condemn in the strongest possible terms the disgraceful attack on an IPAS centre in Drogheda last week. There should not be any tolerance whatsoever here, and I know there is not, for such aggression and attacks of that nature. At this stage, most of us have seen the images - we have all been appalled by them - of an accelerant being poured before the fire was lit, a fire that trapped children including a small baby on the upper floor of that building. If not for the quick action of our local fire services, we could be talking about a very different situation here today. I hope every community leader will send out the message that attacks on any community cannot and will not be accepted.

That said, it has to be acknowledged that the Government has made a mess of the international protection system. Instead of action, we have performative politics. We get announcements designed for headlines - there was another one today - but little or no action. We get commentary from the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach, who, it seems, have finally woken up to the reality that things are not rosy in our immigration system but they remain in denial as regards their own responsibilities. You would swear they were commentators walking down the street just giving their opinion. Having spent years at the heart of government, they have overseen the sorry state of the system. We see a small number of well-publicised deportation flights designed to capture press and give the impression of action. That is the reality. That is what it is about and I do not it is appropriate.

When you look behind the curtain and see what is really happening, if we are going to talk about deportation, there were 2,403 deportation orders signed last year but just 156 deportations confirmed. That is a problem. This year to mid-September, the number of deportations confirmed was less than 10% of the number of orders signed. For an immigration system to work, to have a proper managed system, for it to be truly fair to all involved, to economic migrants, asylum seekers and our citizens alike, the rules must be fair, and most importantly, they need to be enforced. The failure of Government that I have just described is not acceptable. Decisions are taking far too long. There is not proper oversight when applications are refused. That is not acceptable to people fleeing war and persecution. Nor is it acceptable to those who are here and are rejected when they have families and have built up networks, friends and so on. There has to be a proper system that is enforced and greatly speeded up.

There are now 32,000 people in direct provision across the State and, as many Members have mentioned, there is no real strategy to deal with the high level of arrivals. Instead, we get unchecked profiteering, private operators springing up offering any building they can get their hands on, and humans fleeing God knows what being shipped around in buses and handed over to operators with no checks. The Government has rejected time and time again Sinn Féin's call for a full review of this. The Comptroller and Auditor General has told the Minister that there needs to be a root-and-branch review and still we get no action from the Government. It is protecting a profit system that hurts those in the system and ignores communities.

Sinn Féin's position is clear that, first and foremost, deprived areas should not be used as locations for IPAS accommodation centres. I have made the point before. Donegal is one of the most deprived counties on the island of Ireland. That is what the statistics tell us, yet per head of population Donegal has the highest number of IPAS centres and individuals availing of that service and the largest number of Ukrainians as well. That is just a badly managed system. We have made it clear that the Government's approach is not working, yet it refuses to listen. The Government needs to stop trying to blame others and start doing its own job.

Eoin Ó Broin (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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When the Government took the decision to purchase the convention centre and hotel in Citywest, it said there was going to be a new template for State-owned provision of accommodation for people coming to Ireland to seek international protection. It gives me no pleasure to say it, but the events of the past two weeks show that template is in tatters. The community of Saggart and the surrounding areas of Citywest and Rathcoole are strong, vibrant, diverse communities. People are generous and welcoming and have been going above and beyond to do the right thing during recent times. It is also important to acknowledge that inside Citywest itself there are men seeking international protection and Ukrainian families with children receiving temporary protection. In an adjoining building, homeless families are accommodated by the Dublin Regional Homeless Executive. When any of us elected representatives for the constituency talk to people in those communities, they tell us that even before the horrendous events of recent weeks, they felt ignored and let down.

The reason for that is that the promised engagement has not materialised. There have been meetings; there is no dispute about that. We have met the Minister and his engagement team has met local elected representatives and the community. However, the communities on the ground are saying they are not deep and meaningful engagements. Decisions are not being made, investment is not taking place, and reasonable requests by the local community for increased investment, Garda resources, community safety, education, health facilities and supports for people in the community as well as for those in accommodation provided through the Department are simply not forthcoming. In fact, at most of the meetings, key decision-makers who can make decisions on these matters are not even in the room. As a consequence of that, before the savage assault on the young child a number of weeks ago and the nights of serious and unacceptable disorder on the streets of Saggart, the community was telling us they had a problem. Now, they are telling us they are fearful and angry and feel let down. I urge the Minister to hear what we on both the Opposition and Government benches are telling him, to hear what the community is telling him, and change that approach.

The Saggart Village Residents' Association, with which we have been engaging on an ongoing basis, sent a detailed briefing note to all the local TDs recently. It urged us to listen and engage with the concerns of the local community, to do nothing to escalate tension for political gain, to get accurate information into the public domain quickly and to support groups and residents' groups in key ways to resolve the situation. Again, it has made appeals around Garda resources and opening times for Garda stations, key amenities in terms of health facilities, school places and school transport, addressing the very real concerns around issues of community safety and supporting both the host community and those who are living there in IPAS accommodation to get through these issues.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Go raibh maith agat, Deputy.

Eoin Ó Broin (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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I urge the Minister. If this template is going to work it has to change; otherwise, it will augur very poorly for the future.

Alan Kelly (Tipperary North, Labour)
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When we talk about international protection, we need to wrap it up in the subject matter of migration. That is getting lost, not just in these Houses but in the country, and it is deeply concerning. Everybody in here has family members who have gone all over the world, mine included. I have double the number of first cousins outside this country than in this country. My only sibling lives in America. I have cousins in Asia, Australia and New Zealand - all over the world.

Half of my mother's family emigrated in the 1950s. We know how this works. In many ways, we know better than any race how this works. As the Minister outlined in his opening statement, we spent generations as migrants. Over the past number of years, we have obviously had to deal with this subject matter. We are not dealing with it very well in some cases, particularly in the past few years.

When we talk about defining the issues here, we have to discuss migration as a whole. This is a really pertinent and defining moment for our country. We are not really into extremes yet in this country, and that is a good thing, but we are in danger of changing as a country. The extreme views I am seeing across many different media formats out in the open in relation to a very small minority of people are very un-Irish. They are wrong. This is going to kill off forever Ireland of the welcomes. That is what we are known for.

International protection is only a small percentage of migration into this country - it is approximately 10% to 12%. We all know there have been decreases in relation to volume and, I understand, in the number of people being passed after appeal. The Minister said the majority of applicants are refused and he is right. The figure is approximately 58.4%. Some 40% are accepted. If I was Minister, the one thing I would do immediately is do a public awareness and support campaign for migrants into this country. Without them, this country would simply stop. I spent two years in the hospitals visiting my parents. Without migrants the health system in this country would stop. Across a whole range of other sectors, it would stop.

Will the Minister do a positivity campaign about migration to this country and the fact it is good that we are bringing these people into this country, that we need all these workers and that our health and care services would collapse without them? Let us call a spade a spade because many people will not say this. There are jobs in this country Irish people will not do anymore and we need people to supply services in our country. It is a good problem. That is outside the diversity, good social values and everything else that comes in from the mix of people arriving into our country and contributing.

I have two kids in secondary school. Some of their best friends come from migrant communities. I see what is going around. I come from outside the town of Nenagh, which is one of the wealthiest towns in Ireland. It is doing very well. That is why we have so many migrants; we need the workers. The contribution they make is incredible and yet we focus in on a small percentage of them in relation to international protection, a considerable number of whom come to this country for proper reasons, considering they are allowed to stay.

We talk about the small number of people who end up getting deported. Dare I say it but I have no issue with that. If you deserve to be deported, you should be deported. I believe in a rules-based system. I am not going to argue about that. I would argue about that if processing takes too long, particularly where children are involved, we are going to have to look at some exemptions. Does the Minister know why? In 2019 before the last general election, I was one of the few public representatives - in fact, I was the only TD - who stood up in relation to dealing with the issues in Borrisokane. People were fighting, arguing and worried about the number of people coming into Borrisokane.

There is a far-right element across this country and the Minister’s Department is very concerned about it. The Minister’s Department did a deal with the people of Borrisokane. The people of Borrisokane, who I am so proud to represent, honoured that deal. All of those people settled in Borrisokane, so much so as the Minister probably knows, that more than a year and a half ago, we had public meetings because they were being moved, including some 40 young children running up the street with their hurlies. We do not really play Gaelic football in Tipperary, although they play a little bit in Borrisokane. Those children were running up the street in their Borrisokane colours and now they were being moved. The same people who were going to block the entrance to the asylum centre four years previously were now going to block it to keep them in. That is the impact the people who arrived in Borrisokane had on the wider community. There was a large March through the town where I had to support them again because I will be consistent on this issue.

When we talk about migration, we need to be positive about it. Everybody needs to be positive about it. I am very concerned about the three largest parties in this country and what they have been saying offline, online, in here, out of here and in every other way. I am talking about Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Sinn Féin. Some of the commentary has been unacceptable. They have been trying to ride both horses. On the one hand, they want to be pro-migration while on the other hand, they make remarks which are totally unacceptable.

We nearly had a catastrophic event recently in Drogheda. Can the Ceann Comhairle imagine what would have happened if that had turned into a tragedy? What would have happened in this House then? Where would we have been going? What would the people have demanded then? What would the narrative have been? Dare I bloody say it but where would all the keyboard warriors be then - these anonymous, faceless thugs and cowards? We missed out narrowly but thankfully on that tragedy. We all know about the events in Citywest two weeks ago.

The reality is that one in five of all our workers - and the percentage is narrowing - is not originally from Ireland. We need these workers and we need to promote the benefits of such workers. I believe much of the political commentary recently has been diversionary in nature and it is absolutely horrendous. There are issues in relation to processing. There have been improvements, and I say that from an Opposition point of view to be balanced. However, there are also real, significant issues in relation to it still. The Minister has acknowledged the geographical distribution of IPAS centres needs to change. I dealt with an issue in my hometown of Roscrea where the last hotel was taken out for an IPAS centre. That is absolutely bloody stupid. Whoever made the decision in Dublin, oh my God. Talk about turning community against it, and those people in Roscrea had, in fairness, taken in many people before that. Those are the types of decisions that are ridiculous.

We all know about the use of private facilities and how people are becoming so wealthy out of it. As the Labour Party has said through our strategy - and we are the only party that has published a strategy in relation to migration - we need to have publicly-funded infrastructure. We need to develop it quickly. There are real issues and they have to be dealt with.

We also need to ensure we look at how information is being distributed. We had a fairly significant issue in Roscrea again recently. There was a carjacking. It was automatically assumed that the perpetrator - and I understand somebody is in court, so I will not say anymore – was possibly from the locality. This is going on all the time everywhere around the country. Public representatives in some cases are as bad as everyone else.

As a society, we need to change the narrative and change the dial on this. Will the Minister put in a positive campaign on migration? If he is to take on one suggestion from this House tonight, he might take that on.

I would like to look at how we will integrate into a European plan. If somebody is denied asylum in one country, how do we deal with it here? We have never discussed that fully in this House.

I would like to look at the issue of assessments. Obviously there is the issue in relation to bringing them down but, as regards appeals, how can that be streamlined even further? I believe in quick assessments, once they are done properly. I note the Minister and Government are changing in relation to those in IPAS making a contribution towards their accommodation. In principle, I do not have an issue with this; the problem is the quality of the accommodation in some instances. Would you be asking people to pay for it? I doubt it. Second, this will cost more than it will take in. Is it not symbolic rather than real? Third, we all know you cannot really chase the people involved for the funding, so why do it?

We need a pathway and plan for those who are successful in naturalisation and migration. We should put a plan in place around English and Irish language learning, civics and everything else for those successful in their processing. That whole space has been let go but it is really necessary.

I will conclude by reading something sent to me by a lady in my home town of Nenagh in relation to a club she is a huge member of. I will not name her but it is a club that helps children with autism. She said she has stood with the club and supported it. She recognises that.

I ask you to recognise that within our membership we have autistic children from refugee families and autistic children of immigrants, and that they face complex and multiple struggles in their daily lives.

These children and their families are well aware of the growing racist discourse in public forums. They feel targetted, visible and afraid. They see comments on local Facebook groups, hear people saying the most awful things on programmes [on a radio show I will not mention] that are unavoidable in settings like GP surgery waiting rooms or small businesses. These extremist voices are boosted for being 'click-worthy' or creating debate. Unfortunately, the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice have both contributed inflammatory public comments after the attack in Drogheda this week.

I am very privileged to be a white Irish woman in my own country, but as the child of returned emigrants, a returned emigrant myself, and as the wife of an immigrant, I feel the fears of growing xenophobia acutely. As the mother of autistic children, I am deeply concerned how racism affects the families in our club.

My request to you is please to not mistake anti-immigrant noise for the sentiments of the vast majority of Tipperary people, who are generous, kind and tolerant. Most of us recognise that our rural schools and communities have been revived and enriched by newcomers over the past [20] years or so. Please continue to work for the good of our communities as a whole without scapegoating minority groups who are powerless to bring about change. Harm against one of us harms us all.

I was very taken aback by that. The small number of people who are so deeply affected need to be in the forefront of our minds from now on. Second, we need a positive campaign on the benefits of migration.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Thank you, Deputy.

