Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy O'Donnell.

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I will be sharing time with my colleague, Senator McCormack.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Is that agreed? Agreed.

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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I am holding a copy of my seven-week scan. It is the only evidence I have that my pregnancy ever existed. I am not alone in this. I actually count myself lucky. On 22 March last year, my 31st birthday, I found out that I was pregnant. Whenever any woman finds out that she is pregnant and looks at that positive test, she naturally maps out a life for that child. She maps out his or her future, hopes, dreams, names and all of that. I was very naive about pregnancy and what that entailed because it was my first time. I had gone to the GP and done my check-ups and everything was great. At seven weeks I began to bleed. I did not know what was normal and what was not, so I went back to my GP and was told that it just happens sometimes to some women and if a miscarriage was to happen, there was nothing I could do about that anyway. For me, in my very first pregnancy, I did not even fathom that miscarriage could happen. It did not even enter my stratosphere. I went to the emergency department in CUMH, where I spent about five hours waiting to get an ultrasound scan. The maternity ward in CUMH has women at different stages of pregnancy, and obviously the emergency unit has women who are worried and waiting for scans. I was sitting in that environment. I went for my scan and they told me they could not see anything. They could not see any baby or fluid or sac or anything. I was sent home after being told that I would have to go back to the early pregnancy unit in Cork the following day. The Minister of State can imagine the worry I had when I was sent home. Having been told they could not see anything, I thought I was losing the baby. There was nothing visible.

I was distressed. I could not sleep that night. I spent the whole night crying because I thought this was the worst-case scenario. I went back to CUMH and the early pregnancy unit the following morning and went into the clinic, where I was sitting among women who were also getting various scans. They may have had bad news or good news; I did not know. I remember sitting across from a woman who was crying her eyes out. She was sitting there by herself; there was nobody there with her, and I just thought that could be me next after I went in for that scan. I went in and they did an internal scan and I was shown the heartbeat for the first time. Everything felt amazing. Any woman who has had children knows that first scan and the feeling of, "Oh my God, this is real. This is happening." I was told there was nothing to worry about and I could go home, so I did.

Naturally, as you progress through the pregnancy, people tell you not to tell anybody because the 12-week mark is the safe mark, after which nothing can go wrong. After a woman gets to 12 weeks, she is in the safe zone. I told my closest family members and friends. It is not inconceivable to become excited and want to buy little gifts as the woman goes through this. I booked my 12-week scan for the Tuesday. On the Sunday before my 12-week scan, I woke up at 5 o'clock in the morning. I had cramps before I went to sleep and when I woke up that morning, I just knew something was wrong. I pulled back my sheets and I was covered in blood. I was alone, so I got into my car and drove myself to CUMH. It was the most torturous drive of my life. I knew deep down what was happening but I begged and pleaded with everybody just to make sure this was not happening.

I went back into CUMH and I sat in the little waiting area. There were mothers coming out with babies, and I was bleeding. I had to go to the bathroom to show them that I was actually miscarrying. They had to see that evidence, which was not the most humane thing to make me do. I had my scan and I was told it did not look like the baby had progressed beyond the seven-week mark. It was not where it should have been. I went home and had to go back to CUMH the next day to get an internal scan to confirm this. That drive home was the worst drive I have ever had. I do not think I have ever had an experience like it. I had to drive back home by myself. I parked my car and I had to call my fiancé and my mother to tell them what was going on, that I was miscarrying.

