Seanad debates

Wednesday, 19 November 2025

2:00 am

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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The Minister of State is very welcome to the House this afternoon for this motion regarding migration. I call Senator Kelleher to move the motion.

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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I move:

That Seanad Éireann: acknowledges that:
- Irish people have emigrated throughout the world in times of famine and during times of economic difficulties and have helped build cities and communities wherever they went;

- Ireland benefits from migration;

- immigration to Ireland has been increasing in line with our increased prosperity;

- we are a small, open economy which relies on trade and investment to deliver economic and jobs growth, and raise living standards;

- thousands of people come to Ireland to work, to study and to fill essential skills gaps, and they make a significant contribution to our society;

- there are genuine concerns by local communities around the provision of international protection, however Ireland, like every other democratic state, is not immune from the threat of violent extremism, something which can never be tolerated;

- Ireland officially opted into the European Union Pact on Migration and Asylum following votes of both the Dáil and Seanad;

- since February 2022, over 120,000 people fleeing the war in Ukraine have been granted temporary protection in Ireland, with an estimated 83,000 remaining resident in the State;

- nearly 33,000 people, of whom over 9,000 are children, are being accommodated in international protection accommodation (IPAS);

- at the end of 2021, IPAS accommodated just over 7,000 people and numbers increased during an unprecedented surge in applications from 2022 to 2024;

- over 90,000 people have come to Ireland to work in the last three years through the work permit scheme, while 40,000 students choose to study here;

- there has been widespread condemnation across the country of the recent arson attack on an IPAS centre in Drogheda;
notes that:
- according to the CSO that the estimated population of Ireland was 5.38 million people (April 2024) of which 84.5 per cent are Irish citizens and 15.5 per cent are citizens of other countries, the majority of those being from other EU countries and the United Kingdom;

- 2.8 million people are working in Ireland according to latest statistics and 500,000 of them are non-Irish citizens, equating to one in five workers in Ireland;

- responsibility for international protection accommodation and integration has returned to the Department of Justice, Home Affairs and Migration as agreed under the Programme for Government;

- there is a Programme for Government commitment to introduce a new International Protection Act to implement the European Union Pact on Migration and Asylum, which will strengthen and integrate key EU policies on migration, asylum, border management and integration;

- new domestic legislation will be enacted in 2026 to provide for faster processing of applications, stronger border security, and a more efficient returns system;

- the Government launched a procurement process, in June 2024, for charter deportation flights and has successfully utilised such services for the purpose of deporting and returning individuals who no longer have permission to remain in the State;

- the accelerated decision process for international protection now applies to/in the following:
- 15 ‘safe countries’;

- applicants who have received protection elsewhere in Europe;

- those from a country with a particularly high number of applications;
urges the Government to:
- invest additional resources to ensure that we can quickly process visa and immigration permissions;

- remain responsive to our economic needs including our skills needs across the health and care, agriculture, construction and multinational sectors;

- continue to implement a firmer migration system that enhances border security, streamlines processing, ensures faster removals, and protects the integrity of our immigration framework, while supporting those in need;

- implement clear timelines to ensure that all applications are processed efficiently;

- implement stronger border security, including increasing the collection of fingerprints and photographs from new arrivals, enhancing our ability to verify identities;

- continue to invest in English language classes for people seeking international protection;

- enforce policies to protect migrants from exploitation and abuse, highlighting the social and economic benefits of migration to counter anti-immigration sentiments;

- continue to improve value for money in the accommodation system, moving away from relying on private providers towards a core of State-owned accommodation;

- require international protection applicants to contribute towards their accommodation costs;

- ensure that people who arrive here from safe countries, with false or no documents, or who have crossed borders illegally are subject to an accelerated processing system so that decisions are made quickly;

- ensure that any applicant whose international protection application has been refused in another EU member state will be subject to an accelerated hearing under an inadmissibility procedure;

- publish a new national Migration and Integration Strategy;

- invest in integration programmes that support language learning, as well as broader social, cultural and sporting exchange, and access to essential public services such as

education and healthcare, facilitating smoother transitions for migrants;

- develop community-led initiatives to foster connections between migrants and local populations, particularly in areas receiving a high number of new arrivals, to build strong community ties;

- renew the focus and the purpose of the Community Recognition Fund to ensure it meets the needs of local communities which are supporting new arrivals and to ensure every community benefits to guarantee supports for vital services.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, to the House to discuss and debate this motion on the important issue of migration.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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I apologise for interrupting, but before the Senator gets into the flow of it, will he indicate if he is sharing time with Senator-----

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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I am sharing time with Senator Cathal Byrne.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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Perfect. I thank the Senator very much. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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The Minister of State is no stranger to the Seanad Chamber, and nor is his colleague the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, who has been very forthcoming with his time in coming here to debate these issues. That is something for which we are all very grateful.

Nuair a smaoiníonn muid ar chúrsaí imirce, is fíorthábhachtach an rud é smaoineamh ar ár stair, ár seanmhuintir agus ár n-oidhreacht. I gcás fhormhór na ndaoine sa tSeomra inniu, rugadh ár sin-seantuismitheoirí am éigin ag deireadh na 19ú haoise. Rugadh a seantuismitheoirí féin am éigin ag tús na 19ú haoise, rud a chiallaíonn go raibh siad anseo le linn an Ghorta Mhóir. Is é an pointe atá á dhéanamh agam ná nuair atá muid ag déileáil le cúrsaí tithíochta, sláinte agus imirce inniu, ní i bhfad ó shín a bhí muintir na tíre seo ag déileáil leis na fadhbanna a bhí bainteach leis an nGorta Mór. At various stages throughout the 20th century and even more recently following the economic crash of 2008 and the years that followed, Irish people were forced to emigrate out of economic necessity. That gave rise to its own challenges for many people in settling and integrating in countries that were not home to them and having to deal with discrimination from certain quarters. Nonetheless, we have a proud history of integrating where we have travelled abroad through our diaspora and helping to build communities and contribute where we have made our lives.

I have experience of living in a number of different countries abroad having spent time in America, Australia and Luxemburg. My experience has been very positive, as I have said in this House previously. It is important for us to ensure that we have a mature approach to people who seek refuge in our country and seek to make Ireland a home for a variety of reasons.

In this regard, the establishment by Government of the community recognition fund in recent years was a very positive step towards acknowledging the support and huge efforts that have been made by communities across the country to welcome and support people fleeing war and seeking protection here. The Latin motto of my home city of Cork is statio bene fida carinis, which translates loosely as a safe harbour for all ships. Like so many other communities across the country, Cork has played its part in welcoming those fleeing war, including many who lost their homes with the illegal invasion by Russia of Ukraine in February 2022. Cork communities have benefited from the recognition fund to the tune of €170,000 for the Glen Resource Centre, over €80,000 for a new playground in my hometown of Ballincollig and €75,000 for an upgrade to Neptune Stadium.

It is important to recognise the scale of the issue Ireland had to deal with in the area of international protection and how quickly it escalated as a result of international conflicts and climate change in various parts of the world. In the decade prior to 2022, there were an average of 2,500 international protection applicants per year over a ten-year period. Therefore, in the region of 25,000 people arrived during that time. In 2022, the number of applicants increased dramatically to approximately 13,500. There were another 13,500 in 2023. In 2024, the number of applicants rose to in excess of 16,000. Dealing with that scale of change obviously posed massive logistical issues. We were in a weak bargaining position, for want of a better expression, when it came to offers of accommodation. This is something we have to seek to rectify as we seek to manage the problems that have arisen.

A lot of progress has been made this year in the area of deportations, with six chartered flights used to deport people who were illegally in the country. Five of the six flights related to people from outside the EU who made their way to Ireland illegally. The other related to EU citizens who were deported out of the country as a result of criminal convictions. Therefore, it is important to see that enforcement in the area of immigration has been significantly stepped up. This year alone, in the context of the flights to which I refer, there were 3,877 deportation orders signed. Some 1,770 people who were the subject of those orders were deported from the State. That information was accurate up to the end of October. This is on the back of increases prior to last year, when 2,403 deportation orders were signed. That represents 180% of the 2023 total.The point I made in relation to the removal from the State of convicted criminals who are a danger to public safety is something that has been a priority. It is good to see action on it because it is a concern for the wider public. With that, táim an-sásta an rún a mholadh.

Cathal Byrne (Fine Gael)
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The Minister of State is most welcome to the Chamber this evening. I am more than happy to second this motion on behalf of my Fine Gael colleagues. It is very important that we have this conversation in this Chamber. Too often when the issues of migration, immigration and deportations are discussed, it is shot down by both sides. Extremists on both sides seem to quash any reasonable, logical and fact-based debate. It is important that in this Chamber, representative of the people, we have these types of debates. I recognise very much the contribution that people who have immigrated to Ireland make to the economy. For the 2.7 million people who are in work across the country at the moment, one in every five of them was born outside of the country. I visited Wexford General Hospital a number of weeks ago with the Minister, Deputy Jack Chambers, seeking more investment for the hospital. It is a fact right now in the country that 40% of our doctors and half of our nurses were trained overseas. Some 40,000 people came to the country legally last year and availed of work permits. They came here legally into areas of employment like tourism, hospitality and the construction sector, providing and ensuring that the needs of the economy and the need for housing, infrastructure and investment are actually being met.

However, we also have to recognise that for every 10,000 people who come to the country, it is estimated that we need to provide another 3,000 houses. The Tánaiste got a lot of criticism over the last number of weeks from certain quarters when he said that the present system of migration is unsustainable. We have to face up to some of the realities that we have at the moment. The IPAS system that we have has failed. It simply has not worked. When we have a situation in the country where it is costing the taxpayer €30,000 per year to accommodate an individual in private accommodation versus €12,000 per year in State accommodation, it cannot be said that this system has worked. I recognise the fact under the leadership of the Minister of State and of the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, that we are moving towards a State-provided model and it is very important that we do so.

