Terence Flanagan (Dublin North East, Independent)
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540. To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to set out his views on correspondence (details supplied) outstanding since September 2014; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48298/14]

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
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I have written to the Deputy in response to this representation, as follows:The recent appalling conflict in Gaza understandably prompted many people to think of what specific action we could take, and it has been frequently suggested that the Government should support a trade ban on Israel. However, Ireland has a long-standing policy, under successive Governments, of not supporting boycotts or sanctions against Israel, for a number of reasons. Firstly, we do not believe such measures are likely to prove effective and would only lessen any influence either Ireland or the EU could exert on Israel to alter its policies in relation to the continuing occupation. It would also marginalise Ireland’s voice in discussing Middle East policy within the EU and elsewhere, which is one of the main ways in which we can seek to help the Palestinian people.

Secondly, Ireland exists within a large free trade area in the EU. It would not be possible for us to exclude products legally available in the EU, and it is clear that there is no possibility whatever of obtaining agreement at EU level on a trade ban. Finally, although this is a minor point, it is worth noting that trade between Ireland and Israel is very much in our favour, so any disruption of this would impact largely on Irish employers, workers and consumers, rather than Israeli.

Ireland therefore supports normal trade access for Israeli goods and services to the EU single market, consistent with the treatment of other countries with which the EU has trade and political agreements (many of whom are also the subject of serious human rights concerns). However, Ireland has argued successfully that any rights granted to Israel under these agreements cannot be applied to Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory, and in response the EU has acted in a number of ways to give effect to its disapproval of, and long standing position of opposition to, illegal Israeli settlements:

Goods from settlements are excluded from the low tariff rates applied to Israeli goods.

EU funding may not be disbursed to Israeli entities based in settlements.

Ireland and a number of EU Member States have recently published advice to citizens and businesses against investing in, or engaging in any form of economic activity with, settlements.

Ireland is pressing for the adoption of EU-wide guidelines on labelling of settlement products, which will enable consumers to identify settlement goods and make their own decision about whether they wish to purchase them. If preparation of EU guidelines becomes stalled, then we will actively look at issuing our own national guidelines.

Ireland remains a strong and consistent critic of Israeli policies relating to the occupation, and in particular those connected with the construction of settlements on Palestinian land. We have stated repeatedly that we do not consider that the international community has been sufficiently active in combating these policies. We are a consistent voice within the EU in particular calling for stronger action.

In regards your constituent’s view that we should expel the Israeli Ambassador, every Irish Foreign Minister is regularly called upon to expel the Israeli Ambassador, although such a suggestion is almost never made in relation to other representatives. There are many states around the world in relation to which Ireland has serious human rights concerns. Ireland’s foreign policy has always been based above all on the resolution of conflict by dialogue. We do not therefore respond to crises by expelling the interlocutor, except in very exceptional circumstances. In diplomatic language, expelling an Ambassador essentially means you are no longer interested, at least for the moment, in dialogue.

Ambassadors exist to allow clear communication between Governments, and are more necessary in bad times than in good. The Government have continually conveyed our views to the Israeli Government through the Ambassador here, or the Irish Ambassador in Tel Aviv. The corollary of course would be the recall or expulsion of our Ambassador in Israel, and the crippling of our own Embassy. Our Ambassador in Israel, as well as communicating our views to the Israeli government, reported regularly to me on the Israeli view of and politics relating to the crisis, and was also personally engaged in the evacuation of Irish citizens and their families from Gaza. For all of these reasons, no Irish Government has felt it would be a helpful response to act in this manner.