Alan Kelly (Tipperary North, Labour)
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Without the people who come into this country and make their contribution-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call the Minister of State, Deputy Higgins.

Alan Kelly (Tipperary North, Labour)
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-----this country simply could not function.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Thank you. I call the Minister of State.

Alan Kelly (Tipperary North, Labour)
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I was ten seconds over time.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Everybody is the same.

Alan Kelly (Tipperary North, Labour)
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I will watch that from now on.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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You had 15 minutes, Deputy.

Alan Kelly (Tipperary North, Labour)
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I will watch it from now on, Ceann Comhairle, thanks very much, and I will point it out every time you go over ten seconds.

Emer Higgins (Dublin Mid West, Fine Gael)
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Migration, when managed well and planned well, works well. We see that in the people who staff our hospitals and care homes, those working on our building sites and buses, in our restaurants and hotels and across the local services we all depend on, and in entrepreneurs running businesses and employing people in our communities. I am truly grateful for the contributions many of those people make to our society, communities and economy every day. I am also very conscious that some people who arrive here do not come by choice; they come because they are fleeing conflict, persecution or deep instability. They come here seeking shelter and safety.

There is another truth people feel in their day-to-day lives. They feel that right now the pace and scale of migration is too fast in many communities. That is because services and decision-making have not kept up. As a result, confidence in the system's ability to keep up has been shaken. People want a process that is firm, fair and credible, and a system that acts quickly. If someone has a legal right to be here, the Department should make that decision quickly and support them to settle in well and contribute positively to society. Equally, if someone does not have the legal right to remain here, the State must act promptly and deport them. This is how rules-based systems work in any functioning democracy.

I acknowledge the work under way by Government and the clear commitment, especially that shown in recent days and weeks, to strengthen our system, make it more efficient and ensure decisions are timely and fair. However, if we truly want to rebuild public trust and confidence in the system, we cannot just talk about national policies. We need to focus local because that is where policy becomes reality. Policy becomes real in communities, on people's doorsteps, in schools, in GP waiting rooms, on the street and in local facilities. That is where trust is built or lost. That is why we need to rethink what community engagement looks like in practice. It cannot just be treated as a procedural step. It is what makes or breaks a community’s trust in our system. Alongside clear decisions, we need real community investment and practical support on the ground.

Take my own community, for example. In my own constituency of Dublin Mid-West, particularly in Saggart, but also in Lucan, Clondalkin, Brittas and Palmerstown, people have been decent and compassionate. These communities have been patient and they have been fair. They have done their part. They have more than stepped up. In return, they are asking for something very reasonable, which is for the State to step up too. They want clear communication, proper planning and services that keep pace with population growth - joined-up policy. They know better than any of us what the pressure points are and what supports are needed. We cannot just ask for their feedback and ideas; we need to act on it and respond to it.

Before and since the horrific alleged assault on a young girl in Citywest and the outbreak of deplorable violence, I have been out speaking with local people, business owners and services providers in Saggart. I hear their frustration, worry and upset but I also hear their compassion. The people I speak to do not want division or labels. They just want fairness and information and that is the very least they deserve.

For months I have been raising with the Minister the need for permanent gardaí for Citywest and Saggart. I have raised the need for stronger local supports and I have been working closely with the Minister's engagement team. I have had meeting after meeting and call after call. I have met with residents groups on the ground and brought their feedback to more meetings and calls. Now we need to respond and take action. We need a permanent increase in Garda visibility in Saggart and Citywest, as Councillor Shirley O'Hara and I have continued to advocate for. We need investment in amenities like St. Mary's. We need to make sure resources move in line with population growth. We do not have enough public health nurses or SNAs in the area. We do not have any youth service. Those are the kind of real services we could deliver in order to keep up with population growth. That is what the residents, businesses, education providers and sports clubs I engage with want. It is a very reasonable ask of the Saggart Village Residents Association. No one is asking for things they do not deserve or for special treatment; they are asking for what is fair and just.

Local people were appalled and frightened by the violence and disruption brought to the community in recent weeks. They are still being impacted because the onsite gym and restaurant in Citywest remain closed on foot of Garda advice. Over 3,000 paid-up members are missing gym sessions. These are small things but they matter to people's quality of life and morale. People just want to be heard on this. We need trust in the system maintained.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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I will take up from where the Minister of State left off. Community is important. The engagement of community with any project ensures its success or failure. From the beginning of this process dealing with those that were coming to our country for protection or arriving here without their documentation or arriving here illegally, the Department did not respond in the way that it should. We have to acknowledge that. We have to say to communities that we were wrong in what we were attempting to do. They refused to respond to public representatives who were trying to assist the community to understand what was happening and to understand the policy and that is why I welcome the Minister's opening remarks in how he set out and explained the difference between temporary protection, international protection and those who are coming here to work and stay and contribute to our economy. That needs to be said more often and we need to take the appropriate actions to support that.

As well as supporting our own local communities, the new arrivals to those communities need to be supported and we need to have a plan and a strategy for the future that will deliver results in quick time. When people come here on a visa and are working and they ask for their wife or family to come to join them where they are economically sound and can support them, I do not know why they have to wait for a year or two years for that to be processed. I do not understand it. I do not understand why applications to the Department of justice take so long in the context of reaching a decision where a person is either legal or is not legal and must leave the country. Until we get to that point where we have clear systems and we have a clear understanding with the electorate, the people whom we represent and the communities that we are trying to support, we will have ongoing serious problems.

When Irish people and people who are living here and not Irish see, believe or are led to believe that others get far better treatment than them, that causes huge division in the country. The work of social media has contributed in no small way to all of that misinformation and all of that wrong and it needs to be corrected by the Department. The Minister has the resources. He knows what needs to be done. I have listened careful to what the Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, had to say and I encourage him to bring about the action that is necessary.

Shane Moynihan (Dublin Mid West, Fianna Fail)
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I condemn unreservedly the attack on the IPAS centre in Drogheda and all attacks on IPAS centres up and down the country. In each of those cases, a human being has made a decision to inflict a violent act on another human being and that cannot be justified under any circumstances.

I am proud to be a TD for Dublin Mid-West, one of the most ethnically diverse constituencies in the country. I am proud of the fact that we have many people in my constituency who have come to our country from abroad and add hugely to our community. I have stood with them at their festivals and at their community gatherings and I view them as integral to the life of our constituency.

It is important today that we do not conflate the asylum seeker system with the overall question of migration. Today's debate is on the international protection system and the policy implications thereof. Core to this debate, as stated in the programme for Government, is the move towards State-owned and State-managed accommodation for those seeking international protection. The point I have made previously in meetings with Ministers and other colleagues around this House is that we are at a stage where we can design a blueprint for community engagement around the construction of what will become permanent facilities up and down the country. One such facility that has been purchased by the State is Citywest, in my constituency, which would have been a strong local amenity for the communities that lived in the Saggart, Rathcoole and Newcastle areas.

The Minister of State, Deputy Higgins, alluded to, and other Deputies mentioned, the blueprint for how we have advanced the purchase of that particular facility and for the recognition of the additional burden that it will put on the communities around it. When I use the word "burden", I am not casting aspersions on anyone; I am talking about sheer facts. In the 2022 census, there were almost 19,000 people in the Rathcoole, Saggart and Newcastle areas, an increase of 32% since 2016. We are three years ahead of the projections set in 2022. We are at the 2028 level of population in Newcastle, Rathcoole and Saggart and that does not take account of the additional residents that we put in the Citywest centre as well. That is part of the underpinning assumption that we need to have when we are talking about community engagement and the pressure that is put on services and nobody needs me to tell that the areas of Rathcoole, Saggart and Newcastle, like many areas in Dublin Mid-West, have been behind in the provision of services. For example, a Garda sub-district in Dublin Mid-West, Ronanstown, has a similar population to Rathcoole, Saggart and Newcastle and these areas would justify a full Garda sub-district. This is something I have been arguing for since being elected and have been doubling down on since the purchase of Citywest as well not because there is necessarily a correlation between crime and the number of asylum seekers, but because of the sheer number of people that are in that area and putting more residents in place there as well.

We have heard mention of public health nurses. We have heard calls for investment in amenities and green space that were at breaking point in areas such as Citywest previously. That is why community engagement needs to be more than a tick-box exercise with regards to saying we have met people, we have heard their feedback but there has not been any action on it. We need to show action in these places. We need to show recognition of the fact that we are making a good life and an integrated community for all people there and fundamental to that is the integrity of the asylum system, giving people an insight into what goes on in IPAS centres or the training facilities put in place for people who have been successful in their applications. Are we providing them with the skills that they need to live successfully in our country? Are we providing them with the language skills? These are questions that we need to ask and we need to look at how are providing the training and how are we putting these facilities in place to support these people in their journeys here, and ultimately how are we underpinning the community integration funds that we need to integrate these communities.

We have a lot of lessons to learn from the past few months. I look forward to working with the Minister to ensure that those lessons are learned from and we work for our communities.

Michael Murphy (Tipperary South, Fine Gael)
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Over recent months, the situation in Dundrum, south Tipperary, has become a test case for how we as a State balance urgent humanitarian obligations with proper process, transparency and respect for local communities. From the outset, I raised serious concerns about the lack of due diligence and transparency surrounding this decision, which regrettably have proven well founded.

A substantial public contract was entered into with a company only incorporated in January of this year. That fact alone should have triggered greater scrutiny. Instead, the process proceeded with minimal oversight, limited consultation and little clarity about accountability or planning compliance.

It is important to remember what Dundrum is. It is a small village of approximately 200 people, a place with deep roots and a strong sense of community. The golf course is at its heart. It was not merely an amenity. It was an historical landmark woven into the social and recreational life of generations. Its closure has had a devastating impact on local workers, clubs and residents. It represents the loss of a gathering place, a sense of identity and a shared heritage.

Now we face further uncertainty, with a section 5 declaration central to the legality of this development due before the High Court on Monday. There are serious issues at stake not only in this case, but wider afield. I will not comment on matters sub judice but it is clear that the process to date has fallen short in terms of the standards the public rightly expects in planning, governance and community engagement.

It is time to do the right thing. The Government should call a halt to this contract, take stock and ensure that future contracts are rooted in transparency, legal clarity and genuine local dialogue. Dundrum deserves nothing less than fairness, honesty and respect for its people, its heritage and its place in the life of the State.

Mark Ward (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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When the Government decided to purchase Citywest as a public IPAS centre, I found out in the national newspapers. No information was supplied to Opposition TDs.

On 17 June, I asked the Taoiseach if the Government was purchasing Citywest. I did not get an answer. At the same time, the Minister for justice was on the plinth outside announcing the purchase of Citywest.

Residents of Saggart and Opposition TDs are finding out information from the media and not from the Government. This is simply unacceptable and it has led to mistrust of the Government among the people of Saggart. This mistrust is still prevalent today.

We have been calling for meaningful engagement from the Government for the local community about the Citywest centre. Government will cite the meetings that it has had with the community engagement team as meaningful but meaningful meetings need to have positive outcomes.

I mean no disrespect to the people who are from the Department who are on this community engagement team. They are simply the wrong people. We need people at these meetings who are from different Departments who can also make decisions. Information I received today indicated there have been 15 meetings so far but nothing has really happened. Rathcoole Garda station is still only manned part-time. There is no long-term commitment to increase the visibility of policing in Saggart. There is no increase in school places or places on school buses and there are no increases in medical services, such as public health nurses.

When the Government decided it was going to house people seeking international protection in Citywest, it did not do an audit of the services that were in Citywest to see what impact this was going to have on the community. In fact, as we speak, there are fewer services in Citywest then there were when the Government purchased the facility. The gym is closed, leaving 3,000 members stranded without that facility, and the restaurant is closed. The Minister said he was going to do everything in his power to keep those open. I again urge him to do that.

The violent sexual assault of a ten-year-old girl at Citywest has left the community devastated and afraid. Questions need to be answered. How did a child under the care of Tusla end up in Citywest in the first place? Why was the person who was arrested for this crime still in the country, despite having a deportation order for months? These are genuine questions that I have been asked, which the Government must answer and that people need to held accountable for. People applying for international protection are subject to the rules of this country. Nobody will argue with that. These rules are not enforced and people are not processed quickly. If people have not got the right to be in this country, they should be processed quickly and returned to their country of origin as safely as possible. This is what Sinn Féin would do and this is what Government has been failing to do.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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The approach of this Government and the previous one to migration, and international protection in particular, has been a failure. It has failed to ensure a fair system that works. It has failed communities, which have felt ignored and not properly engaged with. While there are some good people in the system, there are nowhere near enough and the system as a whole is set up badly in terms of engagement. It has failed applicants who often end up in totally inadequate accommodation. It has profoundly failed in terms of value for money having, for far too long, relied almost exclusively on private provision leading to incredible waste and companies making huge sums. It has failed to deliver quick decisions that are in everyone's interest and has failed to ensure their enforcement. The confidence of the public and the people of Ireland has been totally lost in this respect.