Last year saw the highest number of applications for asylum the country has seen - 18,000. I recognise the fact that it has reduced this year, but if we go back to the years 2017 to 2019 the figure was about 4,000. It is important that we get to grips with where we actually are on this issue. At the moment, the approximate refusal rate in the first instance for somebody who has come to the country seeking asylum, having been reviewed by An Garda Síochána and officials in the Department of justice, is at 80%. These are just facts. This is where the system is at at the moment. I believe in a system that once an application has been approved, a person should be here, allowed to take up employment and work. The person should be integrated into our country, culture and economy. However, if a person is here under false pretences and their application is one of the 80% that are refused, then they have to be deported. If someone has gone through the process, met gardaí and officials from the Department of justice, and they have come to the conclusion that the asylum application is not valid, then it is only right and proper that the person is deported. I recognise the fact that we now have deportation flights taking off from these shores for people who have been issued with a deportation order who have not followed that through. It is important that we have to see more of that. For the approximately 3,000 deportations that have been issued so far this year, each one of them has to be followed up. An Garda Síochána and the Department of justice have to work together on this.

I also want to speak about the changes that have been made recently by our neighbours in the United Kingdom. It is very important that Ireland is not seen to be a more favourable location than the UK for anybody who is seeking to immigrate. At present, the legislation in the UK will require that anybody who has a successful asylum application have their case reviewed after two and a half years to see if the circumstances that existed when the application was successful still exist. Ireland has to follow a similar model. I welcome the fact that the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, has said that he will review these matters. It is important that our immigration system is not perceived to be more favourable than what the UK has to offer, especially given the fact that it is estimated that between 70% and 80% of asylum seekers who come into the country are crossing through the Border.

I regularly hear criticisms of the EU migration pact that are grounded in a fear that it will somehow result in Ireland being forced to take in vast numbers of asylum seekers. I have looked at the legislation, as has the Department. It has been debated and voted on in both Chambers of the House and those fears are unfounded. What it seeks to do is to make sure that anybody who has applied for asylum anywhere else in Europe is actually sent back to that country. If a person has applied for asylum once they have entered the EU and then made their way to Ireland, they can be sent back to the first country they applied in. It is very important that we have this mechanism, combined with other things like access to the European database of fingerprints, so that people who have committed crimes in other countries in Europe are sent back. My colleague Senator Kelleher referenced the fact that an asylum seeker who has committed a crime, been found guilty and has gone to prison should be deported after serving their sentence. There is a legitimate debate to be had about whether a person should be deported once they are found guilty, but I would be concerned that those people would not actually serve the full extent of their sentences were that to be the case.

I very much support this motion and I recognise the new strategy on migration that will be published next year. I urge that this strategy reflects the fact that we have a vast number of people who have come here legally and integrated, who are providing employment or taking up employment, and recognises the contribution that they make to the country. It should also recognise the need for English language classes to be made available and that, for a migration system to work, there also have to be deportations, and sufficient investment should be put behind it to ensure that is the case. I am very happy to second this motion to the House this evening.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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Before we move on, I welcome guests of Senator Aubrey McCarthy. They are local historians from Naas. You are very welcome this evening. I would also like to welcome Councillor Yemi Adenuga, a Fine Gael county councillor. You are very welcome here as well this afternoon while we are having this debate.

Photo of Tom ClonanTom Clonan (Independent)
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Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I welcome this motion on migration and commend my colleagues in Fine Gael on bringing forward this very important debate. I particularly welcome the publication of a new migration and integration strategy, and I hope I have time at the end to elaborate on that a little. There are concerns expressed by some voices in Irish society, and Senator Byrne mentioned extremes on both sides. They talk about the indigenous aboriginal Irish and they talk about protecting our culture. Culture is not fixed but rather it evolves. It is a vibrant, living, emerging thing. If a culture is fixed, it is dead and it no longer exists. We should not have concerns and we should be confident as Irish people about our culture and how it has travelled globally. We can accommodate and accept all change as part of this ongoing flux and change in our culture.

On the question of the indigenous Irish or aboriginal Irish, who are we? Homo sapiens has been around for about 250 000 years with this software installed. Continental Europe has been inhabited by homo sapiens for about 50,000 years, but interestingly, Ireland has only been continuously inhabited for about 10,000 years, so who are we?The clue is in the name - Hibernia, the winter island. The Romans came - "Veni, vidi, vici; I came, I saw, I conquered." They came, they saw, they shivered. We can imagine the Italians arriving in Ireland, which was full of forests with the Irish looking out at them and they decided not to stay. So, who are the Irish? Genetic testing shows that we come from steppe herders from the Central Eurasian plain. Maybe we should be sent home. Some of us migrating from the Central Eurasian steppe became Visigoths and Ostrogoths in west and east Europe. Travelling across - I will bypass the Saxons - there were the Celts. We have the genetic imprint of our brothers and sisters from the Central Eurasian plain. We also have a strong genetic imprint from Galicia. They came up on the Gulf Stream and settled here. Who are the Irish? We are everybody. When a person goes to Stockholm, Oslo or Portugal, they see Irish faces - our own faces. I see my face in an African face or an Asian face. I see my face in every human being’s face. There is no other; we are all human beings. We all deserve to live where we choose, albeit within the framework of a sensible, humane and just system of evaluation. That is who we are.

There is a book called The Book of Invasions,which is a pseudohistory written to try to give some sort of a hagiography to Ireland. They talked about Fir Bolg and Tuatha Dé Danann. Fir Bolg means small men with a big belly. Therefore, genetically my Irishness is proven here. However, The Book of Invasionshas been discredited. Anybody who talks about the arrival of new Irish as an invasion or deluge is equally invalidated and discredited. Who are the people who are coming? There is Giovanni, who, like my mother used to lick her hand to smooth my hair, will not allow my son to leave the house unless his hair is fixed properly, and who fixes his t-shirt to make sure that he looks well. There is Maryam, Andresa, Camille, Camilla, Percivale - call me Percy - Nyara, Dzerzhinsky - call me Darren - Alici, Viktoria - call me Vicky - Fatima, Nana, Vileja, Oseweza - call me Suzy - and Tedeku - call me Teddy. Arjan and Bibbin are two beautiful young Indian men who look after my son's most intimate care needs. Arjan, the most beautiful young man one will see, told me that people are looking at him in a way that makes him feel frightened. There is Samuel, who, after the Dublin riots, will not go to O'Connell Street and the Ilac Centre where my son used to get a free frappuccino and a puppuccino for the dog. For shame. Fatima, Nana, Vileja, Oseweza, Tedeku, Arjan, Bibbin, Abiba. I asked Abiba why she picked Ireland. She said she ended up here because of a threat that was made to her life. She now teaches Spanish in a secondary school. She taught my daughter Spanish. There is Charity, Agata, the Carolines - Caroline T, Caroline Melissa and Caroline C - Ngwenya - call me Gwen - Ade, Fayomi - call me Femi - Guo Guan - call me Kenny - Dragan, and Mohammed - call me Mo. These are all undocumented, in many cases, young men and women of military service age who have looked after my family and are part of my family.

I welcome this debate because we have to come up with a humane and sensible mechanism for dealing with migration. If we do not and are afraid to discuss it and are censored or cancelled then we hand the discussion over to people who are not humane, who hide behind our Tricolour and dominate the discourse. We must take that high ground and show leadership in this House. We must reclaim our Tricolour - the gold, white and green of a thousand welcomes. Our flag is gold, white, green, black, yellow and brown, and pre-heart attack pink if someone looks at me. I welcome and commend this debate. We should be allowed to show leadership and have this debate without fear of censure or calumny and accusations of everything from racism to xenophobia.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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Before I move to Senator Gallagher, I welcome Senator Stephenson's mum, Marga Foley, to the Gallery this afternoon. She is very welcome.

Photo of Robbie GallagherRobbie Gallagher (Fianna Fail)
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Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit go dtí an Teach inniu. I commend my colleagues on the Fine Gael benches for bringing forward this motion. It is vitally important that we can have a calm and fact-based discussion on this particular issue. Often, unfortunately, particularly on social media, that space is not available to us. Looking at the figures for last year, we can see how Ireland as we have known it, and as I knew it as a young person, has changed. There were 125,300 immigrants in Ireland in the past 12 months. That is a 16% decrease on 2024. A total of 31,500, or 25%, were returning Irish citizens. Some 25,300, or 20%, were from other EU counties and 4,900, or 4%, were UK citizens, while 63,000, or 51%, were from other countries. If we look at where the vast majority of these people are, most of them are working. Our medical services would come to a halt if we did not have these people coming here. Senator Byrne mentioned the doctors in his contribution. Something like over 40% of all doctors operating here, which is over 21,000 or so, trained outside of Ireland. Similarly, over 54% of the nurses working in our hospitals trained outside of Ireland. That is over 77,000 nurses. It is clear to see that without people coming in our economy, which is hugely successful, would grind to a halt. It is important to make that point.

In relation to the international protection applications of those coming here, it is important that we have a rule-based system that is fair but firm. We have to face up to the fact that too many people are coming to our country who are not entitled to be here. That is a fact. They are clogging up the system and doing a disservice to the genuine applicants who are coming here fleeing war and persecution and so on. There is a 40% reduction in the number of international protection applicants this year compared with last year. A total of 80% of applicants had their applications rejected in the first instance. That highlights what is going on here. Some 67% of those who appealed have had their appeals rejected. Clearly, we can see that our system is being abused. That is putting a huge pressure on the system, housing and so on. The vast majority of international protection applicants are not coming through our ports or airports; they are coming through from Northern Ireland. The most recent data available to us - the Minister of State can correct me if I am wrong - indicates that in excess of 87% of applicants coming here are coming via the UK. That is a serious problem. None of us here are going to advocate to close the borders. However, we have a serious problem in that regard. We need to speak and stay close to the UK in relation to that to try to bring that figure down because it is hugely problematic.Another issue we have here is that of secondary movements, which is where somebody flees their country of origin, arrives in some other EU state and then hops from there to Ireland. I do not know the most recent statistics in that regard but I contend that it is very high.