The following morning I went back to CUMH and got the confirmation. They did the internal scan and told me I was miscarrying. I was given my options. Women in that situation can have D and C, which can be very invasive and can cause tears, or take medical intervention or just let it pass naturally. I chose the option of medical intervention but I was not told anything about what was going to happen when I did that or how it would affect me physically. I was told it was going to be like a bad period. I went home and took my medical intervention. I had to call CUMH because I was not sure if what I was experiencing was normal.Nobody told me I would have enough amniotic fluid that, when the medical intervention worked, my waters would break. Nobody told me that I would pass the pregnancy when I was sitting on the toilet, that I would not know what to do, that I would be distraught, crying and panicking while sitting there, and that all I could do was flush. Nobody told me I would have to go back and be told I had to do it again because there was still residue left. After all of this, I had to go back one last time, when I was told the best time for me to try to get pregnant was right now because I was the most fertile for the first three months after the miscarriage. As a woman who has gone through something like that, the last thing you are thinking of is getting pregnant again. It was horrifying because I did not understand what would happen to me emotionally afterwards; how I would be so envious, how I would not want to leave the house, how everything would be a trigger, how I thought I would go crazy and how I thought I was going crazy. I felt so isolated and so alone in the process. This was the case until I spoke to other women who said they had had a miscarriage too but had never told anybody. This happens an awful lot, more than we understand or more than we have statistics for. Women have been suffering alone for a long time.

This Bill is rooted in lived experience, driven by evidence and shaped by compassion. This is the big thing here. It begins with a simple and powerful truth, which is that every loss matters, no matter what loss it is. We are debating the Bill today and this week we had fresh validation from across the Irish Sea, as on 6 July 2025 the UK Government announced that parents who suffer miscarriages before 24 weeks will be entitled to at least one week's bereavement leave, with full legal rights for mothers and partners in upcoming employment reforms. This follows earlier recommendations by two UK MPs for two weeks of paid leave for miscarriage losses. It is a change that underscores the physical and emotional toll of early pregnancy loss. The shift reflects an evolving understanding that pregnancy loss pre-24 weeks in the UK is not a clinical event but is very traumatic and deserving of protection. The Bill before the House echoes this with regard to 23 weeks in this country. It proposes paid leave of five days for women and 2.5 days for their partners.

The Bill also proposes a voluntary and confidential pregnancy loss register. This is incredibly important. The State does not recognise losses prior to 23 weeks. People are supposed to just carry on and pretend nothing happened. There are also legal protections in the Bill. Pregnancy loss is one of the most common forms of bereavement but one of the least recognised in society and law. The statistic of one in four women experiencing pregnancy loss is not a true statistic because it does not take into account women who miscarry at home, those who have missed miscarriages and other cases. Behind the statistics are thousands of stories of grief, silence and people returning to work with empty arms and aching hearts because the law makes no space for their pain.

The proposals in the Bill are not radical. They are rooted in best international practice. In England and Scotland parents can receive a formal baby loss certificate for losses before 24 weeks. In New Zealand paid leave after miscarriage is already in place. In Australia workers are entitled to leave following pregnancy loss. In the North of Ireland our Sinn Féin colleagues have pushed for cross-party momentum towards a baby loss certificate scheme to give families the recognition they deserve. We believe the State should afford no less here.

The Bill is built on the findings of ground-breaking Irish research, including the PLACES project and the RE:CURRENT project led by UCC's pregnancy loss research group. The PLACES project highlights the profound impact of pregnancy loss on working lives. Women and partners spoke about the absence of paid leave, the lack of information and the emotional distress of returning to work too soon, often in silence and often unsupported. One of its key recommendations is clear; this is the introduction of medically certified paid statutory leave for pre-viability pregnancy loss. The Bill delivers exactly this. The RE:CURRENT project evaluated services from people experiencing recurrent pregnancy loss and found serious gaps. Only half of maternity units in the country offer specialist clinics for recurrent miscarriage. Psychologist supports are limited or non-existent, and too often the care provided lacks the sensitivity and consistency the loss demands.

The Bill does not fall into the category of "nice to have". The Bill has been informed by countless conversations with advocacy groups such as Féileacáin, the Miscarriage Association, clinicians, researchers and many grieving families. Countless women have been met with coldness when they try again. Some have to beg for investigations. One woman who delivered at 22 weeks was told funerals were only for real people. Another woman who had the ashes of her 22-week-old baby and wanted to take them on a flight was told she could not board with the ashes because she did not have a death certificate. This is what women are suffering today.