The Government's policy needs to balance common sense with common decency in ensuring rules are applied. When people are not entitled to be in Ireland, the rules need to be enforced so they are returned to where they came from. Always, we must remember the human dignity of each individual, successful or not, and that each applicant is treated with respect and given adequate conditions. We have detailed much of how the system can be improved in our policy proposal, A Fair System That Works, some small elements of which have been taken on board by Government. I urge it to return to that.

I have heard a number of people in this Chamber and outside it say there is a need for a debate on this whole area. I totally agree. I have been saying that for quite some time. It is important we have a debate. It is important we have an honest and robust debate. I trust the Irish people to have that debate. I trust their ability to weigh up common sense and common decency and to analyse it with sobriety and sense. What is never acceptable, in any circumstance, are racism, xenophobia and treating people as lesser because of their skin colour or ethnicity. What is never acceptable is intimidation or violence. I take the opportunity to totally condemn the incident in Drogheda that put young people, children and a family at risk. That is never acceptable. We can and should have a debate but there is no place and no room in our society or democracy for that kind of violence, intimidation or racism.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I completely welcome the debate. I am conscious it could be happening in a very different context, given how fortunate we were that the horrors we saw too viscerally in Drogheda last week did not materialise in an outcome that would have been most devastating with a loss of life. It was a scenario, however, where a person with hatred in their soul placed petrol on stairs. You cannot imagine any other outcome was intended but death and loss of life that would have included children and a baby of just 20 days.

I am also conscious of the experience of a child who was viciously assaulted in Citywest a couple of weeks ago. All of us shook with absolute horror and revulsion at the failures of the State that led to that incident. I cannot imagine the mental gymnastics it would take for people to see in that incident a motivation to assault gardaí and burn fires in the hope of getting into a building, where more children were being terrified to the point where many could not get to school. That is the context in which we are having this debate. The tensions, level of rage and misdirection of anger towards migrants are all palpable. When we have a debate, and use our position and voice, it is incumbent on us to do so in a tone that is measured, with facts that are accurate, and to understand that the message we may intend to set out can often be redirected, manipulated and misconstrued by actors who are very purposely trying to set terror in the hearts of people who came here in search of sanctuary.

I will talk about the comments made by the Minister, Deputy Jim O'Callaghan. There were a couple of inaccuracies in his statement. The Minister told the House that the appeals process is getting faster but his own Department gave me a response to a parliamentary question that shows that is not the case. In fact, it is the opposite. The median waiting time has increased from ten months to nearly 13 months this year, up to the end of September. The Minister is saying one thing but the opposite is true. He also made a charge that has been repeated by any number of Government backbenchers and that Ministers have taken to the media over the last six months: "My overall strategy for the international protection process, aimed at making more and faster decisions, is working. From the beginning of my tenure as Minister [for justice], applications for asylum have decreased by [approximately] 40%." Is the Minister seriously trying to tell me that because he tweets about deportation flights, somebody in some far-off location, who is considering coming here to seek asylum, will say that the Minister has now tweeted so they will not come here? He should pull the other one because it is just a joke that continues to be allowed to percolate.

I will talk a little bit about the Tánaiste's comments. As I engage with this debate, because we want it to be reasonable and have asked for it to be facts-based, we should use the Tánaiste's own lines and words and deconstruct them as we go. He said that people on the left are trying to shut down the debate. That is far from the case. We just understand the stakes and that it needs to be facts-based when we debate. The Tánaiste said that those of us who advocate for compassion, fairness and a facts-based discussion, are trying to shut down debate. What he actually means is we are refusing to nod along to misinformation. There has been no shortage of debate, be it in the media, the House or the committee chamber. We looked at the international protection Bill 2025 for over seven hours without much in the way of Government contribution, and nothing in the way of actual scrutiny, because the heads of Bill are still not even in place for most of the outstanding issues. When the Tánaiste says the debate is being shut down, he is not defending free speech. He is defending poor speech, speech that confuses facts, blames the wrong people and hides his own failures. That is the issue here because far-right actors and, believe me, there are far-right actors, do not win when they get the type of people who would like to see impositions of power. They do not win electoral seats. They win when nice middle-class people, with nice respectable-looking suits, start wearing their clothes and echoing their calls. That is when they win and that is what we are seeing too often.

The Tánaiste said, "migration numbers are too high". This line is everywhere. It is in interviews, briefings and even Cabinet notes but it does not stand up to a single piece of data. The Central Statistics Office tells us that immigration to Ireland actually fell by 16% in the year to April 2025. A total of 125,000 people came to Ireland and 65,000 people left. That is a net migration of 59,700, which should be a perfectly manageable number for a country of 5.46 million people. What is more, half of those arrivals were aged between 25 and 44, who are working-age adults filling vital gaps in the labour market. When the Tánaiste said that numbers are too high, he is not describing reality. He is trying to turn a story of economic growth and workforce needs into one of threat and crisis potentially because his back is against the wall.

The Minister, Tánaiste and several others have said that 80% of asylum applications are rejected. The Minister stopped in his tracks to say that should be something we consider. Okay, let us consider it. People have a right to seek asylum. It is natural many of them will not be successful. That is okay. People have that right. We do not get to control that. The presidential election was fought over who was more pro- or less pro-European Union. If that is what is being complained about, we have signed up to international agreements and if you want to deconstruct them, maybe you should revisit your belief system.

Through parliamentary questions the Minister has also confirmed that of that number of 80% at least one in three is successful on appeal. The Minister is referring to 80% but one in three people of that percentage are successful on appeal. What does that tell us? There is a red flag. It is the first-instance system that is wrong hundreds of times a year. That is not efficiency; that is failure.

The Tánaiste went on to say that people who fail to comply with deportation orders should be "detained". Here again the Tánaiste sells drama instead of facts. Detention already exists under section 5 of the Immigration Act 1999. It allows for detention for up to 56 days extendable only by court order. We have detentions in prisons at the moment but our prison system is operating at 124% capacity. Is Fine Gael, the party of law and order, telling us that those people with outstanding deportations hanging over them should go into the prison system to increase that percentage? Will we see what we saw for example in Limerick last year when people who had committed actual crimes were released from prison so that we could detain people who had committed no crime? That is the extent of what the Tánaiste said. These are the debates we need to go into.

Both the Minister and the Minister of State said today that these those who work and are living in centres should pay for their accommodation. That was outlined as if both of them sat down and came to this determination just by themselves in a room presumably without any evidence basis or business case. Even the Government's own memo on this policy tells us it will cost €1.6 million to set it up and deliver a low-rate return. It even admits major difficulties in enforcement and recovery. There is no evidence of contribution models with high compliance rates in any EU member state. It just weakens one of the pull factors attracting international protection applicants to Ireland. This is the performative cruelty idea that people present as reasonable. Of course, perhaps the people in a position to pay could do so. However, when the Minister and the Minister of State were in that room deciding this policy without any evidence, did they consider that these working people might also have childcare and afterschool needs? They might want to put themselves in a position where they could save for the deposit for rent to try get some accommodation in a failed housing market that they did not create but are now being blamed for.

The Tánaiste went on to say that migration outside asylum is also too high. Here is where the hypocrisy really shows. In 2024, the Government issued 38,189 employment permits, the highest number ever with over 32,000 new permits and 5,700 renewals. I am sorry that the Minister of State, Deputy Higgins, just left the Chamber because she put out a strong press release talking about the fact that we need migration in this country because we are operating at such low levels of unemployment. However, the Tánaiste did not say that. He just simply said that migration at all levels is too high, whistling a little bit for somebody to hear, but when you break it down-----

Colm Brophy (Dublin South West, Fine Gael)
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The Deputy should listen to what the Tánaiste said afterwards, which is never quoted.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I consistently hear the Minister of State talking absolute drivel and I do not interrupt him.

So, who are we actually taking out of sectors? Is it students? Regardless of who is taken out, that will prove another area where this Government has failed. Removing students would actually destroy the education sector. Does it want to take people out of the healthcare system? Where is it? Migration pressures are undermining public confidence is another argument that is made, but public confidence has been undermined by a Government which does not have the capacity to manage anywhere across the State.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak on this topic today because this is an area I have deep expertise in. For ten years before becoming a TD, I worked in human rights and equality and for the second half of that decade, international protection was my primary focus. I find it incredible to listen to the statements from Government representatives here today calling for action on certain elements of our international protection system when they are part of a series of governments which, term after term over the last three decades, have overseen an absolutely shambolic approach to international protection. We had direct provision for two decades where people had barely enough means to live on. The Government had to be dragged kicking and screaming to provide for basic rights like the right to work and the right to access a driving licence which would allow people within the system to integrate into Irish society.

The main thing I have tracked as hugely problematic in the last ten years is the move that has taken place since I entered into this space and got involved in discussions. People used to wonder whether the Government was really that cynical, and whether the State was really trying to make it difficult and unattractive for people. Now we are at the point where the Government is openly saying that it wants to address the pull factor and does not want to attract applications from people for international protection. That is a direct denial of the right to claim asylum and it is a direct denial of the reality that 130 million people on this globe are displaced and need help. If, across the European Continent, we are in a race to the bottom to deny that right to claim asylum for people across the rest of the globe, we are on the wrong side of history.

I urge Ministers to read three books: Suad Aldarra's I Don't Want to Talk About Home; Sally Hayden's My Fourth Time, We Drowned; and for those into fiction Paul Lynch's Prophet Song. These will help them to zoom out and look at this issue in the way they need to.

Rory Hearne (Dublin North-West, Social Democrats)
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In recent weeks we have seen in Citywest and Drogheda absolute violence with the potential for children and adults to be murdered with that arson attack. That is the reality. The Government can talk about condemning and say it absolutely thinks this is disgraceful, but I encourage people to read what the Hope and Courage Collective has put out. It makes it clear that it is the words of political leaders that have fanned these flames. What they have done is they have dog whistled. The Minister of State can talk about it, but there is no denying that what the Tánaiste did was dog-whistling to the far right because it is cheap political right-wing populism; that is what it is. People are hurting. People are being devastated every day by the housing crisis. In my constituency, from Ballymun to Beaumont, I meet people who are really struggling. Ministers are dog-whistling in saying that all the immigrants and asylum seekers are to blame because we have messed up so badly. It is the Government's failures. It is disgraceful that Ministers have turned and dog-whistled, and are blaming immigrants, because the real cause of the housing crisis is their failures. Why are they not calling out the Irish landlords who are evicting people into homelessness? Why are they not talking about the 100,000 vacant and derelict homes? Ireland is not full; it is full of crap from this Government which has failed over and over. I absolutely condemn the way it has taken this turn.

Jen Cummins (Dublin South Central, Social Democrats)
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The atmosphere in this country has changed and it is entering into uncertain times. People are at their wits' end with regard to housing, public services, the lack of facilities in their communities and just feeling left behind by this Government. What should be centre stage for this Government is ensuring that this country has functional public services, has a thriving economy and is safe for people who live here and come here for safety. However, what we see is dysfunction and emptiness. People do not feel they can influence or change things that are so desperately wrong in this country. Waiting in the wings are characters who are looking to blame others who have nothing to do with the failures in this country, the failures from the Government. These characters are flooding social media with fear and hatred, and are inciting violence. Desperate people see that and believe that at least somebody is listening to them and maybe somebody might act in their best interests. That is how the far-right playbook is operating and developing.

Now there is fear, dread, violence and intimidation based on people's skin colour or where they are perceived to be from. IPAS centres, which are people's homes, are being attacked and burned down. Recently we have seen attempted murder and serious injury in Dublin 8, in Basin Lane in my constituency, and in Drogheda. Tricolours are being hung all around my constituency, not because it is St. Patrick's Day but to say foreigners are not welcome here. I beg to differ and so do many people in my constituency, including Dublin 8 for All, Inchicore for All and lots of police people who are doing great work to counteract the hate, fear and dread that has been driven into people who are at their wits' end. The lack of urgency the Government has shown in addressing the rise of hatred and violence is unacceptable and dangerous; and there is a risk to life. The Government needs to listen to us, look at what is going on and act.

Joe Neville (Kildare North, Fine Gael)
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I must say I am very disappointed listening to what previous speakers have said and how they are characterising this. I think they are using it as an attempt to bring down an issue and to talk about it in a way that is not helpful and essentially disengages a vast number of the people who have a right to ask questions. Two weeks ago at the Committee of Public Accounts, we talked about the significant amount of money that is spent on IPAS.

There should be no issue with anybody asking questions about how State or taxpayers' money is spent, how centres or other places are run and who receives the money. We can all decry specific events like those that occurred in Drogheda and we can all say how horrified we are by what people take it upon themselves to do. Obviously, the worst thing is to attack the most vulnerable, and that is absolutely what happened there. However, to conflate the two issues in a way that only raises the temperature further is dishonest and very unfair on people who are trying to do their best by the State.

With regard to IPAS locations, we know how difficult it is for people who come to our country. They leave countries not because they are in a positive situation but because they want a better life. Ultimately, it is difficult for the State and us, as individuals, to talk about this because we have a history of emigration. This country has suffered from considerable emigration over the years. Significant numbers have left our shores for hundreds of years, and no one is more aware of it than ourselves. In the last century and this one, much of our economy was built on money received from those who went to America and their children who came after them, who still support the people here. We know how difficult it is and we sympathise instinctively with those who have to come here, but at the same time we have to address concerns where they arise. Vast numbers of people in this State have concerns about how their money is spent and who it is given to. We know that €1.2 billion was spent on IPAS centres last year. We also know that only a small number of third-party providers received most of that money. Some received up to €30 or €40 million. We need to ask questions about that.