The Government has made progress but more progress must be made in dealing with international protection applicants. The whole system is still too slow. We have increased the number of safe countries to something like 15 and we are turning around applications in the first instance in about three to four months, which is huge progress. The number of people working in the International Protection Office has increased significantly, by more than 300%, to over 600 now. We still have issues with appeals and judicial reviews. It could take up to 12 months or longer to deal with those. The Minister might elaborate in his contribution to the legislation that is being considered for the setting up of a new entity to deal with those applications and perhaps fast-track them.

I will finish on this point. The most significant development in this space recently has been the plans of the UK Government. We must be very cognisant of what is going on there, bearing in mind the number of people coming in through the UK. We must remain nimble and agile. I am glad that both Ministers have stated publicly that the Government is keeping a very close eye on that, as it is hugely important.

We must also welcome all those who come here on work permits. They are coming to do work that is vital to the economy. We need to look at the reunification part of that, which allows family members to come here. We must get a handle on that as well.

I very much welcome this debate. I have no doubt that everybody will make their contribution in a very fair-minded manner. That is a space we do not often see. I very much welcome the debate.

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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This Private Members' business debate gives us an opportunity to speak on migration and the international protection system, one that has been pushed into chaos for years by Government mismanagement. The reality is that there has been no coherent, planned or capacity-based approach to migration. There is no serious attempt to match arrivals with the realities of our housing system, public services or the capacity of our communities. Instead, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have allowed the international protection system to fall into permanent crisis.

As a State, we have an obligation to manage migration, not to simply allow it to be shaped by global forces, market forces or profit motives. Migration must be managed in the interest of the people. This means balancing our need for workers in key sectors such as health with the realities of a housing crisis, the capacity of public services and our humanitarian obligations to those fleeing war and persecution.

The Government's mishandling of migration has been a disaster. There has been no considered management of migration that takes into account the ability of society to integrate or the capacity to house those who come here. Economic migration has been guided almost exclusively by the needs of corporations, with little consideration for broader social goals.

At the moment, applications and appeals take too long. Deportations, where those are the lawful outcome, are not being enforced. Senator Ahearn pointed to recent figures but according to my figures, a total of 2,846 deportation orders have been signed in 2025 and only 275 of them have been confirmed. Perhaps the Minister will confirm what the real figures are. A rules-based system only works if the rules are applied at every stage. The public needs to see that the process is fair, efficient and consistent.

Meanwhile, a small number of private operators are making millions of euro from a dysfunctional, privatised IPAS system. The cost to the State has spiralled to over €1.2 billion this year alone. We have companies with no experience, companies named in CAB investigations and companies supplying unvetted staff, all receiving vast sums under a system that has little transparency or oversight. The Comptroller and Auditor General has now confirmed what we in Sinn Féin have been saying for years: the system is wide open to abuse, and that must end. We have been calling for a review of all IPAS contracts, an end to planning exemptions and a new approach to locating accommodation, one that begins with assessing the capacity of communities, not the profit margins of private operators. Communities deserve real engagement, and that has not been happening at all.

We opposed the Government's decision to sign up to the EU migration and asylum pact. It hands over powers that should rest here where the unique realities of the Border and the common travel area must be considered.

Similarly, the extension of the temporary protection directive to 2027 was nodded along with zero discussion of its financial or social impacts. Now we are seeing a sharp rise in arrivals directly linked to that decision. We cannot keep extending "temporary" measures indefinitely. People need clarity, they need certainty and they need pathways, not limbo.

That brings me to what I believe is one of the greatest cruelties of the current system. Too many people are being left in limbo for years - some for over a decade - building lives and families, contributing and raising children, and then suddenly, with one swift blanket decision, the Government decides they can no longer stay. That is not good policy. That is not humane, and it is not how a rules-based system should function for people.

As someone who is mixed race and a migrant, I abhor racism, which I have experienced myself as well as xenophobia. This cannot be a discussion around the colour of someone's skin. It never should be. This is about fairness, but the Government has created a vacuum where people can just jump in and say all sorts of things. We have seen so many incidents across Ireland over the last while and a very big incident. People are protesting outside accommodation centres where people live with their children. The Government has not responded very well at all to that.

This is about building a system people can trust, both those who live here and those who want to come here and seek a new life for themselves. If I want to go to another country tomorrow to seek asylum, I would be expected to go through the proper channels. I would also have to meet the criteria, and if I did not meet them, of course I could appeal the decision, but if my appeal is refused then that country has a right to send me back. That is what we need to implement here as well. If you are not here lawfully and you have gone through all the channels, if you need to be deported, you need to go. People on both sides of the House have said that.

What is not fair is people left waiting years for a decision. What is not fair is when families live in fear of a knock on the door to say that they are not welcome here and they are to be deported, without any actual reasons. What is not fair is a system that lets people settle deeply into communities, only to uproot them without warning. What is not fair on anyone is a Government that has created so much confusion, secrecy and uncertainty that it has allowed fear to grow, division to take root, and vulnerable people to be used as political scapegoats.

We must also acknowledge what we saw in Drogheda, an horrific act that could have cost people's lives. There can never be any tolerance of racist attacks. Those responsible must be held accountable, but we cannot ignore the truth: the Government must also be held accountable for the failures that have created fertile ground for anger and confusion. When there is no clear system, no clear engagement, and no clear communication, bad-faith actors rush in to fill the vacuum.

This Fine Gael motion tries to point the finger elsewhere, but the simple truth is that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have been in government for a decade. This did not happen last night. There have been decades of bad policy. They built the system and they broke the system. We need to restore confidence in our policies and in how our migration system works. We need to get real about the facts and exactly what is happening in a system that has failed for many years.

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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I wish to share time with Senator Cosgrove.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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Is that agreed? Agreed.

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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We should be really clear about one thing when we talk about aligning ourselves further with the UK. The narrative in the UK at the moment is they want to pull out of the European Convention on Human Rights, which is a cornerstone of the Good Friday Agreement, so I would caution any move towards that in Ireland. It is deeply problematic that we are even touching on that.

Successive Governments have built a system where profit is being made off of human suffering. We can talk here and say that we want to move IPAS centres into the public space, but we have been asking for that for a very long time. It is obscene that so much is being spent on private providers to house people in inhumane conditions.

I want to lend my support to what Senator Clonan said. He put it beautifully about the positive impact that different types of migration have had specifically on Ireland. We are under a lot of pressure in Ireland, both when it comes to our immigration system, the IPAS system, housing, education, healthcare and childcare. They are very legitimate concerns of communities.It is the consequence of decades of neglect by successive governments. The concerns are not caused by vulnerable migrants fleeing war, famine and persecution but are the result of years of government decisions, including the refusal to build public housing at scale, the starving of our health and education systems and the hollowing out of community services, as well as the spiralling cost of living. The Government chooses to use lazy tactics, quite frankly, to distract from the fact that it has no intention of engaging with the communities that are suffering from years of disinvestment and neglect. People are struggling because the foundations of a fair society have been eroded, not because a family in need has arrived.

The Government's messaging on this over the last few weeks and months has been deeply problematic and unhelpful. It has promoted the notion of being overwhelmed and implied that the arrival of migrants is somehow the cause of long-standing Government failures. This motion continues to peddle that false narrative by saying that international protection applications have increased when we have actually seen a 43% drop this year. The language used shifts responsibility away from the Government's policy decisions across a plethora of different policy areas onto vulnerable people. What that has produced is a culture of confusion, fear, division and, at times, as we have seen, unimaginable violence. To be clear, people have a legal right to seek international protection in Ireland and, indeed, in any other European country. Is it now Government policy to support fortress Europe, to close the door and tell people fleeing war and persecution that there is no space for them here, no room at the inn and no safety for them in our country? We have travelled across the world, over generations, decades and centuries, seeking safety elsewhere when our country could not look after us. Our duty of care to those seeking safety is not an optional, nice little extra to have; it is our legal responsibility under international law. It is also basic decency and, from the memory of our own families who crossed borders, it is our obligation and responsibility.

Nessa Cosgrove (Labour)
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Recent weeks have sadly seen a disappointing rise in reckless commentary from politicians of various parties on the issue of migration. This motion tonight gives us the opportunity to discuss and debate the reality rather than the dog whistles. It gives us the opportunity to acknowledge that migrants to and from Ireland have contributed significantly to their new homes. We have been able to provide a place of safety to thousands of people fleeing war, persecution and oppression because it is our duty and it is the right thing to do. Of course, we condemn the recent arson attacks and all violence, especially that motivated by animosity to difference or to the other.

No one will deny that it is right that we have a fair, efficient and transparent immigration policy and that those who do not have the right to settle here are informed of such decisions swiftly and humanely. Events in my own constituency of Sligo-Leitrim have mirrored those in all other parts of the country, where rumour, innuendo and outside actors have sought to stoke fear, division and hatred. I agree wholeheartedly with the final paragraph of the motion, that we need to renew the focus and purpose of the community recognition fund to ensure that it meets the needs of local communities which are supporting new arrivals so that every community benefits from guaranteed supports for vital services.

We in the Labour Party have repeatedly called for a comprehensive public awareness campaign on immigration. We need to tell the true story of why people come to our island, who is an asylum seeker or a refugee, how they contribute to our economy and wider society, and the international obligations to which we are subject. In Sligo-Leitrim and right across the country we have new communities living alongside existing communities who are not able to access essential services such as medical care, education, and early-years care and education. Most striking of all, and the fact that justifiably causes the most outrage, is the chronic shortage of housing. Our housing crisis is not the fault of immigrants and the targeting of IPAS centres by demonstrators and criminals does not provide a solution to the housing shortage. The solutions to the shortage of housing and other essential services lie in the hands of central government. The devolving and delivery of greater powers and responsibility to local government, so that the needs of local communities, old and new, can be met has to happen as a matter of urgency. We need to stop deflecting away from this real issue.