I want to be clear to my colleagues and everyone contributing on the Bill that it is not party political. This is not a party political matter. I hope the House will support the Bill. We can improve it, make progress in the Chambers and shape public awareness together. To delay the Bill is to traumatise even more women. Every parent deserves recognition and every loss deserves dignity. Every person navigating grief deserves time, space and care, and all of our support.

Maria McCormack (Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the work that Senator Ryan and my party, Sinn Féin, have done on this issue. I thank Nicole for sharing her personal and powerful story. It is a story to which, sadly, the one in four women who experience a miscarriage can relate very well. There are approximately 15,000 miscarriages a year in Ireland.

We know this loss can have a profound emotional impact not only on the woman but also on her partner, friends and family, yet there is little recognition of the grief and pain suffered. We know there are many physical symptoms of grief, such as fatigue, tiredness, loss of appetite, difficulties concentrating and sleeping problems. Then there are the emotional symptoms, including feelings of loneliness, guilt, shock and numbness, anger, an overwhelming sense of sadness and, sometimes, depression. We must never undermine the traumatic experience of a miscarriage and how difficult it can be to talk about it to others. There is the pressure of having to behave normally and to go back to work as if nothing happened.

It is very sad that we do not already have statutory workplace supports in place for this. It feels like yet another example of women's health issues being ignored for too long, and another thing women just have to put up with. This cannot continue. As Senator Ryan has outlined, the Bill before us aims to provide statutory paid leave for individuals suffering pregnancy loss. It also provides for statutory paid leave for partners, which is very important. The Bill ensures dignity, privacy and empathy in the workplace, with confidential notification procedures and protection from employment discrimination.

Another key measure in the Bill is the symbolic recognition that would be provided by a voluntary pregnancy loss register. Initiatives similar to a voluntary pregnancy loss register have been introduced in many places, as Senator Ryan has outlined. England launched a baby loss certificate scheme in 2024. Scotland introduced a memorial book and certificate in 2023 for losses before 24 weeks. Wales is also looking into the scheme. Other jurisdictions, such as Germany and Australia, provide early pregnancy loss certificates. In the North, my Sinn Féin colleagues have brought forward the Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Bill, which is progressing in the Assembly. There is plenty of precedent and no reason we should not have the register here.

The provision of paid leave for women who experience pregnancy loss, including pregnancies under 24 weeks, is also something already established in other countries. With this Bill, we would be bringing Ireland into line with progressive international practices.

Losing a baby during any stage of pregnancy is heartbreaking. Acknowledging this can be greatly important for families and sends a clear message to parents that their love and grief is real and that they are not alone. I hope that the Minister will support the passage of the Bill through the Seanad and that we get cross-party support, so families who go through pregnancy loss can get the supports and acknowledgement they need.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister, Deputy Burke, to the Chamber.

Ollie Crowe (Fianna Fail)
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I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after “That” and substitute the following: - "Seanad Éireann resolves that the Pregnancy Loss (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025 be read a second time on this day 12 months, to allow sufficient time for the development of Government legislative proposals, in line with the principles of this Private Members' Bill."

I welcome the Minister, Deputy Burke, to the Chamber. I thank Senator Ryan for sharing her personal story. It is a very heartfelt story and I wish her all the best.Fianna Fáil welcomes the debate and supports the proposal by the Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment for a timed amendment of 12 months to this Private Member's Bill from 9 July 2025 to allow sufficient time for the development of Government legislative proposals in line with the provisions of the Bill.

I am advised the Organisation of Working Time Act is not the correct legislative vehicle to provide for the type of entitlements set out in the Private Member's Bill. Such entitlements are more appropriately covered by family leave provisions such as those in the Parental Leave Acts 1998 to 2019, which include provision for force majeureleave. As Members will be aware, the equality and family leaves (miscellaneous provisions) Bill is listed for priority drafting in the Government’s legislative programme and consideration could be given to including amendments to provide for statutory leave for pregnancy loss.