What I am referring to covers all of the sector. Obviously, the IPAS system, in different locations and in different ways, has not worked. We need to continue to ask questions in this regard because, ultimately, as we were told by the Secretary General of the Department of justice, 80% of people who come to this country fail to secure residency. Deputy Nash questioned that number but that is the one that was stated to us. Other numbers have been issued since, but at the same time, the percentage given at the meeting of the Committee of Public Accounts last week was indeed 80%. Ultimately, if 80% of those who go through the process are not entitled to be here, we must question the system that allows it. We have a neighbour with which we share a border and many seem to be coming over it. In the past, people arriving at our airports were ripping up their passports. We have to stop that and question it, because if we do not we will not be serving the best interests not only of those who elect us but also others in the State who deserve our full support in many different ways. If people are arriving through the UK and have not sought asylum there, we must ask why. I do not want to use any term that might be misconstrued, but is this State seen as a place where they feel they might have a better chance of gaining asylum? If so, we must ask why it might be the case.

Ultimately, the Minister finds himself in a difficult situation. He was appointed to the role last year. The Department was restructured for a specific reason. Obviously, it was not working well enough previously. The Minister is trying to resolve some of these difficult issues. We need a system that works better and more quickly and that ultimately gets decisions made. If people are not entitled to be here, so be it. People will have to know that when they come here, they will have a limited opportunity, or otherwise, to stay here.

A vast number of people who have come to this country have contributed greatly and that is not to be questioned at all. We would all say that but we deserve transparency and accountability from the Departments that deal with this. I have seen significant issues in my area. The State has used places – such as Ryevale House near me – where there was no proper planning permission or water resources, and no proper education provided for the people. I would question the Department and seek to continue to ensure that we do so.

Naoise Ó Cearúil (Kildare North, Fianna Fail)
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It is imperative that all of us condemn all violence and intimidation of international protection applicants at IPAS centres, which many applicants call home. Across Europe, every country is facing the same challenge, namely how to manage immigration fairly and firmly. Ireland is no different from its European counterparts. They have tightened their systems, sped up decisions and focused support on those who genuinely need protection. Ireland is now mirroring many of those same measures. We have started to cut processing times from years to months and increased voluntary returns to help people to go home safely and with dignity. We are moving towards State-owned accommodation, which offers better oversight and value for money than the private providers.

What is quite frustrating for many communities is that, even where applications for IPAS centres by private providers are refused, some of the providers, such as Shalom in Kilcock, continue to carry out works without the necessary planning permission, causing division in communities such as that in Kilcock and, as referred to by Deputy Neville, that near Ryevale House in Leixlip.

One area where we could go further is at the very start of the process at our borders. Across the EU, new border procedures are being introduced so applications can be screened quickly for identity, security and eligibility before people enter the asylum system. France and Germany have already begun this and it is proving effective. Ireland should follow that model. A properly designed border screening process would mean that clear initial decisions could be made within days, not months. Those with strong claims could move swiftly into protection and integration, while those without grounds would receive a fair early decision and be supported to return home. This would reduce the backlog, cut costs and give the public confidence that the system is being managed properly.

An immigration system without clear rules is not fair to those seeking refuge, to those already living here and to the communities coping with stretched housing and services. We have heard arguments in this regard time and again throughout the country. Since the start of the year, over 80% of first-instance asylum applications have been refused. That shows that the system is being overwhelmed by unsuitable cases. People are waiting too long and communities are being left without clarity.

Across Europe, governments are responding to the same pressures. Ireland is doing so too, but we can go further, learning from our partners while staying true to our values. Denmark and the UK now offer support for voluntary return because it is more humane and costs less. Belgium and Germany link accommodation contributions to income, ensuring fairness for taxpayers. Ireland is now taking similar steps, and I believe this is the right approach.

Ireland cannot do everything for everyone but we can do what is right and we can do it well. We can uphold our international obligations, protect our communities and maintain public trust. The Irish people want order, compassion and competence. They want a system that works, and that is what we must deliver.

The system must work not only for those already living here but also for those seeking protection. We have an international duty to care for those who come here in good faith. We must ensure that they are protected, that educational and social supports are in place and that we build an integrated community, not a segregated one.

We have seen good, important examples of where international protection applicants and refugees have been integrated into communities through GAA and soccer clubs and schools. That is key to ensuring that there is no secrecy and that people – both those coming to this country and those here already – feel they are involved in society. It is important that the process be open, fair and clear.

Martin Daly (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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Ireland has always been shaped by movement. For much of our history, we were a people who were forced to leave to seek opportunity abroad. However, in recent decades, as our economy has flourished and our society modernised, it has become a place where others come seeking safety, work, opportunity and hope.

I want to speak on this issue from personal experience.

I am the son of an immigrant. My mother came here from India. She worked hard, contributed to her community, raised a large family and loved this country with deep and abiding affection. She would be horrified by the rise of racism, both casual and overt. I know the positive contribution that legal, well-managed immigration brings. I have lived it and we need it in this country but we do ourselves a grave disservice if we fail to maintain a fair, efficient and respected immigration system, one that is compassionate, yes, but also transparent, timely and enforced. If we want the Irish public to have confidence in immigration, then the immigration system must be one that deserves that confidence. We need a mature national conversation based on facts, not one where genuine concerns are dismissed as racism. We have to be honest when the State does not manage its borders effectively and when processes are slower and sow doubt. It does not produce compassion; it produces false narratives and resentment and it is the extremists, the racists and the chauvinists who step into that vacuum. If we do not govern this space responsibly, they will occupy it destructively.

We also need to be frank. Many people currently seeking international protection are doing so for economic reasons. While I fully understand their desire, we cannot conflate legal and illegal immigration. It does legal migrants, genuine asylum seekers and refugees no service. If a claim is fairly assessed and rejected, then deportation must follow. This is not institutional harshness; it is the rule of law and it protects the integrity of the system.

I acknowledge and commend my colleagues, the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, and the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, who have brought renewed urgency to processing and enforcement. In his speech, the Minister acknowledged his predecessor who also had initiated some change, but there has been a palpable change since he has stepped into his Ministry and it has been noticed by the public. That progress must accelerate and be sustained because if we fail to act, we do not just undermine the immigration system, but we undermine social cohesion and create a political vacuum that will be destroyed. We have seen the extreme forces who feel emboldened to try to burn, injure, maim and murder vulnerable women, children and men. The law must identify these people and deal with the perpetrators with severity.

Ireland must remain compassionate but it must be rigorous and prompt in the application of immigration laws, in keeping with our international obligations and in the common interest. To do otherwise would be politically irresponsible. As international experience demonstrates, it would fuel the rise of extremism that would undermine the confidence of people who have come here with the vital skills and energy that drive our economy and enrich our society.

Darren O'Rourke (Meath East, Sinn Fein)
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Our international protection system is not fit for purpose. It does not have the confidence of the people. This is a situation created and compounded by the failures of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in government. The system, as it stands, is dysfunctional and it lacks public confidence. Why? In the first instance, the basic principles of a rules-based system are not being followed. Decisions and appeals are taking far too long and there is a systemic failure to enforce the rules, particularly at the final stage. This undermines the process and eats away at public trust.

Compounding this is the scandal of profiteering. A staggering €1.2 billion is being spent on IPAS accommodation annually with a small number of private operators making tens of millions of euro from the State's dysfunction, all shrouded in a lack of transparency. We know from the Comptroller and Auditor General that the level of oversight and accountability on that spend is wholly inadequate. This must be addressed.

Sinn Féin wants an international protection system that is efficient, rules-based and fair, one that ends profiteering, processes applications swiftly and enforces decisions. We want a system that commands public confidence and trust.

While we are rightly critical of the Government's failings, we must condemn those who seek to exploit those failings to stoke fear and hate. There is no justification for racist and vile rhetoric or hateful acts. No one deserves to live in fear for their safety or their children's safety. This hate is causing immense hurt and fear within immigrant communities and it is being used to divide people across our State. It must be confronted and it must stop. We must stand firmly for a society that is inclusive and welcoming, where racism and hate is challenged and integration is properly supported. We can have a functioning international protection system and a compassionate society. They are not mutually exclusive. It is time for this Government to deliver both.

Maurice Quinlivan (Limerick City, Sinn Fein)
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In the summer of 1988, having graduated from third level, like thousands of others, I boarded a plane at Shannon Airport with a tourist visa and headed to New York city. I worked there for 18 months and later returned to Ireland. Unfortunately, due to Government policies at the time, unemployment was rampant. As I was unable to access employment in Ireland, I secured a job in London, where I spent nine years. I was fortunate enough to be able to come home. I am sure there are many more Irish people across the world who would like to return but they see the housing crisis and the ever-rising cost of living as barriers. We must do more to encourage and help them to come home.

We in Ireland are a very welcoming and open society that treats those fleeing war and persecution compassionately. This is a strength and a measure of our collective humanity. It is strength we cannot afford to lose. The Irish across the centuries have been forced to emigrate. My mother's whole family emigrated. I know the pain of having to say goodbye to loved ones at airport terminals. Like any sovereign state, however, we must manage migration to ensure the process is orderly, rules-based, enforceable and fair. This is something that Government parties have failed to deliver, leaving an immigration process that is an absolute mess. Processing applications and appeals takes too long, deportation orders are not enforced and massive profiteering exists in the provision of inappropriately placed and maintained IPAS centres.

In March 2022, the Taoiseach said that as many as 200,000 refugees could arrive from Ukraine. There was no plan whatsoever to deal with that projected figure, and we struggled to deal with the half of that number who eventually came to Ireland. Approximately €1.2 billion is being spent on IPAS accommodation, with hundreds of millions of more euro for Ukrainian refugees. A small number of people are getting rich from the Government's dysfunctional approach to accommodation. In one year, two directors of Igo Cafe Limited, an accommodation provider, paid themselves €4.6 million. This is a company that has been one of the largest beneficiaries of State contracts.

Between the number of deportation orders signed and the actual numbers of deportation, there is a huge gap. In 2024, there were 2,400 orders with only 156 confirmed deportations. The level of enforcement is not good enough.

The failure of the Government to manage the migration process has led to an erosion of public confidence. This stems from a failure to manage the system but equally a failure to communicate with local communities. This has often being exploited by far-right agitators, often from outside of the State, to spread their fear and message of hate. Their distorted and xenophobic message must always be challenged. Local communities, where they have legitimate concerns, need to be listened to. Our IPAS system must be fair for both our citizens and those seeking international protection. The Ukrainian accommodation recognition payment contributes to the belief that things are not equal.

We need an international protection system that is fit for purpose. It is essential we continue to be a welcoming country. Those who have made Ireland their home contribute enormously to our economy and communities. Those who are granted protection must be welcomed, supported and integrated into our communities.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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The Tánaiste said yesterday that we need a rationale, calm and informed debate on migration. I agree with that sentiment. Unfortunately, the past week offers little evidence that he means what he says. We need a reset on our public discourse on migration and that starts with all of us in this House and with our leaders in government. For a rationale debate, we need to make appeals to truth, not fears. For a calm debate, we need to stop exaggerating, misrepresenting and facilitating the endless conveyer belt of online lies which too often end up in diluted form on the floor of this House. For an informed debate, we must speak only to facts. The Tánaiste bulldozed through each of these three last week. He did so purposefully. He chose his words carefully. He knew the effect they would have on the ears that heard their fears reflected back to them and he knew the debate it would trigger. It contrasted so much with the thoughtful, rationale contribution from the Minister, Deputy Donohoe, in his article in yesterday’s edition of The Irish Times.

I will focus on the Tánaiste’s comments as the context could not be clearer. I will speak in factual terms now. This past weekend, we saw an attempt to kill innocent people and children. That is a fact. As the investigation into this is ongoing, we cannot speculate on what kind of hate is driving the minds of people who do these sort of things or where it comes from but we can make a fair guess.

It is against that backdrop of where are as a country right now that the Government must make a choice. It can speak to the facts about migration and international protection in our country, or it can continue to come out with poorly judged generalisations that are only speaking to fears. When you look at the approach taken recently, we are not seeing that leadership. We are actually seeing a bit of a blame game going on within the coalition.

Throughout the last Government, we regularly saw Fianna Fáil backbenchers coming out briefing against Helen McEntee, when she was justice Minister, about international protection. Last Wednesday, in a turnaround, we saw Simon Harris declaring that it is taking too long to deport people from the country. Following this, last Thursday, in an interview with Claire Byrne, the Taoiseach declared that it was a mistake to have taken migration responsibility out of the Department of justice. Except that never happened. The Department of justice has always had responsibility for all aspects of our border and who enters our country. Responsibility for issuing visas remained with the Department of justice. Responsibility for the Garda National Immigration Bureau, the International Protection Office and the Refugee Appeals Tribunal all remained with the Department of justice. Responsibility for policy on employment permits remained with the then Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment. The only thing that was taken out of the Department of justice was responsibility for accommodating people fleeing here, either through international protection or subsequently through temporary protection for those fleeing the war in Ukraine. This effort by the Taoiseach to rewrite history is not the leadership that we need.