I will briefly refer to the amendment to the motion related to the unique culture and linguistic heritage of the Irish people. Immigration to Ireland is nothing new. As Senator Clonan said, we are a mixture of the Fir Bolg, the Tuatha Dé Danann, the Celts, Vikings, Normans, Welsh, Scottish and English populations. There is no such thing as a pure Irish race. There is only one race and that is the human race. Populations mix, develop and evolve and that is the way world runs.

Photo of Alice-Mary HigginsAlice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
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I will begin by echoing what has been said about migration as a positive, a reality, as part of the human experience and a very particular part of the Irish experience. As acknowledged at the very beginning of the debate, we have emigrated for years. Part of Ireland's culture has been the experience of emigration and of those who were forced abroad in times of famine, poverty, political oppression and economic difficulty and for many other reasons. Emigrants have taken Ireland's songs and stories around the world and that has strengthened our culture. Our participation in the world has strengthened our culture and the world's participation in Ireland has strengthened our culture. Culture is an evolving thing and it speaks to the truth of human experience, of what it is to be human, to grow, to have a family, to hope and what we hope for, of places that matter and what it is to try to forge a life on this planet. That is part of culture and Ireland's voice and strength in culture is that we have spoken to the human experience and from the experience of our place. Sharing it makes that culture stronger. We see what is happening now in culture very much strengthened by those migrants who contribute to and participate in that culture.

When we talk about what is threatening our culture, perhaps we need to talk about one of the actual threats, which is the space occupied by social media algorithms, by companies owned by a very small number of oligarchs that are often driven by direct algorithmic logics of racism and in the interests of billionaires, many of whom are not based here in Ireland. They are influencing public dialogue and purporting to speak to the public while driving misinformation, hostility and division. That online space is a real threat to our collective communities and our culture because when we look to real communities on the ground and how people engage with each other, we see a decency there but that decency is being attacked. That is what is being attacked. Our culture, history and spirit of welcome, the céad míle fáilte - that is what is under attack from those who are gathering outside reception centres and threatening families. They are threatening Ireland's culture and Ireland's sense of itself.

I want to speak to a few of the key pieces of concern. I share the view that there are genuine concerns in local communities but let us be clear, there are some genuine concerns and there are some which have been created and manufactured. Genuine concerns relate to the way that the international protection system has been handed over to private, for-profit actors for far too long; the failure of the State to step up and deliver as it should; and the fact that the Housing for All strategy did not include a section on housing the migrant population. That was not part of the housing strategy but it should have been part of it. Other genuine concerns include the fact, for example, that not only are there 9,000 children accommodated in international protection accommodation centres, there are 7,000 in emergency IPAS centres that are not even subject to basic HIQA inspection. There are real human rights issues to be addressed in that system. However, what are not legitimate concerns are those expressed by people, sometimes in emails that I receive, who say that they do not want to have migrants near them; that they live in a small village and are worried the Government is going to bring 30 people into it. I refer to that idea of creating a culture of differentiation and driving a culture of fear that is absolutely not matched by any of the facts in relation to crime and issues such as abuse. I say that in the context of the fact that we need to address the real problem we have here, right now, in Ireland, which is the rise and facilitation of racism. It is something that we recognised as a problem 15 years ago. We actually had a national body, the National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism, that recognised the importance of positive narratives of integration, planning for integration, supporting intercultural communication and tackling racism where it appeared.Instead, what we are getting now - this is the core issue that must be challenged - are implicit dog whistles. With regard to our culture and history, one of the lines that made me embarrassed to be Irish was one from the Minister for justice, who said he was committed to ensuring the island would not be viewed more favourably than the UK by those seeking to claim asylum. Therefore, we do not want Ireland viewed more favourably than what was one of the largest empires, an empire that spread colonialism and misery across populations right across the world. Is that what we want to look like rather than a country that understands what it is to survive famine and have that imposed on it and that knows what it is to have war imposed on it? We want to emulate a country that wants to pull the earrings out of asylum seekers’ ears as they come in, to pay for the sandwiches they might get. The remark was disgraceful and was not acceptable language coming from Ireland, given its history. I understand the genuine perspectives of many of those in government who are putting forward concrete ideas within this motion, but we cannot tolerate that language. When we do, we feed the negativity and a narrative that is not truly reflective of Irish culture or of what migration is.

One crucial point that we must fight, and it is not addressed in the motion, is a proposal within the EU migration pact that Ireland has not yet signed up to, namely, the idea of deporting people to countries they have nothing to do with. That is one of the problems. Thank goodness, Ireland has not yet agreed to that component. I am referring to the idea that the EU would deport somebody to another country because it had a deal with it. Let us be clear: that is the Rwanda plan, or the El Salvador model we are seeing in the US. Please let Ireland not go down that road. Let us have Ireland stand up for decency and reflect on our own culture, history and understanding of what it is to be in the world together.

Gareth Scahill (Fine Gael)
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I am sharing time with Senator Joe O’Reilly.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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Is that agreed? Agreed.

Gareth Scahill (Fine Gael)
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The first line of this motion acknowledges Irish people emigrated to places throughout the world in times of famine and, more recently, in times of economic difficulty. We must always acknowledge that those people proved their worth. They got involved in the communities they moved to and respected the rules of the countries they moved to. We must acknowledge that also.

Here in Ireland, migration plays a crucial role in the economy. Thousands of people come here to work. One in five has come to study and support our essential services. The truth is that we need them. If we want to deliver on national policies like Housing for All or Delivering Homes, Building Communities, we need the skilled workers our construction sector is crying out for. If we want functioning hospitals and nursing homes, strong multinationals and a competitive economy, we need the nurses, carers, technicians, engineers and specialists who choose to come to Ireland. Migrants contribute to this country every single day. Our economic progress depends on a system that allows them to enter and work in Ireland without unnecessary delay.

Right now, processing times for visas and immigration permissions are far too slow. That is not fair on employers and communities, and it is certainly not fair on genuine applicants who are left in limbo. That is why I am calling for serious investment in staffing and systems so we can dramatically reduce the timelines for processing visa and immigration applications. Efficiency is not harsh. It is humane, responsible and respectful.

At the same time, we cannot ignore perception. Ireland is a warm and welcoming country – long may that continue – but there is a growing sense internationally that Ireland is the place to go. In some cases, there is a kind of “treasure Ireland” mentality, the view being that arriving here guarantees a soft system or outcome. We need to be gentle but we clearly need to nip this perception in the bud. Compassion does not mean a lack of structure, and that is why we need a firm and secure migration framework. That means stronger border checks, increased use of fingerprints and photographic evidence to verify identity, faster decisions for people arriving with false or no documentation, and accelerated processing for applicants from safe countries. If someone has already been refused international protection in another EU state, their case should move through an accelerated inadmissibility process. This is not about being harsh; it is about protecting the integrity of the system so it works for those who genuinely need it, and for the Irish people who rely on its being credible and efficient.

This motion is about getting the balance right – firm when needed and fair at all times. Migration brings huge value to Ireland but we need a system that is quicker, clearer and more secure. Let us invest in it and restore confidence in it. Let us build a migration system that reflects the very best of Ireland: compassion, responsibility and efficiency.

I thank the Minister for providing information so that we are able to nip in the bud false, unsubstantiated information spread throughout our constituencies by certain elements to create hatred in relation to IPAS centres.

Photo of Joe O'ReillyJoe O'Reilly (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister and thank him for the great work he is doing here and the humane approach and wisdom he brings to it.

I welcome to the Gallery a wonderful exemplar of the best of immigration and the wonder of diversity in our country, namely, Councillor Yemi Adenuga. She is a guest of my colleague Senator Linda Nelson Murray.

I utterly condemn the recent racial attacks, particularly those that were notably against members of the Indian community. No matter who they are against, they must be condemned unequivocally.

It merits saying again that from the end of the 18th century right through the 19th century, accelerated by the Famine, Irish people sought international protection all over the world and received it. We should be aware of that as we address this question.

One in five migrants to the country is an economic migrant. We have 12,500 economic migrants, or people who have come here to work, working in the health system in 2025. Fifty-four percent of our nurses trained abroad. There are 6,000 migrants in IT and 3,500 in agriculture. There are 83,000 in the hospitality sector. There are no accurate figures for engineering and construction but the numbers are very high. We need these economic migrants and our demographic structures in Ireland will make them increasingly necessary. That is a backdrop that needs to be kept in context.

Nobody sane or reasonably mentally well would question the correctness of bringing in Ukrainians under the temporary protection scheme. To date, my colleague Senator Ahearn, who has a personal interest and expertise in Ukraine, tells me that about 120,000 have come in. Currently, there are about 80,000 here. They are here as temporary protection holders. They have and will bring a lot to our country. Many will go back. Those who stay will contribute immensely. The scheme is one that nobody would question.

International protection applicants are very small in number. There are many misnomers in this regard. We had 13,643 in 2022, we had 13,271 in 2023, we had 18,554 in 2024 and, interestingly and as a consequence of several initiatives, we have had 9,580 in 2025. Therefore, let us be realistic. The number is very minuscule in the overall context of migration to our shores. Let us not be crazy in our analysis of this. People need to know what I am saying. Deportation order numbers rose from 857 in 2023 to 2,403 in 2024. I would like the Minister of State to consider a better education campaign in the media. I ask him to look at his budget for this. This campaign would be to let the people know the difference. I meet any number of people in shops, hairdressing salons and everywhere who talk to me with the best of human intent but with complete ignorance of the situation of the distinction with economic migrants. Could we have a public education campaign on this issue, more than is being done? I also welcome the movement to the use of State lands and State housing because we need our hotels back open. Will the Minister of State elaborate on where we are at with that and how he projects that will go on into the future. On that basis I will leave it.