This is an issue that affects thousands of families every year and the nature of it means it often does not attract the focus and attention an issue with such widespread impact usually would. As it is so rarely spoken about, it can feel to parents or families it affects that it is rare or unusual when the exact opposite is the case, and it is, sadly, very common. According to the Miscarriage Association of Ireland, one in four pregnancies ends in miscarriage. Often when this happens, very few people are aware, so in addition to the parents mourning this huge loss, it can be very isolating for them too given the vast majority of people in their lives likely know nothing about the massive loss they have just suffered. It can cause a whole range of issues for families and people generally that need to be discussed, and more often.

While it is obviously a challenging topic it is one where supports could really have a transformative impact. As Members will be aware, the report entitled PLACES Pregnancy Loss (under 24 weeks) in Workplaces: Informing policymakers on support mechanisms was commissioned by the then Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth and carried out by University College Cork and the University of Galway. The report was published on 26 January 2024 and made a series or recommendations regarding support for employees who have experienced a miscarriage. These recommendations, which include the provision of statutory leave for miscarriage, are now being considered in the development of Government policy in this area, including any legislative implications.

Members will also be aware the UK is currently examining this issue and has flagged an intention to introduce paid bereavement leave for miscarriage as well as unpaid statutory bereavement leave in some instances as part of a forthcoming employment rights Bill. I understand this is being closely monitored by Department officials. The introduction of any additional form of compassionate or family leave will require detailed legislative provisions on the circumstances in which the leave entitlement would arise and may give rise to consequential amendments to the existing legislation. Development of legislation of this nature will require significant collaboration across a number of Government Departments. I am advised the relevant Departments will, working collaboratively, undertake to progress these matters over the coming months and will consider the development of the appropriate Government legislative proposals in line with the principles of this Private Member’s Bill.

While I am certainly supportive of the aims of this Bill generally, neither I nor Fianna Fáil can support it in its current format, but I will be expecting we would see progress in this area in the short term. It is, of course, understandable that an area such as this will require cross-departmental work on the legislation, but I hope and expect we will see the fruits of that labour in the short term. Following that work, I look forward to seeing legislation before this House that we hope will address the topic.

Linda Nelson Murray (Fine Gael)
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First of all, a massive hug to Senator Ryan. You were very brave when you spoke, so well done. It took a lot for you to do that. I really admire you.

David Platt said, "There is a unique pain that comes from preparing a place in your heart for a child that never comes." I thank Senator Ryan for bringing this Bill to us. It has been a pleasure to discuss this with her over the past couple of weeks. As someone who has suffered miscarriages, including my eldest daughter's twin, I know what that ache is like for thousands of women across Ireland. Pregnancy loss, including miscarriage and stillbirth, is often not openly discussed due to a combination of factors, including societal discomfort, lack of language to express grief, fear of saying the wrong thing and the belief sharing the news will somehow lessen the pain. Many individuals and couples grieve in private while feeling isolated and unsupported. On that, I think of Senator Ryan’s journey at that time, driving to the hospital, coming back and feeling so alone. Unfortunately, you often hear comments that are not supportive of loss or that are unhelpful or hurtful, like in Senator Ryan’s case and with my numerous miscarriages, such as “At least it was early” or "You can try again" or, in Senator Ryan's case, "You're highly fertile now". These types of judgment only add to the fear of discussing the loss you have experienced. It is frequently the case that a pregnancy loss is treated as something that is silently endured. You grieve through it quietly and then you return to work as if nothing has happened. Miscarriage is a real loss of a baby, but also of a future and a dream.