At a time when there are bad-faith actors on the far right trying to divide our society in the most dangerous way, too often the country is left with a vacuum in leadership. Whether it is the attempted arson in Drogheda, the attacks on people of Indian or Southeast Asian descent across the summer or the continuous vicious racist abuse that many Irish people face online, the Government needs to stop its internal bickering, stop trying to shift blame and actually show leadership. The Government must lead on protecting people who are vulnerable, on standing up to hatred, whether it is on our streets or in the online space, and by combating misinformation with facts.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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Why are we having this debate? That is the first question I want to ask. A child was horrifically sexually assaulted. We are not discussing gender-based violence. I have just come from a committee that the rape crisis centre set up. Four TDs showed up. Nobody from Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael was there. They do not care about that issue. A racist riot followed the assault. Massive harm was done to gardaí. We have seen the attempted murder of families in Drogheda. Then we hear the Minister of State on the radio scapegoating the people who live in IPAS centres, saying that they should pay for their accommodation in which they are not even safe and which is being surrounded by people who sometimes want to harm or kill them. We hear his Minister friend's performative cruelty with the deportation flights that are costing the taxpayer a fortune. There is more performance in so many of the other things that he has done.

I want to talk about Simon Harris. Let us be clear, he had a disastrous presidential election. The housing crisis is increasing at pace. Fianna Fáil's own backbenchers are rare and savage over it. The Taoiseach has disappeared to a conference he does not even need to be at. Simon Harris does a pivot again to the right and starts to scapegoat minorities in this country, something he has done before. I am not a bit surprised. It is the modus operandi of establishment parties worldwide. In order to compete with the far right, they move further right. I was never very convinced by Simon Harris's liberal foray on repeal any way. I think he is in more comfortable territory right now.

We need to say a couple of things. The vast majority in international protection do not want to be in this country. Let us start with that. They do not want to leave their own countries, but there has been a massive increase in genocide, in wars, in militarism and in poverty. Many of the people are Ukrainian, and the Government was all for funding the war in Ukraine as well. We have a capitalist system, to which the Government is wedded, that is bringing nothing but devastation and poverty. What does the Government do? It resorts to increasing racism itself. Misogyny, homophobia and all of that is being resorted to by Trump and it looks like the Government is following suit. I saw photographs yesterday of Georgian people, apparently, being put onto flights. It is the kind of thing I have seen Trump do in the US with the ICE raids. It is absolutely despicable.

Simon Harris said that people are shutting down debate and are being divisive. He is being divisive. This has actual repercussions for lots of people in this country, including constituents of mine. It is a very diverse constituency. I did not hear the Government running for a debate on racism when the Indian community was under assault all over the summer. There was no debate in this House.

In the minute I have left, it has to be mentioned that it is not just Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Other parties in this House are leaning into racism as well. Aontú was exposed for its youth membership having a brutally antisemitic group chat where the n-word was used throughout. This is somebody who was working in a Deputy's office in these Houses and we are meant to pretend that they did not know he was a racist. He was an absolute fascist. Independent Ireland has been putting up stuff. It is disappointing that Sinn Féin is also there. If you do not point to the resources that exist in this society in a massively rich country with a huge budget surplus and huge number of vacant properties and all you do is attack the IPAS system, you are not actually tackling the far right. I am competing in the exact same territory. Take a lesson from the presidential election and Catherine Connolly. You do not have to lean into this stuff. Take a lesson from Zohran Mamdani as well. A lot of people do not want division and hatred stirred up.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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It was very strange yesterday on Leaders' Questions. I counted no fewer than seven times when Jack Chambers, stepping in for the Taoiseach, called for a debate on our migration policy. This is kind of the last refuge of the scoundrel. Rather than actually coming out and arguing for a position, they just say we need to have a debate about it, suggesting that somehow they are not able to have a debate. They are able to have a debate; they are the Ministers responsible for Government policy. It has become clear that what the Government wants is not a debate. What it wants is a free run to engage in dog-whistling and in scapegoating of asylum seekers and for that not to be challenged. Simon Harris was deliberately conflating migration numbers in general with a small number of asylum seekers who had not been deported. When Fintan O'Toole very accurately and precisely skewered that and exposed the misinformation that Simon Harris was engaged in, and when that was then echoed and emphasised by some Opposition parties, the response by Simon Harris to this debate happening was to accuse us of shutting down debate. The debate is not just that you get to say whatever you want or that you get to throw out your dog-whistles and not be challenged on it. You will be challenged on it.

The truth is that the Government does not want to significantly change aspects of our migration policy. If it did, it would bring forward those proposals. It wants to stick with the current migration policy, but add in some more elements of performative cruelty to dog-whistle, to scapegoat asylum seekers and to distract from its failures in government. The idea, as it was suggested by a Fianna Fáil TD, that by doing so they will cut across the rise of the far right and that this is what the evidence across Europe shows is ridiculous. All the evidence shows that as the establishment moves to the right, it reinforces the rhetoric and analyses of the far right. It simply gives them more and more space because the establishment cedes ground to them. Fintan O'Toole was absolutely correct in analysing why this is happening:

There is a question that hovers over Irish politics: what will the parties of power do when they start to panic about losing it? Last week, after their joint debacle in the presidential election, we got the grim answer: turn on immigrants.

It is not the first time we got the grim answer. We got the grim answer in the run-up to the local elections, where Sinn Féin deserves a fell-for-it award where it tried to compete in being more anti-immigrant than the Government, which resulted in a disastrous election for Sinn Féin because it all became about immigration. The Government earlier stated that it was overrun at that stage and that the result was that people were on the canal. That is not what happened. That is not true. There were empty beds in the system. The Government chose to put people on the canal because it wanted to make people homeless in order to centre the issue of immigration and say that was the problem. It is all an incredible distraction technique to make people think that the problems in our society, the housing crisis, the health crisis and the cost-of-living crisis and the causes of those problems are not those at the top, those who profit from those crises, not the Government that represents those forces that profit, but the most vulnerable people.

The latest act of performative cruelty or suggestion, which is being trailed again and again, is the idea that the Government is going to charge people who are working for staying in IPAS accommodation. It is presented as just common sense. Why would people not be paying? Well, one reason might be that it is going to cost more to implement than the Government will raise. There is also a very good reason that we do not charge people who stay in, for example, emergency accommodation. We want them to actually get out of emergency accommodation. The Government is going to keep people in poverty in these systems just so it can have some performative cruelty. This is the thin end of the wedge. If the Government gets away with doing this for asylum seekers in their emergency accommodation, is it going to do the same for homeless people? Is the Government going to use that horrendous attack? If it sets up the system, spends millions of euros on it and establishes the principle that if people work while in State-provided accommodation they should pay, then all homeless people will be next. That is why we must stand against this divisive policy.

Catherine Callaghan (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to make a contribution on the topic of international protection processing and enforcement. It is an area in which, in spite of enormous challenges, the Government has made sustained progress in the right direction. It is critical to point out at the outset that migrants make an immense contribution to Irish society. People are welcome to come here, work, study and join family so long as they do so legally, as the vast majority do.

Migrants' presence here in Ireland contributes to a rich and culturally diverse society that we should all value. Amidst an unprecedented number of arrivals in recent years, the Government has ramped up staffing levels in the International Protection Office, IPO, showing a real commitment to speeding up the international protection process and improving effectiveness and efficiency. Through September of this year, the total number of applicants had reduced by 38.5%. In addition, enforcement had significantly stepped up, with an increase of 105% on the same period in 2024. However, while this progress is being made, it is important that we recognise, and indeed challenge, the increasingly hostile online commentary that has grown up regarding immigration in Ireland. The claim that migrants coming to Ireland are unvetted is entirely false. All international protection applicants have their fingerprints and photographs taken and these are checked against EU databases. Of course, we must also recognise there are many communities throughout the country who have legitimate concerns about migration, which we must address by having sensible, honest and rational discussions with local communities.

While debating the issue recently on KCLR, I outlined my view that the best way of challenging those sections of society that engage in hateful and divisive rhetoric on the issue is by continuing to deliver a firm but fair migration system that recognises people's right to stay here but also deals robustly with cases of people who do not have that right. That is why the Government is bringing forward the international protection Bill. This new legislation will bring important changes, which will streamline the decisions process, as well as the returns process, and will provide new institutional arrangements for international protection decisions and appeals.

The Bill also signals the Government's intention to shift away from the emergency use of hotels, with a preference now expressed for facilities on State-owned land. This will be a welcome relief to hoteliers and local communities, and will also be cheaper in the long run.

I commend the former Minister for justice, Deputy McEntee, and the current Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, on their work to streamline Ireland's international protection processing service. I also acknowledge the ambition and efforts of the Minister of State at the Department, Deputy Brophy. The best way of lowering the temperature when it comes to debating immigration is to focus on the delivery of a robust, fair and firm system, and the international protection Bill is a key component of that delivery.

While a lot has been done, we all know that there is much more to do. I welcome the Government's determination in getting this work done.

Edward Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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It is important that in all discussions here we choose our language carefully. We must not say anything that might inflame situations or give encouragement to any extreme positions. We must stick at all times to facts and remember that we are talking about fellow human beings. The most important thing is that we have open and frank discussions. By having open discussions, we lessen the possibility of false information and extreme positions taking hold.

Two years ago, I stated publicly that we should have an open discussion on immigration. To date, we have failed to do so. We have nothing to hide.

I commend the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, on the steps he has taken, which have already resulted in considerable improvements.

I wish to make a few points. We need to deal with applications quickly. By denying quick decisions, we are leaving people in limbo. This is not good for them. It also contributes to overcrowding and many other challenges. This feeds into the extra cost to the State. This expenditure has been far in excess of what it needs to be. I urge the Minister to work to renegotiate all contracts with a view to lowering the cost. Allied to this, there needs to be a regular count to establish the numbers in each centre so as not to be paying for people who are not living there. This is a basic control.

One of the cornerstones of any system is that all citizens of the State are treated equally. In the case of IPAS residents who are working and earning a wage, there must be a contribution to all accommodation costs. Rent should be calculated along the lines of the letting priority scheme of local authorities. Food and utility costs must also be charged. This is the same as what any citizen in this State pays.

My next point relates to the distribution of IPAS locations. It is important that centres are not all located in one area, or that small towns and villages do not have very high numbers. In my own county of Wicklow, the majority of IPAS centres and numbers of people seeking international protection are located in one municipal district, namely, west Wicklow. This district is also the most poorly served by public transport and services. Above all, these measures should be introduced quickly. One of the main issues I have seen since I entered the Dáil is how slowly things move. The world out there moves quickly. Government action and the action of relevant public servants must move much more quickly and reflect the realities on the ground. We see this in infrastructure delivery. These delays are causing hardship for those involved and costing the taxpayer hundreds of million of euros.

I will repeat what I said at the beginning. I hope this forms part of a move to an open and frank discussion.

Peter Cleere (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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The Government has dealt with unprecedented numbers of international protection applicants in recent years, following a decade of geopolitical instability. Ireland strives to maintain a robust, rules-based system for all and to ensure that our citizens are protected through the appropriate enforcement of our borders. It is this Government's utmost priority to ensure that all those who arrive at our doorstep are treated with dignity and respect. We acknowledge the difficult journey that many asylum applicants make to arrive at our borders, fleeing war and enduring treacherous voyages. Therefore, each applicant should be treated fairly and in an appropriate length of time. However, we can also acknowledge the pressure that the high numbers of applications have put on the IPO, particularly since 2022. The waiting times are not acceptable for vulnerable international protection applicants or for Irish citizens who believe in a just legal system. The median processing time for cases in early 2023 was almost two years.

What is most important is that we deliver a fair and efficient immigration system. Notwithstanding that, we must acknowledge the geopolitical challenges and our unique position in the EU to help. We must ensure that those who are entitled to protection are processed more qucikly and with efficiency, transparency and respect. As a country, we cannot tolerate abuses of the system, such as misleading authorities or destroying documents. We cannot have any tolerance for asylum shopping. We welcome the drive from the Government and the wider EU to implement an efficient and faster processing time of 12 weeks under the EU migration and asylum pact, which will be introduced in June 2026. The current process is lengthy, including 14 months for first-instance decisions and 13 months for appeal.

As I said, increased efficiency will ensure that Irish citizens can maintain trust in the State to implement a just immigration process and guarantee a robust, rules-based enforcement of legal systems. What Irish citizens want to see is efficiency, transparency, ready access to information and value for taxpayer money. This Government wants to combat the sense of powerlessness for applications stuck in the system and for our Irish citizens who are confronted with disinformation.

In 2025, we had the highest number of deportation orders in Ireland in over 20 years. I welcome the work of the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, on deportation orders, including an operation to Georgia this week, thereby ensuring that abuses of the system will not be tolerated. We need a fair and efficient system for everyone.