Photo of Anne RabbitteAnne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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The Senator has managed to make six minutes out of three. Well done.

Photo of Joe O'ReillyJoe O'Reilly (Fine Gael)
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It is a debate that we could go on with

Photo of Sharon KeoganSharon Keogan (Independent)
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I move amendment No. 1:

After the last paragraph under “acknowledges that:” to insert the following paragraph: “- the Irish people, as the historic community indigenous to this island, possess a unique cultural and linguistic heritage of global significance; further acknowledges that, consistent with the principles of the founders of the Republic and the democratic mandate, the Irish people act through the State to determine migration policy in a manner that reflects their economic interests and cultural continuity, while respecting Ireland’s international obligations;”

Sarah O'Reilly (Aontú)
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I second the amendment.

Photo of Sharon KeoganSharon Keogan (Independent)
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I thank my colleague for bringing this Private Members' motion this evening and I rise to speak on my first amendment because I believe, if we centre this debate, it is an open statement of principle that focuses on the positive rather than the negative and is a discussion that cuts to the very deep question about who we are and what we must do. This debate is not, and should never be, about hatred of the other. It is about love for ourselves and for our identity as a unique people and nation. That love often forces us to find balance between contradictory things. We must acknowledge that we as a people can and will change, but we must also preserve those essential things that make us who we are: our culture, language and the remembrance of our history and heritage.

Part of what makes us Irish is that we are a welcoming people. Throughout our history we have brought others into our nation, from the Norse to the Norsemen. We must also acknowledge two truths. First, these assimilations were often long and sometimes conflict-filled processes. Second, migration today is on a scale never seen before. Poorly managed mass migration into a country that does not believe in itself can turn a nation into a divided land of strangers. We are a welcoming people but we must be prudent and fair in whom we welcome and ensure our welcome is not abused, because if we lose that welcome, we lose part of who we are as a people.

That is why this amendment matters. It affirms that the Irish people, through the democratic process, have the right to shape migration policy in a way that protects both our openness and our identity. It is a statement of confidence in who we are and a call to act wisely so we remain who we are and we remain fair to those who come to our nation in good faith.

Principle must be matched with practical action. That is why I am also proposing amendments that deal with the realities we face today. First, we urge the Government to seek flexibility with the EU migration pact to address migratory pressures, and, if that flexibility cannot be found, to give due consideration to an opt-out. Ireland must retain the ability to act in its own best interest when circumstances demand it. While I personally believe we should pursue an opt-out, I would like the Minister of State to know I will be closely following the new international protection Bill 2025, which aims to bring us into line with the pact, and I look forward to the debates and discussions which will follow.

In light of the UK's situation, I also personally urge the Department to take a look at whether the European Court of Human Rights is having any unintended impact on Ireland's ability to enforce its migration laws. If it is not the ECHR, then we must ask whether our own domestic laws need to be reformed, just as the UK has recently done, to ensure our system is fair, efficient and sustainable.

Above all, I urge the Government to upgrade Ireland's domestic capacity with more resources for processing, enforcement and accommodation so that our policies are not just words on paper but actions in practice. I acknowledge the work the Minister of State and his team have done so far under immense pressure, but as they say, "lots done, more to do".

Second, we urge a review of deportation policies for international protection applicants convicted of criminal offences and, in particular, to consider immediate deportations for those found guilty of serious crimes. Our compassion must never come at the expense of public safety.

Third, we call for an examination of citizenship criteria to ensure a meaningful contribution to society such as a requirement for five years of employment contributions. Citizenship is not just a legal status; it is a shared commitment to the common good.

We urge the Government to ensure unaccompanied minors whose ages cannot be verified are not accommodated with verified minors and that placement decisions take account of cultural and religious sensitivities to prevent potential conflicts. Protecting the vulnerable means protecting all minors from harm. These amendments are not about closing doors. They are about keeping Ireland open but in a way that is fair, safe and sustainable. They are about ensuring our welcome remains strong because it is grounded in confidence, prudence and respect for our own identity.

While I have the Minister of State's attention, I ask him to share with this House Government statistics on interview attendance rates so we can have an informed debate based on facts. I also ask the Minister of State to consider reviewing procedures for applicants who fail to attend interviews - I speak in particular of their section 35 or substantive interview - including consideration of stricter consequences, such as the cutting of supports or issuing of deportation orders, if they do not turn up for that interview. There have to be consequences and I want the Minister of State to take those considerations into practice.

Mike Kennelly (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State. I speak in support of this motion which rightly acknowledges both the historical and contemporary realities of migration in Ireland. Migration is not a new phenomenon for us. For generations, Irish men and women have left these shores in search of opportunity, safety and dignity. They helped to build cities form Birmingham to New York to Brisbane and beyond and their legacy and culture lives on in the communities they shaped. It is this very history that must guide us on our approach to migration today, with empathy, pragmatism and resolve. Destinations like Ellis Island in New York, which operated between 1892 and 1954, recorded over 3 million Irish people who emigrated. To quote Senator Nicole Ryan, the real fear these people have is that the knock on the door will come to them as well, because there are still undocumented Irish people in New York. Ireland has become a destination for those seeking a better life. That is a testament to our prosperity, openness and values. Over 90,000 people have come here to work in the past three years and 40,000 students have chosen Ireland as their place of study. These individuals are not just numbers, as everyone has said here. They are nurses, engineers, carers and entrepreneurs. They are part of the fabric of our society now.

However, with opportunity comes responsibility. We must ensure our migration system is both fair and firm: fair to those who genuinely seek protection, who contribute to our economy and wish to integrate into our communities, and firm to those who abuse the system, who arrive without documentation from safe countries or who pose a threat to public safety. The Government's commitment to a new international protection Act is a step in the right direction to faster processing, stronger border security and efficient returns, which are essential to maintaining public confidence. Equally important is our investment in integration, language classes, community-led initiatives and access to education and healthcare. These are not luxuries; they are necessities for building cohesive communities.

We must also be honest about the challenges we face. The surge in international protection applications from just over 7,000 in 2021 to nearly 33,000 today has placed immense pressures on our accommodation system.The arson attack in Drogheda was a shameful act that must be condemned unequivocally. However, it reminds us of the need for transparency, engagement and support for local communities. A fair and firm migration system is not a contradiction. It is a matter of balance. It protects the vulnerable while safeguarding our borders. It welcomes those who contribute while ensuring that our laws are respected. It reflects the best of who we are as a nation shaped by migration, committed to justice and confident in our future.

Linda Nelson Murray (Fine Gael)
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In light of today's motion, I asked my friend and colleague, Councillor Yemi Adenuga, to attend as a guest. I am looking forward to hearing what Councillor Adenuga thinks of this debate. Who better is there to discuss today's motion than someone who has gone through the process and has remained here in Ireland to raise her family? Councillor Adenuga is Ireland's first elected black female public representative and Meath County Council's first migrant councillor. She ran in the local elections in May 2019 and was elected as a Fine Gael Councillor, representing the Navan municipal district. She ran again in 2024 and retained her seat, which is always hard to do. She has been setting precedents for inclusion in Irish politics ever since. She has earned a degree in business studies, an MBA and a postgraduate certificate in innovation and entrepreneurship from UCD. She has been at the forefront of anti-racism efforts and, unfortunately, has also been at the forefront as a target of racism. In 2020, she successfully proposed that Meath County Council become the first local authority in Ireland to fund anti-racism education and she has consistently campaigned for hate-crime legislation and stronger equality frameworks.

Councillor Adenuga is a woman who knows what life as a migrant is like in Ireland and the process to get here. As one can appreciate, she has a few things to say on this motion. Along with our Fine Gael colleagues, she welcomes this motion. Where the motion states "require international protection applicants to contribute towards their accommodation costs", questions arise, such as how long would they have after coming into the country before they begin to contribute and what happens in a situation where they do not begin work immediately. Some may have to learn English. Some may be traumatised by where they have come from. I welcome Councillor Adenuga speaking on those issues.

Councillor Adenuga also raised points relating to the gathering of migrant people, the concept of belonging in Ireland and what that looks like. I welcome that the motion refers to the need to highlight "the social and economic benefits of migration to counter anti-immigration sentiments". One in four of our healthcare workers are non-Irish. We have 60,000 non-EU students coming to our universities annually. These international citizens are not strangers. They are our neighbours and classmates, and will probably be our caregivers. Many now report fearing for their safety in public spaces.

This morning, I brought a Commencement matter to the Seanad asking the Minister for communications to tackle social media companies to ensure they protect us, our youth and our children online. I ask that the people who are coming into our country and working in jobs that we could not fill also be protected. I am glad that the European Commission has commenced a range of investigations into various platforms for potential breaches of their regulatory obligations, including around harmful content, dark patterns and other matters. Just last week, Commissioner McGrath announced details of the EU democracy shield, which includes the establishment of a European centre for democratic resilience. We need to learn more about disinformation in order to better counter it. It is to be welcomed that, in line with the programme for Government, some €1.1 million in funding was announced in budget 2026 to support media literacy, fact-checking and research initiatives. I welcome that new domestic legislation will be enacted in 2026, as I feel each country is different. This will provide for faster processing of applications, stronger border security and a more efficient returns system.

Communication and education are key. This motion includes what we have included in our programme for Government. It is about informing people correctly and on time about what is happening in the towns, villages and cities of Ireland when it comes to migration and international protection.