Miscarriage is surprisingly common, with not just one if four women experiencing it but one in four pregnancies ending in loss. Think of the number of women in Ireland who have had to endure this loss. I also acknowledge that the grieving process is different for everyone and affects people in different ways. This is no right way to grieve or to heal. For some stepping away from work and daily responsibilities helps them to grieve – Senator Ryan and I chatted about that – and to try to regain a sense of control. It was different for me. Work provided a structure for me as something I had to get back into to occupy my mind, because I would go mad if I had to think about it all the time. I went straight back into work, but everyone is different in this and everybody needs to be accommodated. It is not about forgetting the pain, but living alongside the pain. As an employer, I consider it my responsibility to support all our employees, both professionally and personally. We must recognise life does not stop at the door of a building when an employee walks in, and our policies in this case should reflect empathy and a commitment to well-being, especially during one of life’s most painful moments. I hope that, even without this potential Bill, many employers would actively engage with their employees who are suffering this, but we know a lot of them cannot talk to their employers about it.

I am also acutely aware of the costs that come with running a business. We are currently faced with an increase in insurance premiums, sick day pay, minimum wage increases and auto-enrolment, to name a few. However, even with these challenges humanity should prevail. I really feel it should. Nobody should have to go through such a traumatic experience and be expected to keep up appearances in work. In this case a couple of sick days or an expectation to just bounce back is not enough.

I go back to the Bill. It proposes to amend the Organisation of Working Time Act to introduce a statutory entitlement of five days of paid leave for an employee who experiences pregnancy loss and two and a half days’ pay to an employee who is a parent to a pregnancy loss. It also proposes to extend protections under the Unfair Dismissals Acts and provide for the establishment of a confidential opt-in register of pregnancy loss under the Civil Registration Act, which is something I would like to see. The Organisation of Working Time Act is not the appropriate legislative vehicle to provide for the new proposed entitlements as it is not designed to be the initiator of new policies nor to set out terms and conditions for compassionate leave. Rather, it implements the working time directive by setting out an employee’s maximum working hours and associated entitlements to minimum rest periods and annual leave. An amendment to the existing family leave provisions or discrete stand-alone legislation providing for bereavement leave in limited circumstances would form a more suitable legal basis for pregnancy loss-related leave.

It is important to keep in mind anyone hoping to have a baby has made a plan from the moment, as the Senator said, they see that pregnancy test, the moment the pregnancy is known. It is really important to give them time to recover. I thank Senator Ryan. She is doing the right thing. I have no doubt we will get legislation and we will get it right, but it is really important we look at all this in its entirety and I respect the Government’s call on wanting time to do that, but I thank the Senator for bringing this forward.

Sharon Keogan (Independent)
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I thank Nicole for sharing her personal story. There are many women in this Chamber who could share their stories, too, but today this is about Nicole's story. I want to thank her for introducing this legislation, which marks a significant compassionate step forward in how we as a society and as a legislature recognise the reality of pregnancy loss.

The Bill acknowledges something that many families have known for far too long – that the loss of a pregnancy, whether at six weeks or 16 weeks, is not just a medical event, but a bereavement. It is a moment of grief, heartache, heartbreak and profound emotional impact. It is time the law reflected the truth.

Under this legislation, employees who experience pregnancy loss will be entitled to paid leave of five working days for the person who was pregnant and two and a half days for that person's partner or co-parent. This is a humane and necessary reform. It gives people the space to grieve, recover and be acknowledged for this loss.

The Bill also provides for the creation of a confidential opt-in registry of pregnancy loss. This is a powerful and symbolic measure. It allows parents to formally record the existence of a child who may never have been legally recognised. For many, this will be a source of healing and dignity.

I commend the sponsors of the Bill for their thoughtful and compassionate work. It is a Bill that speaks to the emotional reality of pregnancy loss and it brings our legal framework closer to the lived experience of many families.