Pádraig O'Sullivan (Cork North-Central, Fianna Fail)
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I express my condemnation of the appalling attack that took place at the IPAS centre in Drogheda last week. Such acts of violence are unacceptable and have no place in any society. My thoughts are with all of those affected.

This is such an important and sensitive issue. I fully recognise the need for a robust international protection system for people fleeing war-torn regions. The global instability we have witnessed in recent years has underscored just how essential this is. At the same time, we must ensure our immigration system is fair, effective ad sustainable. That means addressing potential abuse of the system and ensuring housing, public services and infrastructure can meet demand.

Since taking office earlier this year, the Minister has done a commendable job in building and delivering a robust and rules-based immigration processing and enforcement system. The Minister and his Department are moving towards a system that is more enforcement ready, faster in its decision-making and putting a stronger emphasis on verifying and processing.

One specific point I would like to make is about deportation. My understanding is the total number of people removed by charter flights this year has come to 205 people. I recognise that the Department continues to prioritise voluntary returns. In light of recent incidents, however, there comes a time when, for a particular type of person, a deportation order must be enforced more strictly. Is the Department satisfied the voluntary returns programme is making real progress and being properly resourced, both financially and in terms of staffing capacity? The voluntary returns programme depends on people coming forward and not everyone will comply with this process. What actions is the Department taking to follow up with those who do not engage with the voluntary return programme? How do we track and enforce deportations for those who are not complying?

I welcome the debate we are having. The current system is not working as it should. Decisions are taking too long and it is proving very costly. It is clear that significant reform is needed. I hope we can move forward in delivering that reform with compassion and fairness. It is worth noting that since the Minister has taken office, there has been a 40% reduction in the numbers of people arriving here and that is a testament to that robust system the Minister is trying to enforce.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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I join others in expressing outright condemnation of the horrible scene we saw in Drogheda the other night. I did not realise until yesterday morning that there was actually footage of it online. How disgusting to see someone bring a flammable liquid into the hallway of that premises, pour it up along the stairway and set it on fire, putting the lives of children upstairs at risk. It is disgusting and I hope when that person is identified and brought before the court system, he will not be tried for manslaughter or an arson attack or anything like that. He should be tried for attempted murder as that is what it was on the night.

I have been 21 years in politics and on Monday evening I had a first. I was hosting a local advice clinic in my community along with Councillor Rachel Hartigan, who is in the Public Gallery this evening. It was the first time ever that we had nine people from a certain ethnic community come to a clinic and say they fear for themselves and the community they live in. I had never heard that before. I have had people come to clinics to talk about the taxation of cars, medical cards and housing but I had never heard a group of people say they live in fear in the community that is their home. That is very worrying.

It is really important that our international protection system is both fair and robust. If you have come from a situation in a country where there is war, persecution or famine and your life is at risk, you should come to Ireland with dignity, respect and knowing this country will care for you, listen to your case and how worthwhile it is, and protect you during that period. If you have come here for economic reasons, told lies, with false documentation or have destroyed your documentation after you have come through the port or airport, you have totally flouted all of the rules of international protection and you should be deported.

I commend the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan. What I have seen in him is more guts, courage and conviction than in many of his predecessors because what we are seeing is deportation happening in real time. There is not just talk about it; it is happening. I also welcomed his suggestion during the week that if someone is staying in an accommodation centre and earning a salary, which people are allowed to do after a six- or eight-week period, they should rightly be paying for that because every other person in this country, be they accommodated in emergency accommodation, social housing or any form of accommodation, pays a contribution that is appropriate and equal to what they are able to pay.

There is a certain cohort that is coming to our country seeking work. They should be coming here through the work visa system. We do need people with critical skills and that was laid bare yesterday in a Government report. We will need people from other countries to come here to fill our workforce and provide critical skills, but if people are coming here and saying there is a war in their country when they are in fact here for economic reasons, that is flouting the system.

It is really important that towns like Lisdoonvarna which have played a disproportionate role are reflected on during the next phase of planning. Lisdoonvarna in County Clare, more than any town in Ireland, has played a role. Its population has increased fourfold during the past two and a half years and yet the Government and agencies of the Government did not backfill that with fourfold support. It is also important to note that schools very quickly played a major supporting role and welcomed young children into their classrooms, but now as those children have moved on to other accommodation centres, those schools are being told by the Minister for education that their enrolment on 30 September dropped by two or three pupils so a teacher will be taken from them. We should show the same good spirit to those schools that they showed to the little children who arrived at their front door because it has to work both ways.

We need to have scrutiny on how centres are managed. It is built into their contracts that there should be good food and transport but also 24-7 security. That is not being fulfilled in a lot of centres. If the Government is paying good taxpayers' money, it should certainly have some oversight of how it is being spent.

I have faith in the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, and I look forward to his Bill being progressed in due course.

Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)
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Unfortunately, we have turned a corner in this State. During the past week, we have had convictions for racially motivated murders and the lives of babies put in danger in Drogheda, where there was no way out of a burning building except down a stairs. Some of the online commentary in response to the attack in Drogheda were: "the person who did it must be staying there", "it was an inside job", "they did it themselves", "immigrants looking for better accommodation", "scum will get a nicer hotel now" and "there are other issues that are more shocking". Are they more shocking than attacking children in a burning building or attempted murder? It is unbelievable to have heard this in the same week Sr. Stanislaus Kennedy passed away.

If people keep spreading hate and misinformation, these attacks are inevitable. There is nothing new to this type of misinformation. I recently read a debate in Britain from 40 or 50 years ago where Roy Jenkins said, "a few people whether, out of political opportunism or personal inadequacy, have deliberately whipped up prejudice, playing on fear and ignorance, and blaming immigrants for problems which are none of their making - but which stemmed from previous parsimony in housing, schools and welfare services." Similarly, a Welsh politician once said that if you do not have a programme, a bogeyman will do. Who better to pick on than people who are voiceless and, crucially, poor, such as asylum seekers? In my constituency, we admired people such as Mike Quill from Kerry, a union leader in New York who always preached an anti-racist message. He said that if blacks and Jews were good enough to fight and die beside, they were good enough to live beside and work beside also. There was also Sr. Stanislaus, of course, and Hugh O'Flaherty, who said, "God has no country".

The lessons were set out to the Government years ago that there should have been more State-run accommodation. Unfortunately, nothing was done about that in the previous Dáil and a lot of the problems fall squarely at the feet of the Government.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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What we saw in the attack on the IPAS accommodation in Georges Street in Drogheda was nothing short of attempted murder. We saw somebody put flammable liquid on the stairs and five people had to be rescued - one adult and four children, one of them a very young infant. Somebody was willing to go in around 8.15 p.m. on Hallowe'en, break through the door and burn what could have been 28 people to death. That is the reality of what was done. It could have been the deaths of 28 human beings. The only escape for them was down the stairs.

There are questions about the appropriateness of the building.

My constituency colleague has brought up the issue of some of the people who have been involved in IPAS offering IPAS accommodation. Really and truly, I do not think any of this is good enough. We need anyone with any bit of information to provide it to the Garda. That is the only thing that is right. We need to make sure that the full power of the law is felt in this regard. Beyond that, we must ask what sort of world we are in. I also saw comments that this must be an inside job. Facts do not even matter any more in the commentary. There is just utter online hatred and online racism and beyond that there is an element of madness out there. At the end of the day what we saw was an attempt to take human life. We need to ensure that those people are prosecuted and give whatever resources the Garda require need to be provided. My thoughts go out to the families who have been through that.

This does not take away from the fact that this State, like every other state, needs to have a system. We should have a greater level of State-provided accommodation for those seeking international protection. We also need to make sure that the process is sped up. Decisions and appeals are taking too long. If someone has a right to stay here because they are fleeing war and persecution, that is fine. If they are not, they must leave. We need to ensure that our deportation system is conducted correctly. Outside of that we need to make sure we stand up against racism-----

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Deputy.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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-----and stand up against the absolutely brutal violence such as we saw in Drogheda.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
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We need workers in this country from different countries. We need to simplify the process, under the enterprise system, for those coming through. A lot of businesses are looking for and need workers, including hospitals and hospitality. We need doctors, nurses, and nursing home workers. There is not one person in the country who disputes that.

No one could condone what we witnessed the other night in Drogheda, or any gardaí getting hurt. It was despicable. I want to be very clear on that. There is a fact, however, that I also want to talk about. It is not acceptable if somebody comes into the country and basically gets rid of their paperwork, to put it very simply. It is not a thing where we would be able to stop people coming into the country via Northern Ireland and southern Ireland, but the bottom line is that we should have a process whereby within the first six weeks, a decision should be made on whether the person can stay. We should have a section in the courts so if the person wanted to go to the courts, he or she can deal with the courts and go through the different process. The whole process should be finished inside six months. When that is done and once that decision is made, if a person is staying they are staying if a decision is made that way. However, if a person is to be deported it should not be a case of "Rock on and whenever you get chance, head off". We need to tighten that system up whether we like it or not. In fairness to the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, he stood up and now it is way better than what was going on before. It is despicable that somebody who has been in the country for six years has not been processed. This is not acceptable either to the person who comes in or to the State's system. It is not working, to put it simply.

I ask the Government to be fair to everyone but the one thing it has to do is when it makes a decision, it makes a decision. A lot of people are chancing their arm coming into this country; let no one say there is not. People are sick of what is going on.

I also ask the Minister of State about the courts system and whether a new system has to be set up. I know this takes resources and it takes more money-----

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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The Deputy is taking Deputy Collins' time now.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
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-----but I would ask the Minister of State to make sure this is fast forwarded very quickly.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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I state unequivocally that we do not ever condone violence. The events in Drogheda over the weekend were deeply disturbing and there is absolutely no place in this country for such behaviour, no matter who owns the building. Let us be honest, however, that condemning violence is only part of the conversation. We must also confront the systematic failure in our immigration system. These failures are causing real harm to decent and law abiding people. Let us consider the South African man I am helping. He travelled from Mizen Head to Dublin today without an appointment and desperate to secure a visa for his wife. He has been waiting since March. He is a respected member of my community and his story is not unique. It is emblematic of a system that is failing. In Bandon there is a man who is married to an Irish citizen. He is still waiting for a visa despite having a ten-week-old baby. In Clonakilty another man is trying to reunite with his Brazilian partner who was forced to leave the country due to the delays in securing a de facto visa. These are people who contribute to our communities and who are trying to do things the right way, yet they are met with bureaucratic indifference and endless obstacles. Meanwhile we have IPAS centres housing individuals with deportation orders. Serious questions remain unanswered about how non-residents, including vulnerable children in Tusla care, ended up being assaulted by a resident of the Citywest campus. The Minister's reply to my parliamentary questions confirmed that around 500 people who are subject to deportation orders are currently residing in IPAS centre accommodation. This is not just a policy failure; this is a safeguarding crisis. Let me say something that some seem to be afraid to say: I do not believe it is wrong to take care of our own people first. What is so controversial about that? We have over 16,000 people homeless in this country. Where is the help for them? When we are passengers on an airplane, we are told that in the case of an emergency we must put on our own oxygen masks first before helping others. That is not selfish; that is common sense.

Ken O'Flynn (Cork North-Central, Independent Ireland Party)
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I would like to be associated with the words of condemnation of what happened in Drogheda, as my party colleagues have pointed out.

I speak for the 82% of Irish people who feel unheard, unseen and forgotten in this country. The Government has lost control of migration, lost control of enforcement and lost the confidence of the nation. What we have now is a system without fairness and without end in sight. Appeals have surged by 46% in six months from 9,700 to 14,134. Deportation orders had been issued but from June only 160 have been acted on by removal charter. That is not order; that is abdication.

Nearly €1 billion each year is being spent on accommodation for international protection applicants. Some of them, as was pointed out to the House, have an unusual relationship with CAB. Others have very unusual relationships with Fianna Fáil. This is while Irish citizens who built and paid into this country cannot find a home, cannot find a GP, cannot find a dentist and cannot get extra services into their classrooms. Many of them have told me that they have lost their sense of security within their own community. There is nobody talking about that. We must put Irish people first. We must protect our own citizens and house our own homeless before we try to impress the boys in Brussels. Charity should always begin at home when it comes to our citizens. Our duty is to our own people, not for the good of the boys in Europe and to impress those and to be the best in class.

We walk through villages in Ireland today and they do not reflect Irish society anymore. Many people are saying to me that they do not feel safe because they were in a small village, their hotel has been taken away from them, everything has been taken away from them and there is a huge influx of a new society which is being put upon them and no consultation given to them at that time.

We look across to Europe and see that countries are taking back control. Countries like Denmark are enforcing great and proper immigration and well structured immigration laws. Poland is defending its borders. Hungary will not be lectured by bureaucrats in Brussels. Ireland meanwhile rewards the policy failures of this Government with hotel rooms and handouts.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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The Deputy must conclude.