Photo of Pauline TullyPauline Tully (Sinn Fein)
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This morning, I was contacted by a school in Kilnaleck, a small village in my locality in County Cavan. Four families have been living there for the past 18 months. All four families have applied for international protection. They have been living in apartments in that village. Their children attend the local school. The parents are on the parents association. They support the school in everything it does. The children play football with the local GAA club and the parents go to matches. They are from all different countries in Africa and different parts. They work locally. Each of the families was yesterday hand-delivered a letter and told they would be moved from that accommodation next Wednesday. The letter was dated 4 November. They were only handed it yesterday. They are devastated. The children's friends in the school are devastated. The school, the employers and everyone else are devastated. They spent 18 months living in that village. They have become well integrated. Suddenly, they are uprooted with, for some reason, only a week's notice

I was informed last June that a contract was going to finish with that centre. I found out while inquiring about something else. These families were not informed. Some of them, possibly all of them, are Muslim but the children took part in the nativity play in the school last year. The families went to see it. This is an indication of how welcoming the people are in our town and local area. It is also an indication of what is wrong with the system. It highlights what is wrong with the system.

There is an international right to claim asylum, but we need a fast and efficient system for people when they come into the country. These families have been waiting for at least 18 months. I am not sure if they were in another location in Ireland and have been here even longer than that, but they have been here for at least 18 months. They should have an indication now as to whether they have leave to remain or not. If they do not, I understand they must be deported. What is happening now is that people are not being told, sometimes for years on end, whether they have leave to remain. They then get a deportation order when they have already integrated into a community where they are working and where their children are attending school. It is not fair. It is not humane. That is not the way we should treat people. It lacks humanity in every way.

The apartments those four families were living in were of good quality but where families or individuals seeking asylum are housed is determined by the private sector, and has been for the past number of years. It is not about the area, whether it can accommodate people or whether good housing, health systems or school places are available. It is based on whether a private operator has space and is willing to offer it. We have heard of some very dodgy people making millions of euro in taxpayers' money by housing IPAS and Ukrainian applicants. Some of the accommodation is less than good. That is not good enough.

We also need to address racism. We can never condone racism in any shape or form. We have been far too slow to act. We had riots in this city two years ago and people are only now being brought to court. Not even all of them have been. We saw a situation in England where there were riots and they were clamped down on straight away. Individuals were arrested and processed. There is a lot of false and misleading information floating around and that needs to be addressed. I hear from people that Ireland has changed. That is rubbish. We need to let people know. Some 85% of the people in this country were born here. Only 15% of the population have come here from other countries. The vast majority of them are coming here to work in our health services, the hospitality sector and our IT services. A proportion also come here to study.

I meet people of different nationalities and colours in my office all the time. They come in to talk to me. They are all human beings. They are all here trying to better their own lives and the lives of their families. The same is true of the Irish people who left this country and went elsewhere. Some people left Ireland for political reasons. Some were exiled. Many left after the Famine or the genocide that was created here in the 1840s. The vast majority of people who left here over the last century did so for economic reasons. They did not always go to other countries in the right way. Some went as illegal immigrants, and some are still illegal immigrants in other countries, and yet contributed to those countries in their own way. They went there to better their lives and those of their families. If we were to take all the immigrants out of this country, we would still have a housing problem and a problem in our health service because successive Governments have failed to address those problems. The Government is happy to sit back and let people blame immigrants for the problems. The people coming into this country are not causing any of the problems. They are helping our country. They are building our country and making it a better place. They need to be welcomed. We must take every measure we can to ensure that is happening. We must stamp out racism and unfair practices.

Photo of Tom ClonanTom Clonan (Independent)
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Hear, hear.

Photo of Seán KyneSeán Kyne (Fine Gael)
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The Minister of State is very welcome to the Chamber. I acknowledge the work of the Minister of State, the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, and the former Minister, Deputy McEntee.When my colleagues and I wrote this motion, we wondered how it would be received. It has generally been received respectfully. Of course, there are differences - that is understandable - but thankfully we have had in general a respectful debate on what is a very important and sometimes emotive topic.

There were 15 in my mother's family. Ten of them ended up in Boston and one in London. There were seven in my father's family. Two ended up in Perth, Australia, one in Los Angeles, one in New York and one in Manchester. The remainder of both families stayed at home. Our families moved to the four corners of the world, contributed and did as well as they could.

When my father was dying and being cared for, it was mainly by us, as children and family members, but we did have home help from the HSE. We had a wonderful African lady who came in. She was a worker and I know she has instilled the same value of work in her children. They are workers too.

My electoral career has had ups and downs and some of it related to the issue of migration, particularly in 2020 and 2024. One of the issues in 2020 was the lack of information, rumours about IPAS and who was coming and without the information being provided by the Department in relation to the numbers that were coming, their gender, how long they would be here and when they were coming. That has changed, and in general that change is positive, but the second election was swayed by the fact that the Department proposed that 70 single men would be coming to a very rural community. That caused tension and issues and Members know the history of that. These things are not easy.

Irish people are inherently generous and charitable. They have been known to donate to charities all over the world. With the history of famine in our country, they are inherently generous to other parts of the world, but they also do not like to be taken advantage of. We know that so many people come to this country to work. They play a valuable role in our health services, the caring professions, looking after our loved ones in nursing home settings and privately in homes. They are so important in the hospitality, construction and medtech sectors. We know that they have a legal route to come here. We have also looked after and cared for so many Ukrainians who left their country because of the invasion.

The majority of us have knocked on doors over recent years. One of the most common refrains I hear from people is that we are bringing too many people to the country. I ask them, "Who do you mean?" We are obviously bringing people who come here with visas and through legal routes. Many Ukrainians have come here following the temporary EU directive and are contributing. Refugees who have legitimate claims under international law have also come and then there are asylum seekers. I often say we are not bringing asylum seekers; they are coming here. We are legally obliged to deal with those asylum seekers and to process their claims. We are not bringing asylum seekers here. Many of them are coming via the United Kingdom. Despite the last Government in the UK having an official policy called stop the boats, it was not able to deal with the situation, and many of the people who are coming here are coming across the land border with the United Kingdom via Northern Ireland.

These things are not simple. They are quite difficult to deal with. However, at the end of the day we are dealing with human beings. As I said, we are a generous country, but we also need to ensure that we have a rules-based migration system. That is to be fair to people who live here but also fair to people who may be coming here so that they are not coming under false pretences and being misled by traffickers who are telling them that, if they get here, they will get X, Y or Z or that they will get a free house or whatever. It is important that there are rules, people know what they are and that they are fair but firm in relation to those who seek help in this country while also acknowledging the valuable role played by so many legitimate people who come here on visas to work in so many important loving and caring sectors in our communities.

I welcome that we tabled this motion and that we have generally had a very respectful debate on what can be an emotive and difficult issue, and one which, unfortunately, has been hijacked in certain instances. A soundbite on social media is not a mature debate on an important issue like this.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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There is 15 minutes left and there are five speakers. Will the speakers limit their contributions to three minutes? I also welcome the former general secretary of Fine Gael, Ivan Doherty, and his wife to the Seanad. They are most welcome. They are guests of Senator Joe O'Reilly and are most welcome.

Mark Duffy (Fine Gael)
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I thank the Minister of State for joining us for this debate and for all of the contributions made thus far. Like Senator Kyne, my own political experience in relation to immigration has had its own challenges. One of the first interactions we experienced in my home county of Mayo was the war in Ukraine and the huge compassion felt across the country and the willingness to help and empathise with those who were fleeing war and terror in their home country. The Irish response to that has been incredible. Like everyone else, I volunteered at the time to send aid such as food and clothes to help Ukrainian people. We also welcomed so many in.

In more recent years, a challenge has emerged and is something I have spoken openly against, which is the circumvention of the planning system which allows the alteration of buildings for international protection accommodation without any planning permission. It is something that I have an issue with and do not agree with. I welcome the move to more public supply of provision. The reason I do not agree with is because of the lack of conversation that has been allowed to be had. As correctly mentioned by previous speakers, the far-left and far-right have shouted down any coherent conversation. It has meant that when any building is disturbed in any village or town, the immediate rumour is that it is for international protection accommodation. This causes consternation and fear among people. It has been taken advantage of by people in the political system and agitators outside the system. It causes such division, splits communities and creates extreme tensions. There needs to be a coherent conversation like this evening's debate to find better ways of managing it. Strong, firm and fair are the words that are often used. We need to be compassionate, but we also need to be strong and fair and not taken advantage of.

In county development plans, we have targets, such as population targets for our towns and villages, which we use when we try to increase housing or zone lands to build houses. Based on that argument, it is only fair that we have a similar metric for international protection accommodation. Towns and villages have finite resources in terms of services and a finite ability to respond to demands like these. They cannot be expected to be overwhelmed by an influx of people. There needs to be a considered conversation on this issue and on the planning exemption in particular.I totally disagree with it because it undermines the whole system we all subscribe to.

Finally, I welcome Councillor Yemi Adenuga to the Public Gallery. I thank her for her work and commitment to public life in her constituency. I sympathise with her on the negative vitriol she has experienced online. While we all experience that in politics, no one has experienced it more than her. I have seen and read about that first hand. Thank you, Yemi, for your bravery and leadership in politics.

Joe Conway (Independent)
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When I look around the Chamber now and earlier this evening, I am overwhelmed by the fact that practically every Member of the House to whom I have spoken informally in the last few weeks on this particular subject has shown an overwhelming sense of decency. There is a spirit of inclusion and welcoming. In light of that, I praise the people who brought the motion before us tonight and gave us a chance to ventilate our ideas about immigration and the exigencies attached to it. These have been greatly exacerbated in the past couple of days by the Home Secretary’s announcement on Monday about the new dispensation in the UK towards asylum seekers and immigrants. Of course, this places a huge responsibility on us in this country because we are covered by the common travel area agreement and we have a 500 km Border with approximately 275 crossing points. There are more crossings on our Border than there are on the 9,000 km border between Canada and the United States. It underscores the great difficulty there is in immigration policy and policing for us in the Republic. The Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration, Deputy O’Callaghan, said that we have got to bring forward legislation that is nimble. Like the old nursery rhyme, however, the Minister not only has to be nimble, but also quick. It is important that we respond to the dispensation in the United Kingdom with all alacrity because we do not have the resources right now to police those 275 crossings on our land border with the United Kingdom.