However, while I support the Bill wholeheartedly, I must say it does not go far enough. The legislation recognises the loss of a child in early pregnancy as something worthy of leave, recognition and respect but it also unintentionally draws attention to a deeper inconsistency in our laws that we can no longer ignore. Let me remind the House of the Women’s Aid 2024 annual report, which revealed that 188 pregnant or postpartum women were supported last year due to intimate partner abuse. These are not just statistics. They are women whose lives and the lives of their unborn children were placed in danger. I have spoken before of a young woman from Dublin who, while 22 weeks pregnant, was stabbed to death by her partner. The court heard he intended to kill her unborn child but no charges were brought for that death. I have spoken of the 27-year-old mother in Donadee who, at 34 weeks pregnant, was murdered in her home. Two lives were lost but only one victim was recognised in law. These cases are tragic but they also expose a legislative vacuum. While this Bill recognises the emotional loss of pregnancy, our criminal law does not yet recognise the legal loss of an unborn child when the loss is caused by violence.

I am fully aware that this Bill is focused on employment law and civil registration. It amends the Organisation of Working Time Act and related legislation. It does not and cannot create new criminal offences. However, I believe it is entirely appropriate in the context of this debate to highlight the moral logic that underpins this Bill that the loss of pregnancy is a loss of life, of hope and of potential. If we accept that logic in the civil sphere, then we must also begin to ask why our criminal law does not reflect the same truth. If a pregnancy ends in violence due to a violent assault and the unborn child dies, that death is not counted. There is no separate offence, no additional charge or justice for the child. This is not about abortion or interfering with reproductive rights. It is about intentional violence, criminal accountability and ensuring that when a child dies in the womb-----

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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What is the point of reference to this Bill?

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Senator Ryan-----

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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What is the point of reference to this Bill? This Bill is specifically-----

Sharon Keogan (Independent)
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I know. I support the Bill. I urge the House to consider what we must do next. We need a broader conversation – one that includes the criminal justice system, the rights of the victim and the recognition of the unborn life in cases of violence.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Senators Stephenson and Cosgrove are next. I understand they are sharing time.

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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I thank the Sinn Féin Senators and particularly Senator Ryan for introducing this legislation. I speak in full support of it. It is important to note the bravery Senator Ryan has consistently shown when she has tabled amendments and legislation, and particularly today in sharing her story, because it is not easy and I know it will not be easy for any other Senator here who may be doing the same.

This is a Bill that recognises the very deep emotional, physical and psychological impact of pregnancy loss and the trauma that goes along with it. For too long, this form of grief has been completely unseen in our society. It has been unspoken in our workplaces and our legislation and it is too often absent from our social discourse. Yet, as we have heard, one in four pregnancies ends in loss, a figure that is probably highly underestimated. It affects women in every part of this country. Behind every one of those losses is a woman and her partner who may be suffering in silence, expected to return to work as though nothing had happened. I particularly commend this Bill for including partners and recognising the difficult role they face when affected by pregnancy loss, which is an additional stigma men face when they have to express these things.

From a feminist perspective, this Bill is a powerful acknowledgement that reproductive labour and reproductive grief are very real things, that women’s bodies and experiences must no longer be ignored in our labour laws. It is very much a rejection of the old structures that women are expected to endure quietly and a step towards laws that respect the complexity and cost of female embodiment. Policy should reflect empathy, fairness and the lived realities of people. The Bill aligns with those values by providing paid leave during pregnancy loss and ensuring workers are not forced to pick between their annual leave and financial security and taking time to properly grieve and heal.

I support the Bill’s inclusion of an opt-in confidential register so that babies can be officially recognised should parents wish, as this gives dignity to life no matter how short. It is about ensuring that, within the spaces of our records, laws and public life, that pregnancy loss is not invisible.

It is often said that you can tell a lot about a society by how it treats people in their most vulnerable moments. I believe this Bill is very much a litmus test of that, of our compassion and maturity as a legislature, and of how seriously we take reproductive health and care.

I am deeply disappointed that a timed amendment has been put on this Bill. I do not think it reflects any urgency or sincerity. As Senator Ryan has said, this is not a party political issue. This is a women’s rights issue. I know it has cross-party support in the Chamber among women and among men as well, so the amendment is really disappointing. It is not a good sign of things to come if a Bill that has so much benefit for women across society has a timed amendment on it. I am very disappointed and concerned that this is the way things will go in the next four years.