Ken O'Flynn (Cork North-Central, Independent Ireland Party)
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I am sorry, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Those policies are not making any economic sense and would not promote anybody. It is economically unsustainable.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I condemn the horrible attacks that happened on the IPAS centre in Drogheda. I welcome the fact that the Government has done such a U-turn on immigration and its rhetoric. It is quite incredible to be sitting here listening to an immigration debate with comments by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael TDs that they would have been called racist just a year ago. Where was the critical thinking then? Where was the independent thought a year or two years ago? It is amazing to hear Government Members raising concerns and talking about a firm and fair immigration system. This is something we spoke about for a very long time and for which we were condemned by the Government. I am glad that the Tánaiste has made a U-turn and finally allowed some common sense and critical thinking into this debate. It is ironic that the Government is condemning the Social Democrats and the Labour Party for trying to censor debate, which I believe is wrong, which the Government engaged in just a few months ago. It is important that I welcome the Minister of State to the side of common sense, to critical thinking and, indeed, to law and order.

We know the IPAS system has been abused for far too long. That abuse includes applicants coming from the North, which is a safe country, into Ireland. There has been abuse by way of the destruction of travel documents, which the Government has done nothing about because it is incapable even of having a rational discussion on the topic. This is something that could easily have been solved but a discussion on it in the House was refused. The situation of economic migrants using and abusing the IPAS system should have been addressed several years ago. Another abuse is the fact the Government has taken over the last remaining hotel in so many towns and villages. We have deportation orders that are never enforced. In fact, last year, more than 2,500 deportation orders were issued and just over 100, or less than 5%, were enforced. That is the reality but one would not think so from listening to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael TDs this evening. That is not to mention the utter abuse of taxpayers' money associated with the IPAS system. The Comptroller and Auditor General's report outlined a litany of such abuse, including more than €7.5 million wrongly being charged on VAT.

That is the situation over which the Government has presided. I welcome that we are finally moving to a stage where we can actually discuss this topic but it is important for the Government to realise it has created and presided over this chaos. It is crucial that it now implements rational steps that seek to improve the situation and address the chaos over which it has presided.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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I cannot say much in two minutes other than to point out that we need a much wider debate on this issue. Without proper, respectful discourse, a vacuum is created and that vacuum is taken over by radical groups that foment hatred and spew disinformation. That leads to there being open season to verbally abuse and possibly physically abuse anyone on a bus with darker skin. We have seen that happening all around the country and I have seen it in my constituency. It is absolutely reprehensible. At the same time, there are groups using identity politics to stir up, antagonise and cast aspersions on people who raise genuine concerns.

The fact is that 74% of asylum applicants in the country at the moment are found, after appeal, not to have the right to remain. They are economic migrants. I have said to the Taoiseach previously that many of them are genuine, decent people who only want a better life, but the asylum process is not the way to apply to remain. We need workers, as Deputy Fitzmaurice said, and we always will need workers. There is an issue with an industrial policy that brings the likes of software localisation to Dublin, where there is huge pressure on house prices, when there are rural areas that could do with more children in local schools and where shopfronts and rooms above shops are lying idle. That is an issue for a wider debate.

We need a citizens' convention on the issue of asylum policy and immigration to facilitate a fact-based, respectful discussion that takes into account our international obligations to support those fleeing persecution and also looks at the common good in Ireland and our capacity to provide support for people. That would be a fair discussion. We can discuss immigration and asylum but not other people because of their background or the colour of their skin. Let us please have that wider debate.

John Lahart (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
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While I agree with much of what the previous speaker said, this Chamber is the citizens' assembly for discussion of this issue. We need to be courageous. Unfortunately, a previous speaker has left the Chamber. There are a couple of points I would have liked to respond to but perhaps that is for another day. The Minister of State will understand if I focus my comments locally or parochially on Citywest. Some of the points I will make could already be subject to action by the Minister, the Minister of State and the Department. They are issues that have been raised with me and I am sure they have landed on the Minister of State's desk.

I understand a meeting is planned in the coming weeks to discuss the situation at Citywest. The issue I raise relates to the management of the facility. Some of the concerns may be groundless but I will outline them in any case. There is concern that the current staff lack appropriate training in essential areas, including conflict resolution, Children First and child protection protocols, trauma-informed practices, human trafficking awareness and general social care and protection standards. Question marks have been raised around accountability structures reaching down to security staff. The Citywest complex, as the Minister of State knows well, hosts at least three distinct centres. There is what we would have known as the golf hotel, with 300 or 400 rooms. I understand it is still housing refugees but it is separate from the Citywest facility. The Citywest hotel houses more than 1,000 Ukrainians and then the leisure centre, or the gym as it would be known locally, has 30,000 sq. ft of accommodation. The convention centre is over 250,000 sq. ft in size and the hotel has 750 beds. It is a big operation.

One of the things we need to do now we own a significant portion of this facility is sit down and review how it is governed and managed from security right down to welfare. Concerns have arisen regarding security and access control. One of the suggestions made to me is that we need tighter control of access points and consideration of enhanced security measures such as the use of drug detection dogs. There are claims of open drug dealing on the site. Use of facial recognition technology has also been suggested. That is standard practice in some other IPAS centres and involves a swipe in-swipe out system. It does not contravene anybody's rights; it just protects the place properly. It has been proposed that there be a review of and greater emphasis on monitoring and accountability. I am not talking here about the Ukrainians living in the State. I refer to those seeking international protection and who must remain on site until they attain that. The site is not a prison but it is a holding centre for people in that sense. There have been calls for a focus on social cohesion within the site and off-site and on residents' well-being. There is a mix. I volunteered there for a little while. What I did was a microcosm of what other volunteers in south County Dublin did. However, I was there just as things started to get a little more complex and it was not just Ukrainians being housed there. I wrote a little paper on what I saw, which I will forward to the Minister of State. My time is up. Those are just some of the concerns that have been raised locally. I know the Minister of State is aware of them.

James Geoghegan (Dublin Bay South, Fine Gael)
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Deputy O'Flynn has left the Chamber but unless I misheard him, he said that when we walk through our villages, they do not reflect Irish society. I am not sure what he meant by that but I cannot imagine how it could be interpreted as anything other than inflammatory. It really puts into stark contrast the labels that have been thrown at my party leader for the measured remarks he has made in respect of how we deal with the international protection system and with migration. Like others in this House, I utterly condemn the cowardly and reprehensible behaviour we have seen in Citywest and Drogheda. I am glad to hear every Member call those responsible out for what they are, which is racist, unlawful and an affront to us all.

I will speak about something central to the immigration debate and the way we do politics as our country's demography and workforce change. In discussing migration, we must acknowledge it is a complex social phenomenon. There are different forms of migration. It brings obvious benefits to our economy, healthcare system and cultural life but it also presents new demands. Given the issue's complexity, the public expects that we, as its representatives in this House, will discuss challenges for the systems we use to manage migration. I fear we are falling disappointingly short of the public's expectations. To state these two things that are obviously true should not be controversial. The Tánaiste's recent remarks simply reflected the issue's complexity and the need to respond to a new environment.

Of course our policies should change if our system is not fit to deal with the challenges we face on migration for both workers and those seeking international protection. We do, of course, need workers and we have a duty to support people in need but we also need a rules-based system. These are arguments that cannot be brushed aside. Arguments should always be considered on their merits and on the strength of evidence in support of them. Ideological dogma should never take precedence over constructive debate. It is disgraceful that some parties in this Chamber have chosen to engage in dangerous and divisive culture war politics. The bad faith arguments, closer to innuendo, put forward by some of the Opposition have been nothing short of remarkable. As a former Lord Mayor of Dublin, I am incredibly proud that one in five people living in Dublin city is not originally from Ireland. That adds to the vibrancy of our city and makes it international. Deputy O'Flynn's remarks about walking through villages and not seeing Irish society absolutely disgust me.

However, you can believe both things are true and still believe in a rules-based system for migration while still championing the extraordinary people who are working in our health service but equally acknowledge there are challenges in our international protection system. This is an important debate worth having.

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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I welcome these statements. It is very important to have debate on these issues. However, it is also important when having this debate to have it in a reasonable, informed and safe space because it seems that anybody who engages in debate on this issue now is criticised by one side or the other as being extreme in one direction or the other. That is a really regrettable state of affairs. Some Members who have contributed to this debate so far have been quite unreasonable but rather than train my guns on them, I will specifically raise an issue that came up in The Irish Times this week. Columnist Fintan O'Toole criticised the Tánaiste for remarks he made outside Cabinet.

Criticism of the remarks is fine but I found something in the paper of record that was unworthy of The Irish Times and unworthy of Fintan O'Toole. There was a twisting of what was said, followed by a suggestion that it was misinformation. He did that by suggesting the use of the word "migration" means "immigration". If he had actually listened to the entirety of what Deputy Harris said, the Tánaiste was at pains to point out that we need immigration. Throughout this debate, I have heard people talk about immigration, despite the fact this is entitled Statements on International Protection Processing and Enforcement. It is not about immigration but migration and people who come here seeking our protection.

I am dealing with a situation where I have a huge IPAS centre on the border of my constituency that very much affects the people in my area. I am not saying that should not happen. I welcome it. I am trying to communicate it with the people in the area but by doing so, I am getting criticism from other people online. There is not a reasoned space where we can actually debate the real issues here and suggest what can be done. There are definitely legitimate criticisms that can be made of the Department and the manner in which it manages IPAS. For example, there is consistently an information vacuum. There seems to be a decision made within the Department that it will not trust members of communities in local areas. They do not actually trust them to give the information well in advance so they actually know what is happening in their area. People are entitled to know what is happening in their area. They are not entitled to veto it. Nobody gets to decide who lives next door to them but in the absence of information from the Department, other people fill that vacuum with misinformation.

Speaking about misinformation, Fintan O'Toole namechecked me in his article too because I defended what the Tánaiste said. He suggested the Tánaiste conflated migration and immigration, notwithstanding his clarification later on in his comments. When he said there was too much migration into the country, there is justification for that comment. The reality is that 80% of people who come here and apply for international protection are found not to be entitled to it and are therefore the subject of a return to the country they came from. Migration is down 47% in 2025 compared to 2024. Still more than 16,000 people have come here this year. That is still a major problem because it creates huge pressure on the system. Let us not accuse people of misinformation when they have in fact stated facts. Let us allow people have space to debate it in a reasoned way that allows them to actually look at the real issues.

Paula Butterly (Louth, Fine Gael)
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First and foremost, I want to address the issues we witnessed in Drogheda last week. It appears two thugs kicked in the front door, set light to the stairs and this resulted in 28 people being homeless. It resulted in eight people having to go to Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital to seek treatment. Thankfully, none of those injuries were serious. However, let us put ourselves in the shoes of those people for those hours and the subsequent hours afterwards. These were people who were going about their ordinary Halloween business. There were decorations across the household. As a result of thuggery, they were put out of their home.

These people were IPAS applicants. They are waiting and biding their time to see if they have a right to remain in the State. Irrespective of whether they have a right to stay, they are going through a process that is based on rules. These rules have to be adhered to and respected. These people are ordinary human beings. For the time they remain in the State, it is absolutely necessary that we never lose sight of these people. That is what they are: people. They are human beings and they should be afforded every right and every respect as any other citizen or non-citizen would get while they reside in this State.

However, this is not just an isolated incident, unfortunately. This incident in Drogheda went to the extremes and could have cost life and limb of children, babies and women. However, because of certain discussions and commentary, some people are taking the law into their own hands. Recently in my constituency in County Louth, we had a situation where somebody went about their business photographing people who were actually seasonal workers. They were going about their business and had their visas. A house was targeted in which they did not even live. It was a family home where there were children who were absolutely terrified. We must have a discussion about immigration. We must have a discussion about IPAS but we must have a sensible, calm discussion. We have to accept there is a process in place and there are rules and laws by which we have to abide.

Louis O'Hara (Galway East, Sinn Fein)
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I join with colleagues in condemning the despicable attacks in Drogheda. I hope those responsible are brought to justice and face very serious consequences for their actions. This island has a storied history of migration. We have seen many generations forced to emigrate due to famine and economic necessity. Today, famine and war still remain in the world along with conflict and people who are in need of international protection. Ireland must continue to play our part in providing international protection. However, this role must be managed, fair and robust.

The current international protection system has been completely mismanaged. Decisions are taking far too long. Appeals are taking too long and the rules are not being enforced. This has been ongoing for years under the watch of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Let us take the number of deportations over the past four years. During this period, over 6,600 deportation orders were issued, yet only 667 deportations were confirmed. That is about a 10% completion rate. How can the Government stand over that? For a system to work and to have public confidence, the rules must be followed and enforced.

To make matters worse, the Government has now made the decision to hand over our migration powers to the EU by signing up to the migration pact. That hands away our sovereignty. It will impede our ability to make decisions for ourselves about migration and international protection.

On the delivery of IPAS accommodation, we have seen large scale abuse of taxpayer's money. This abuse has ranged from private IPAS operators charging the State VAT when IPAS accommodation is VAT exempt right through to other operators being paid by the State for beds that do not even exist. There are clears examples of private companies and individuals profiteering from the IPAS system and it is no wonder there is such distrust of the system.