Like almost everyone here, I wish to underscore the great work done by our new Irish, that is, the people who have come here from other countries. They are designated in the health and care services, but there are acres of places where they are making major contributions. I welcome that, just as everyone in this country applauded the opportunities our people were given when they went abroad.

I will say one practical thing. We talked about housing policy and the housing document that came out last week, as well as the skills and labour shortages in the building industry. I put this to the Minister of State: at the moment, we have a six-month bar on people in IPAS looking for work. I ask the Minister of State and his colleagues in the Government to look at the labour market access piece and bring it back to three months so that those people in IPAS could be given the opportunity to contribute to our construction industry and other industries.

Photo of Martin ConwayMartin Conway (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I apologise for my throat but I will say a few words because it is an important motion. I thank my colleagues for tabling this motion and bringing the Minister of State in. I have listened to the Minister of State being interviewed on this on many occasions and he has showed empathy, humanity and practicality in dealing with the issue. The issue is complex, difficult and challenging, but it has to be embedded in compassion, empathy, decency and doing the right thing. By and large, we, as a nation, have done the right thing when it comes to looking after and supporting people who come to this country from the most troubled parts of the globe. They come to seek sanctuary from war-torn situations where people are literally hounded out of their homes, potentially facing murder and all sorts of crazy things. People come here for that sanctuary.

In more recent times, we have people coming here to get away from the war in Ukraine. Some 80,000 to 100,000 Ukrainians have arrived in Ireland and they were welcomed with open arms by the vast majority of Irish people. To me, there is not a huge difference between the people from Ukraine seeking sanctuary and those from South Sudan, which is ravaged by war at the moment. It is the same thing and they are the same people. They are the same type of people. They are human beings, the same as us all. There is nothing different between any of us except the colour of our skin, the shape of our body, our appearance or our language. They are the only differences. At the end of the day, most human beings are essentially the same. Most human beings are decent, humane people. They have a sense of justice and fairness about them. Sadly, in some cases, circumstances tend to create a future and narrative that are not where we would like them to be. The whole sense of equality sometimes depending on your set of circumstances does not resonate in the manner in which we would like.

The Irish people, in general, overwhelmingly welcome people to this nation. Why? It is because millions of our ancestors and forefathers travelled the globe and contributed to many of the developed countries of the world, whether it was Australia, America, England or Europe. They made a significant contribution in the same way that people from the Philippines, Brazil and Argentina are now. I met the Argentinian ambassador this morning. There are approximately 6,000 Argentinians in this country, of whom 3,500 to 4,000 are working in the hospitality industry. People from the Philippines are populating our health services and if it was not for them, we would have an even worse crisis in our health service compared with what we have now.

I support this motion. It is appropriate that it is discussed here. It is absolutely appropriate that the Minister of State is here to discuss it. I have known the Minister of State for nearly 40 years at this stage and I know he is the right man to lead the conversation and the necessary changes in order to make the system fair. The one thing no one wants to see is a situation where a perception might be created that migrants are being treated in a different or more compassionate way than Irish people, because that is not true. We have to ensure that we push back against that narrative and ensure that our society is fair and respectful. That goes to all strands of our society. I wish the Minister of State well. It is not that I hope he does a good job but, rather, I know he will do a good job.

Photo of Colm BrophyColm Brophy (Dublin South West, Fine Gael)
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I thank everyone who has contributed to the debate. This is an area, obviously, where a debate can be fought and major issues can develop very quickly into very fraught conversations. I welcome, therefore, the tone and conversation we have had today. Before I go any further, I acknowledge what happens when debates are not like this but, rather, become very heated and spill into the real world. That has a real impact. We saw that during the summer with attacks on part of the Indian community in particular.We saw it in the shocking attack that took place in Drogheda. Your heart would go out to the children and women in accommodation after the experience they had. My thoughts are with all of the people who were affected by that. They are also with the victim of the alleged sexual assault in Saggart. That was a horrible situation for the community to go through also.

After that, because of the way these debates can sometimes go, we saw people who used what happened as an opportunity to sow division and try to cause a riot and violence. It is what happens when this type of conversation spills over and people do not care about the impact of their contribution on social media, or of their thoughts or remarks. I acknowledge in particular the work of members of An Garda Síochána, who bravely defended Citywest so well when faced with such appalling behaviour. We put our trust in the justice process to deliver due process over the coming months.

Acts of violence and intimidation are utterly unacceptable and stand in direct opposition to the values we hold as a nation. The vast majority of Irish people, as mentioned by many speakers, are positive towards migration because they know what the value of migration is to Ireland. It has been mentioned that we are probably unique, in that we are a nation which, for centuries, effectively depended on outward migration, and now we have inward migration. The motion rightly sets out how migration benefits our economy, public services and infrastructure, and has made Ireland a pluralist and more open society. I welcome that so many of the contributions highlighted that this evening.

The Government is operating under a clear and co-ordinated strategy to manage immigration in a way that is firm, fair, effective and humane. I am happy to say the Department has made significant progress towards the actions called for in this Private Members' motion. The motion called for a new migration and integration strategy for Ireland and I am happy to report that strategy is well under way. The strategy will detail how we intend to meet the demands and the opportunity facing our society and economy over the next decade. It will also look at the particular issues raised in the motion regarding how the Government can be responsive to the economic skills needed in our country.

As mentioned by many Senators, we have to be cognisant that the vast majority of people who come to our country do so because we need them and we asked them. They come here with visas to work and contribute. I am not going to repeat what the Senators said but, in all honesty, if we did not have people coming here to make their incredible contribution, the emergency services, the services in our hospitals and the construction of the homes we need, which get talked about something that has to be provided, would all be impacted. The strategy will be the first of its kind in Ireland. It is being led by my Department, with support from across government. We plan to publish it in 2026.

Of course, alongside the strategy sits operations, and to meet the opportunities that immigration presents, we need an immigration system that is efficient and customer friendly in order to attract and retain the talent that comes here through those legal pathways we have talked about. My Department continues to make great gains in improving the operational aspect of immigration processing through modernisation efforts. It allows Ireland to welcome and support the entry of migrant workers. The motion rightly notes just how sizeable the number of migrant workers that bolster our economy is. One example of our work to streamline this system is our plan to introduce a single permit to both work and live in Ireland. Currently, employer permits, visa applications and residency permits are all processed separately. A detailed plan is being developed to unify these systems. An implementation team is working to introduce that one single permit. It will make a big difference.

In the short term, steps are being taken to streamline the process so that information requests and checks are not duplicated. The customer experience will improve through the aligning of this online information and introducing a single payment model also. The steps will simplify the process for people and a common application platform will be developed. This initiative is designed to ensure the long-term sustainability of our economy and support and recognise the vitally important contribution made, as we have all talked about and I have just outlined, by legal migrants in so many areas.

I draw attention to the priority that has been given to the modernisation programme within the International Protection Office because it has been alluded to in some of the contributions. It is very important we take the opportunity, in much as possible, to talk about this. It speaks directly to calls in the motion for investment in faster processing. What has been happening? There has been a significant increase in investment in the international protection system, which, combined with the digitisation process and the re-engineering, has facilitated a major increase in processing capacity. In 2024, international protection delivered more than 14,000 first decisions, compared with just 8,523 in 2023, while the international appeals process closed some 3,100 appeals in 2024, compared with 1,700 in 2023. In 2025 to the end of quarter 3, there has been a 51% increase in the total number of first decisions compared with the same period in 2024. IPAS has also increased the number of appeals.

My Department continues to focus on preparing us for the EU migration and asylum pact in advance of June 2026. As noted in the motion, Ireland officially opted in to the pact following votes in both the Dáil and Seanad. The pact will provide a fair, sustainable and efficient asylum procedure. It is vitally important to recognise that one of the key parts of the pact is to do what so many Senators mentioned, namely, to have a 12-week system for the majority of people. That is fairer to people who are in the system and fairer to the system itself, our country and our communities. It directly recognises and addresses the type of situation that is not right, where people are in the system for years, which leaves them in limbo and takes too long. This pact will be achieved through the convergence of asylum practices right across the EU, including standardised processing times for decisions. As I say, the aim is to get those times down to three months.

The motion calls for accelerated processing. The asylum border procedure will tackle the issue of people destroying their documents. There will be a 12-week time limit, as I mentioned, for first-instance appeals decisions to be completed. We are also going to move to make sure we have a system in place as we build up to the introduction of the migration pact in June 2026, which will mirror some of this, in order that we will be able to deliver it.

Through opting in to the EU migration and asylum pact, Ireland has shown its commitment to a common, EU-wide solution to migration. The pact is a landmark in our collective efforts to manage migration with fairness and in a compassionate way. I emphasise border protection while upholding international law. That is crucial. It allows us to distinguish between those who are in genuine need of protection and those who do not qualify. That means enabling swifter and more just outcomes.

We are following closely the recent changes to the UK asylum practices and laws. We are aware that they have the potential to result in changes to the flow of asylum seekers between the UK and Ireland. I thought the way in which the Minister, Deputy O’Callaghan, was quoted was very misleading. The Minister and I are working to ensure, working with our UK counterparts, that we have a balanced system between the two countries, recognising we have an open and common border and making sure that we look at what they are doing, they look at what we are doing and that we keep it equal in terms of people choosing where to come in to make a claim of international protection, as they are entitled to do.