Nessa Cosgrove (Labour)
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I commend Senators Ryan and Murray on introducing this Bill. I also suffered early miscarriage loss. As Senator Ryan said, every loss matters. No matter what the stage of one’s loss, it will place a physical, emotional and psychological trauma on one. Under the current system, women losing a child at under 23 weeks often find themselves having to return to work, many still experiencing very physical symptoms such as bleeding and cramps, which only adds to the emotional and psychological suffering experienced. This leads to employees having to take sick leave or annual leave or to ask employers for discretionary compassionate leave, which ensures added secrecy and often shame. I was told I was grand and to get on with it, it was an early pregnancy loss and I was fine. When people have early pregnancy loss, they actually do think that they should be getting on with it and that they should be able to go back into work.

When women are struggling to cope with the reality, they should be supported. Women should not have to decide whether to take sick leave and pretend they are sick, because they are not sick. They should not have to take annual leave when they are actually grieving, and they should have time and support to be able to do that. They should not have to make impossible choices around how they acknowledge their feelings of grief. Grief does not follow the same pattern or timetable for all people and that needs to be reflected in the legislation. Some people may be able to return to work shortly after loss while others might need to take much longer. The INTO, as a trade union made up largely of women, has been instrumental in bringing issues to national attention. The Labour Party reproductive Bill, which bears many similarities to this Bill, was constructed largely on information and data provided by the PLACES workforce report. I want to commend Senator Ryan for organising a briefing with the UCC pregnancy loss research group, where Professor Keelin O’Donoghue and Dr. Marita Hennessy made very clear what the evidence said we needed to see.

The Organisation of Working Time Act is the perfect place for this amendment. The reproductive Bill that my colleague Deputy Sherlock introduced has passed Second Stage in the Dáil and will go for further scrutiny.I think the Act is the perfect place for it to be. The introduction and maintenance of a voluntary register, which we have spoken about, for the registration of lost pregnancies at any stage of gestation is a significant and welcome development in the recognition of that loss and of each lost child's unique identity. Pregnancy loss is a matter so personal and internally painful to women or a family unit and each experience is so unique that it has perhaps suited society to treat it as a private event. While this may work for some women and families, it does not work for others who feel their loss is unacknowledged in a way that no other form of bereavement would be. I fully support this Bill. I agree with Senator Stephenson that there should be no time delay with this. I urge that it be looked at again. The place for it is within the Organisation of Working Time Act 1997.

Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
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I join others in commending a very good and necessary Bill, as has been said. It is very good and well drafted legislation, with real nuance and sensitivity in how it approaches the issues, and goes through the kinds of policy points highlighted by groups and academics and addresses every concern section by section and line by line. I know it may seem kind of cold to go to the quality of the legislation, but I think this is really important because it should not be delayed. This is one of the really well-drafted Bills I have seen. It goes through and looks at all the things that matter. It looks at the question of duration by setting an incredibly modest baseline, but with scope for greater leave in terms of five days. It looks at the vital importance of discretion and people being able to seek this leave and being given the proper privacy in respect of when they wish to seek it from their employers.

Crucially, it looks at the protection of employment rights. Sadly, not every employer is compassionate, although many are. The legislation considers the protection of employment rights for persons in terms of this situation and examines creating that space. It is not just about the people who want that space. Sometimes, when people have to take their place in work, especially in respect of the way they often are having to take it now, but simply cannot go to work at a certain time, they are having to seek sick leave or annual leave, which may or may not be granted. People in this situation are in a position of vulnerability. Many employees, many pregnant women, are in that position.