In my own constituency, I have seen abysmal communication between the Department and local communities when there are proposals to establish new IPAS centres. Legitimate concerns of local residents have not been addressed and there has been no real plan for resourcing local communities that host international protection applicants. This is a system that fails both communities and asylum seekers alike. Significant work needs to be done to improve our system. Sinn Féin believes in a system that is robust, efficient, ends private profiteering and crucially, ensures decisions are enforced.

Fionntán Ó Súilleabháin (Wicklow-Wexford, Sinn Fein)
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The Government's policy to date in the area of IPAS processing and enforcement has been reckless, farcical and absurd. The State simply could not be bothered applying its own rules. The structures of Tusla have been a sham, which was something I highlighted at an Oireachtas committee meeting just weeks ago. Sadly, just a few days after that, we saw the end result of this reckless policy when a ten-year-old girl was raped or sexually assaulted by someone not even entitled to be here and for whom there was a deportation order issued that the Government simply had not bothered to enforce.

I received a reply from the Minister's office, which stated: "As there are no routine exit checks at Irish borders, it is not possible to accurately provide the number of people who are currently in Ireland subject to deportation orders.". There you have it.

The Committee of Public Accounts has heard that the State spent an estimated €2.1 billion on IPAS last year. That means €2.1 billion of the public's hard-earned money went to cowboy speculators.

How did we get to this sorry state of affairs? Until recently, any attempt by ordinary decent people, who are the vast majority, to have a rational or reasonable discussion on this subject was shut down by the State and its institutions in all its different guises. It was obvious this was a dangerous, reckless and unhealthy head-in-the-sand approach by the Government that left a vacuum into which stepped a tiny number with divisive and malign intent. The Government handed it to them on a plate. Why would it not, when it is ourselves that are getting attacked on the issue moreso than the Government that is responsible? So, it was a win-win situation for the Government. The Government that engineered the problem is now frantically searching for scapegoats and PR stunts to put the genie back in the bottle. Over many years as a councillor I exposed this farce. Sinn Féin has been clear from the beginning that where a person is not entitled to be in Ireland they should be returned safely to their country of origin and the deportation order should be both enforced and tracked. We need to have the powers to return immediately those who are not entitled to be here.

An Irish Government is best placed to make decisions in the interests of the Irish people, not unelected bureaucrats in Brussels or faceless EU institutions that make the decisions for us, undermining our democracy and our sovereignty. Protocol 21 of the Lisbon Treaty has given the Government the opt-out clause for certain measures. However, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and others opted into the EU migration pact which comes into force next June.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Deputy.

Fionntán Ó Súilleabháin (Wicklow-Wexford, Sinn Fein)
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The Government caused the problem. The people need to direct their anger at that Government.

Gillian Toole (Meath East, Independent)
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As every Member today has done, I condemn the barbaric events at Citywest and, more recently, in Drogheda, County Louth. I want to express my gratitude to the members of An Garda Síochána and the emergency services for their swift actions. However, it should not have come to this. As I said on 18 September, there is a real risk to social cohesion if we do not put our house in order in a fair and humane manner as quickly as possible. I thank the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, and the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, for the detailed updates they provided to us this afternoon and the briefing document, which I skimmed through. I am grateful for that. There is probably a public relations piece in terms of the information given to us and getting that out into the wider community so that people are aware that huge efforts are being made by the international protection team and the ministerial team. However, as our population is increasing rapidly, I sought information previously on capacity audits in the areas of housing, healthcare, education and transport in order to determine in advance the services that are required for those who legitimately apply for and qualify for international protection supports but also for the communities that will host international protection applicants.

The other area I queried previously is that of critical skills audits. That links in with the issuing of work permits. I am somewhat concerned that there may be a crossover between using an international protection application route disingenuously where a work permit application may be appropriate, albeit more timely and at a cost. It is possible that avenue is being used disingenuously. I wonder whether a critical skills audit is being carried out to determine sector by sector the number of migrant workers we require. I note that Brazil, Georgia and India were mentioned earlier as countries of origin. I am not sure whether that was for work permit applications or international protection. There are two countries in particular which have areas where their geography, geology and demographics are changing very rapidly because of large corporations moving in looking to increase output and productivity. Farmland is being taken over, populations are being moved to urban areas which are overpopulated and then people are forced to leave their country of origin. That links in to the climate piece as well. There is a much bigger picture here.

Another concern is whether there are robust checking mechanisms in place with the Department of Social Protection. Perhaps reforms are needed there as well. Many small businesses in County Meath cite an unavailability of workers who will work more than 18.5 hours a week, so there are some issues there.

I will point out some glaring surprises. It is unusual for ordinary people in my own area to raise flags with me on the issue of migration but two cases come to mind. The question has been voiced to me about how accommodation offers and expressions of interest can be fast-tracked for international protection applicants but previously they have not been sought nor offered for people who are on local authority housing lists. Another issue I would like to point out is, as of this evening, I can book a two-night break in the Hilton in Kyiv-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Deputy and call Deputy Mattie McGrath.

Gillian Toole (Meath East, Independent)
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-----for 16 and 17 November and travel advice is only recommending-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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I am pleased to be back after a short absence due to illness. I am delighted to be back. I tried many times to have debates here in the previous Dáil and I was denied. I too want to condemn the attack in Drogheda. Actions like that are totally reprehensible and cannot be condoned. Let me be absolutely clear: Ireland's international protection system is broken. The Tánaiste himself admitted that it is not working. The Taoiseach echoed that sentiment. They have been on some road to Damascus there. My goodness; I never saw anything like it. It is astonishing for those of us who have been calling out the broken system for almost three years now, including Deputy Carol Nolan, me and others, to hear these sentiments by the Government now. We have been abused, heckled and shouted down by all sides of this House, called racist and far right and accused of creating division or undermining social cohesion. Yet, here we are now. The Government has caught up with our understanding and concerns. Maybe the spoiled votes in the election had something to do with that. It is a bit late. As I said, it is a road to Damascus situation. The proof of the pudding will be in the eating. We will see by its actions.

More than 80% of asylum claims are found to be false. That is not a system under pressure; it is a system being exploited shamefully. What is worse is that many individuals remain in Ireland even after receiving deportation orders. There is no accountability. This is totally unacceptable. I accept that deportation orders have increased. However, when a person has been ordered to leave, they must leave.

Let us take the case of Tipperary. From top to bottom the céad míle fáilte in Tipperary is well known, from the top of Tipperary right down to Rathcabbin. What happened in Roscrea was appalling. It is appalling what is still going on in Dundrum House Hotel . Hearns Hotel in Clonmel and many other buildings were taken over. These were hotels that the economy depended on for tourism. Many local people were working in them. If you say anything you are told to be quiet. What is going on in Dundrum is absolutely shambolic. The Taoiseach was in Clonmel before the election to open the office of then Councillor Michael Murphy. He met Ms Crowe and Ms O'Dwyer who explained to him what is happening. He seemed to listen. Then they were decried and the riot squad was sent in. So much force was deployed on communities that were totally non-violent. Anybody who came there trying to create trouble was hunted. It was the same in Roscrea. The way An Garda Síochána was used was shocking. Now we are left in a heap in Roscrea. A section 5 is due for adjudication in the High Court which has gone on and on and deferred. Meanwhile, another section 5 has been submitted. Now the council has referred it to An Coimisiún Pleanála. We know what it is doing. It will facilitate the making of Dundrum House Hotel, leisure resort and golf course into an IPAS centre. That is being facilitated by the Minister and the Government. The nod and wink system is alive and well in big business. A lot of money is being paid to rogue developers who would not be interested in housing people. They are only interested in their póca, their pockets. We should cut the funding they are getting by two-thirds. Ordinary people will want to help asylum seekers, not greedy people who are not nice. The people who own that place in Drogheda are not nice either. A lot of investigation is needed into this. Books will be written about this and there will be huge investigations in years to come and we will have to hang our heads in shame. It is a broken system. The Government is only playing catch-up. I do not think it really wants to fix it.

Colm Brophy (Dublin South West, Fine Gael)
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It was a very interesting debate and I acknowledge the range of views expressed across the House. When I was making notes for my closing remarks, I wrote that I would like to thank all of the Deputies who contributed to this important discussion. I said at the start that I hoped we would have a discussion that was balanced, fair and done in the right way. Most of the contributions were. We need to call a spade a spade. Some of the contributions veered towards an area which I find very worrying. They were contributions that were not fair, not necessarily in criticising the Government, but in terms of using tropes and language that should have no place in this type of debate.

We have to acknowledge that debates on migration can be difficult. They will always provoke strong emotions. There are differing perspectives here. For the most part, we have seen how we can engage and talk about this issue. Respectful debate is the cornerstone of democracy, but I have to call out things when I think they are crazy or are tropes that are just thrown out. We had a Sinn Féin Deputy talk about deportations and border checks in his contribution. It would nearly make me laugh if it were not so serious - to have people in Sinn Féin wanting checks for people going across the Border. They should get real because the biggest border on our island is between North and South. Are they suggesting that we close the Border? There is talking out of both sides of your mouth, but that brings a new level of farce.

I have to say I was disappointed with the contribution from the former Minister, Deputy O'Gorman. At a certain point, he went out of his way to list all of the things he was not responsible for. Unfortunately, one of the main things he was responsible for during that period in government was the IPAS accommodation system. We are sorting out the problems that came about during that period of time. Some of that was not his fault. Some of it was because of the huge influx that took place. I am willing to acknowledge that he was dealing with a very difficult situation, but we have to have reasonableness and respectfulness about it.

We had contributions from Deputies, and in particular from the Social Democrats, none of whom are still here, in which they ranged their fire down on the Tánaiste from the high moral ground. If you want to be morally superior to others, you have an extra duty of care to make sure your contributions are careful and inclusive of everything. One line has constantly been taken out of remarks made by the Tánaiste. I am going to take a moment to read the bit that these Deputies seem so incapable of following it with. The Tánaiste stated:

Let's be honest with people. We are developing a new migration policy here. We are developing a migration system and somewhat doing it in real time. I am very clear that immigration is a good thing. I am very clear that our country benefits from immigration. I am also very clear that immigration or migration into our country [is] lawful. I am very clear...

At that point the Tánaiste gets interrupted. He came back to say that he thought this was the challenge with migration. When politicians get asked a question they do not have an opportunity to answer. He added that what he was trying to say was that migration was a good thing. He said that we needed to get a system where people have a right to stay here and are told that quickly and can get on with their lives and contribute positively to our country and to integrate. He went on to say that he was speaking honestly to the people of Ireland and we were not where we need to be. He said that we had a system that needs change. When people do not have a right to be here and have exhausted their right to be here, they should be deported quickly. If they cannot be deported for some logistical reason, they should at that moment be detained. He also said that we had to be honest with people because what people are seeing right across the country is that the numbers are simply too high and he wanted to acknowledge that.

That is the totality of what the Tánaiste said and it is the totality of what the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, and I keep on trying to say. We need to be honest and inclusive in total about what we are saying about migration. Most people in this country who were not born in Ireland and who we see everyday are here because we have asked them here. They are here because they are providing essential services, keeping the health service going, building the houses that we need and working in hi-tech businesses. We have gone out and looked for them to contribute and build our society. They are paying the taxes that contribute to providing the social services that we need to provide, including pensions. We have an issue with international protection and it is what this debate was about. We need to be honest and truthful about that as well. Our international protection numbers were too high. They went from the low to the high thousands. That was unsustainable. I agree with the Deputies who talked about the billion euro bill for running international protection services. That is not sustainable, but if you want to make that point make the other point too, namely, that the migration pact, the International Protection Bill 2025 which we are bringing through the Houses, will take the processing time down to 12 weeks, including the appeal. That is what will really take the cost out of providing international protection services. It gives a firm, fast and fairer system, which is better for the people who are going through it and also for this State.

While criticising the Government, one Deputy said that we should introduce a system that would take six months. We are introducing a system that will take 12 weeks. That is coming in next June. It is important that people make sure they are aware of the facts. As a Government, we want to see things change. The Minister and I are bringing this change through this Chamber and the Seanad, so we will have a new, better system. We want to see a system that is fair to everybody. We also want to recognise that Ireland has changed and that it is not going back to some version of non-reality that certain Deputies seem to think will happen.

Many of the people here are not international protection applicants but the people who are building the modern Ireland. They are the people who playing in our GAA clubs, on the soccer pitches and with our kids in the school playground. Their parents are working flat out to build and supply the services we all need. That is the new Ireland. We need to be proud of that. When I left school in 1984, if you were lucky, you got into college for a few years. Even if you did, you still most likely left. We were the migrants. We went outward. The important thing is a good lot of us came back, and we should be proud of that fact. We now have people coming here because we have a country - and I acknowledge there are still problems - that in so many ways is successful, prosperous and has grown. We need those people. We should always remember that.

As the political leaders in our country, we need to be willing to stand up and say that. At the same time, I will always respect people's right to say there are problems with the system or that the Government has got it wrong on a certain point. That is absolutely the case because you can never get anything 100% right. If the centre is willing to work together to do the reforms that are necessary to have a better system, what we will have is not just a firm, fair and effective system for dealing with international protection, but, through the people who have come in here and are living and contributing in our country, we will have a better Ireland. With that, I thank all of the Deputies for their contributions.