I have outlined the Government’s priorities in various areas, but one area in particular, on which we are very much focused, is the processing of applications speedily and saving money on accommodation. The majority of the International Protection Office's commercial, emergency accommodation was commissioned as part of the emergency response to the increased demand that came about in 2022. Approximately 45,000 people arrived and applied for international protection during the period 2022 to 2024. That almost matches the total number of applications during the previous 16 years. It also coincided with the Ukraine invasion, which saw an additional 120,000 people arrive. The motion urges the Government to continue to improve value for money in accommodation and move away from relying on private providers to State-owned accommodation. I assure Members that this is exactly what we want to do. We are moving away from private provision of accommodation. We have made a range of changes, such as bringing in new rate cards and lowering the amount we are paying. We have moved, where we can, to look at State-owned accommodation.We are driving real changes. We have been driving €52 million worth of changes since May of this year. This is the type of real change we have brought into the system.

IPAS regularly engages with centres all around the country to ensure there is compliance with contracts and standards, with a dual eye on the safety of the residents while also ensuring value for money. In 2025, there have been 25 terminations of contracts due to compliance issues. We are making real changes in how we manage the IPAS system. The creation of the core supply of State-owned accommodation for emergency and permanent options will also allow us more strategic direct accommodation types in the future.

As called for in the motion, a proposal for the contribution model for people in international protection will be brought to the Government next week. It is something I very strongly believe in. This is not designed to solve how IPAS is paid for. It is designed out of fairness. When somebody has a right to work and they are here in the State working after six months because they are entitled to do so, and going through IPAS, they should make a contribution towards their accommodation, in the same way as the person standing beside them working in the shop, the factory or the high-tech business makes a contribution towards their accommodation when they go home in the evening. It is all about fairness.

The motion calls for enhanced border control and fast removals. I assure the House that we wholeheartedly agree with this. The Department has taken action to significantly improve immigration enforcement, with 4,200 deportation orders signed this year. We have also used charter flights to bolster our capacity, and An Garda Síochána to enforce a greater number of deportation orders. It is the preferred option, though, and I always make this point because it is the most cost-effective and cheapest, to have people go through voluntary return and to make this available to people, and we will continue to do so. Already this year, 1,393 people have availed of this option.

The Department is developing a broader security strategy to deliver stronger border security, ensuring technology supports and enhanced border screening. The strategy is reviewing the potential of extending pre-clearance mechanisms, such as electronic travel authorisation, for travel to designated third countries. There is ongoing work with the airlines on ensuring passengers have the appropriate documentation when boarding. These operations, including the doorstop operations at airports, have significantly reduced the number of people arriving without documentation, and reduced it by up to 54% in 2024.

On integration, which is very important, the system is not just about faster processing and being more effective; we must have an integration system which measures those who have been granted permission to remain in the State. As such, I am pleased to be investing in a range of measures relating to integration, including community-led initiatives. A range of supports and services are provided through IPAS. There is also a range of supports and services provided to local community groups to help with integration. It is very important that integration remains a key part of how we look at this issue. The integration fund, for which I have responsibility, supports organisations to carry out integration projects at national, regional and local level. Last week, I announced 117 community-based projects, which received 3.6 million in funding under the project.

I am conscious of time. There are a couple of other things I would like to mention. We need to build on and develop a good, wider understanding of migration in order for us all to be able to discuss it and to take part in debates on it. The Government will not oppose the motion as put forward, but does not accept the amendment proposed by Senator Keogan.

I am pleased to have come here today to outline the measures the Government has put in place to ensure our rules-based immigration system is firm, fair, effective, robust, enforced and humane. It is there to protect our borders. It is also there to ensure that people have the right to come here and work and help us in every way to support our economy and develop our communities. I believe it is going to be a key part of the new modern Ireland, which we all live in and which we all want to see. I thank Senators again for their contributions. They are very much appreciated.

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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Uair amháin eile, gabhaim ár mbuíochas leis an Aire Stáit, an Teachta Brophy, as ucht teacht isteach chun éisteacht linn, as an óráid láidir sin a thug sé tar éis éisteacht linn agus as an rún atá os ár gcomhair anocht a phlé. On some of the issues raised during the course of the debate, I should first say that, like others, I am delighted the debate was carried out in a very respectful manner with different views exchanged. As Senator Joe Conway said, it was carried out in a spirit of decency. That is to be welcomed.

Senator Clonan, in a very strong address, made reference to a migrant worker who helps care for his son and the difficulty and concerns he has about going into town to get the frappuccino and the puppuccino, out of fear because of what happened in Dublin. This is of concern to us all. Recently, I met a leader of the Indian community in Cork who has been living there for more than 12 years, during the first ten of which he said he and his family never had any issue. Over the past two years, there have been a number of incidents. Certain things have been said on the street to family members. He no longer feels safe going to certain areas and these are concerns he did not have previously. This is something it is incumbent on us all to be mindful of as we look to provide leadership.

Photo of Tom ClonanTom Clonan (Independent)
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Hear, hear.

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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The availability of accurate information was referenced by a number of Senators during the course of the debate. This is absolutely key so we can take a stand against the politics of hatred, division, misinformation and, very often, the deliberate conflation of issues that relate to migration but are not necessarily interconnected.

The issue of international protection was raised, and one Senator was critical of the Government making an issue of the fact the numbers seeking international protection had escalated. For my part, I said this about the years 2022 to 2024, when the numbers went from, as I said in my earlier contribution, an average of approximately 2,500 per year to more than 13,000 in each of those three years. Senator Gallagher rightly acknowledged the fact this has dropped, through no small effort on the part of the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy, and his colleague, the Minister, Deputy Callaghan.

Senator Stephenson made a very good point about the UK's intention to pull out of the UN convention on human rights, which is obviously a concern. With the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union, different rules apply. Those who made contributions referencing the change in migration policy in the UK did so conscious of the fact it is something we need to be mindful of because there will undoubtedly be consequences with which we will have to deal.

I welcome the Minister of State's reference to the single permit to work and live in Ireland. This is a very positive step forward. I also welcome the progress made towards the programme for Government commitment on the introduction of a contribution model in the area of international protection, whereby those who are in Ireland seeking international protection and working make a contribution towards the accommodation. As many Senators noted, it is important that we have a firm but fair system. While not all applicants are working, many are. This is an area we need to see progress made on.

In relation to those who are in Ireland illegally, it is important that action is taken, as referenced in a number of contributions and by the Minister of State, either by voluntary return or by deportation, if necessary. As the Minister of State did, I commend the good work of An Garda Síochána in co-operating in this regard.

I acknowledge the presence of Councillor Yemi Adenuga. Many others have mentioned the enormous contribution she makes to local government in the face of hostile vitriol on social media and elsewhere. It is very important that we, as elected representatives, stand with Councillor Adenuga and others, and stand against racism.Very briefly, if the Cathaoirleach would indulge me for another ten seconds, I would also like to commend Senator Laura Harmon on a superb anti-racism demonstration that she held in Cork recently, which was very well attended by local and national representatives across the board. It was a very positive step for migrant communities in Cork who participated in that demonstration.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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Before I put the question, I welcome guests of Senator Malcolm Noonan from the Third Age Foundation and AgeWell. Apparently, they will be giving out advice later to any Senators who want to join the foundation. They are led by Jimmy Lenihan, who is from Kilkenny. He is a master thatcher as well. He will be giving out advice on thatching roofs as well as ageing well.

I also welcome Mike Murphy. I would say Mike Murphy from RTÉ. Mike, you look exactly the same as you did when you were on the "The Live Mike", so if anyone has the secret of ageing well it is Mike Murphy. Everyone will always remember the sketch with the late, great Gay Byrne. It must be one of the most iconic moments on Irish television. It was at Trinity College, where you pretended to be French.

The former Minister of State, former Deputy Áine Brady, is also most welcome. She is doing great work with our senior citizens and I thank her for her work on that.

Amendment put.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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Will the Senators who are claiming a division please rise?

Senators Sharon Keogan and Sarah O'Reilly rose.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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As fewer than five Senators have risen, the amendment is defeated. In accordance with Standing Order 61, the names of Senators who stood will be recorded in the Official Report and the Journal of the Proceedings of the Seanad.

Amendment declared lost.

Photo of Pat CaseyPat Casey (Fianna Fail)
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Call a vote.

Photo of Fiona O'LoughlinFiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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Senator Pat Casey is calling a vote.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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I cannot put a vote because not enough Senators have risen.

Photo of Fiona O'LoughlinFiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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We will rise.

Photo of Sharon KeoganSharon Keogan (Independent)
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I move amendment No. 2:

After the last paragraph under “urges the Government to:” to insert the following paragraphs: “- seek flexibility within the EU Migration Pact to address migratory pressures, and to give due consideration to an opt-out of the Pact if the needed flexibility cannot be found within the Pact;

- review deportation policies for international protection applicants convicted of criminal offences, and in particular to consider immediate deportations for those found guilty of criminal offences;

- examine citizenship criteria to ensure meaningful contribution to society, such as a requirement for five years of employment contribution, constitutes a part of such criteria;

- ensure that unaccompanied minors whose age cannot be verified are not accommodated with verified minors, and that placement decisions take account of cultural and religious sensitivities to prevent potential conflict."

Sarah O'Reilly (Aontú)
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I second the amendment.

Amendment put.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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Will the Senators claiming a division please rise?

Senators Sharon Keogan and Sarah O'Reilly rose.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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As fewer than five Senators have risen I declare the question defeated. In accordance with Standing Order 61, the names of Senators who stood will be recorded in the Official Report and the Journal of the Proceedings of the Seanad.

Amendment declared lost.

Question put: "That the motion be agreed to."

The Seanad divided: Tá, 32; Níl, 11.



Tellers: Tá, Senators Garret Ahearn and Paul Daly; Níl, Senators Patricia Stephenson and Nessa Cosgrove.

Question declared carried.

Photo of Mark DalyMark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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When is it proposed to sit again?

Photo of Seán KyneSeán Kyne (Fine Gael)
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Tomorrow morning at 9.30.

Cuireadh an Seanad ar athló ar 7.31 p.m. go dtí 9.30 a.m., Déardaoin, an 20 Samhain 2025.

The Seanad adjourned at 7.31 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 20 November 2025.