As I said, this is a very well drafted Bill. Frankly, when good legislation comes through, and comes through from the Opposition, the right thing to do is to let it progress. It does not become law as soon as it leaves Second Stage and goes on to Committee Stage. Rather, this facilitates constructive debate. It may well be the case that the legislation might be incorporated into Government legislation, but this is what we have done in the past. We did with legislation from former Senator Bacik and with my colleague, Senator Ruane, and here NDA Bill. Those Bills did end up being incorporated in Government legislation down the line, but what happened was that they were teased out really well by engaging in good faith with the Opposition and the proposals put forward. We need to get back to that kind of constructive co-operation. I am worried about the direction of travel in this Government, where everything is delayed. It seems a case of, "Thank you for your idea; we will think about later, but we are going to stop you in the moment." This sends an unnecessary signal of pausing and stopping those trying to progress these issues.

Turning to the substance of the Bill, I think it is crucial this is properly addressed. The physical and emotional impact on people has been talked about. It is very important to be clear that this Bill is centred on the pregnant woman and their partner. People experience this loss in different ways. For some people, it is the loss of a life, while for others, it is the loss of a pregnancy and the loss of potential and possibility and a way of thinking of the future. People experience it in different ways. This is why, again, this is good nuance in this Bill. The register, for example, is an opt-in one that people can approach in the way that is right for them. I know people who have experienced this loss in different ways, so there is this opt-in component. The legislation does effectively centre the woman affected and their partner. It is also very good in recognising the question of kinship care and others, where somebody else needs to step in where a parent may actually be lost.

When we look to this Bill, it is really important for those affected that it is not simply concerned with whether the loss comes at nine weeks, 12 weeks or 20 weeks. An extraordinary journey can be taken in those nine, ten, 12 or 20 weeks. For many, too, the loss may be following a journey of years for persons who have undergone IVF and been undertaking a whole journey to try to have children. For some people, this is really coming as part of an intense, long, emotional journey they have taken to get to the point of being pregnant and to move it forward. The hormonal impact is an extraordinary thing even in itself, apart from anything else. It is cruel to suggest that people would have to step into work and cover it over.

We know this has happened for years and years. How many books and stories have we read, when late on, perhaps after years of suffering and knock-on effects in terms of other relationships and inter-family relationships, it is revealed that somebody had a miscarriage? It becomes an underlying thing, rather something society acknowledges happening to women and recognises the need for them to be supported through and given the kind of deeply caring and deeply thoughtful legislative, policy and compassionate supports as set out in this Bill. This is why I really think we should be progressing the legislation. This is the caring and correct thing to do. If the Government wishes to outflank the Bill, because it has much faster ways of moving legislation, so be it. The best way to show it is taking the issue seriously now, though, is by letting this legislation progress and letting us bring it onto Committee Stage to further tease out each individual section of this excellent Bill. This is the thing that will send a powerful signal to the women of Ireland and their families.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Go raibh maith agat. For the information of Members, Second Stage debate relates to the general principles of the Bill. The debate can relate to what is in the Bill and what can legitimately be included in the legislation. I say that just as a point of information.

Evanne Ní Chuilinn (Fine Gael)
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Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire. Tá muid fíorbhuíoch go bhfuil sé anseo chun an t-ábhar ríthábhachtach seo a phlé. I join my colleagues in commending Senator Ryan on her work on this Bill and for the courage of her convictions that she has taken with this matter and other deeply sensitive and personal issues. It is not an easy thing to do to speak out publicly about something so private and past trauma and pain. I put on the record my appreciation for the Senator's willingness to be a voice and an advocate for herself and our communities.

This is a very sensitive discussion. We have heard from, and will continue to hear, from colleagues across the House about their own personal experience of pregnancy and infant loss. Again, this openness is to be acknowledged. I also believe, though, that these stories show just how many people in Ireland are affected by this kind of grief and tragedy. The World Health Organization, and other organisations, tell us one in four pregnancies ends in miscarriage, for example. The very nature of a miscarriage before 12 weeks, though, is that it is shrouded in secrecy. Many women lose babies in the privacy of their own homes, pregnancies they may not even have shared news of with their families. I know at least one woman in my life who has lost two pregnancies and not one other soul knows about it. This means healthcare facilities were not informed, and so her losses do not form part of the one in four pregnancy statistic. How many deeply private individuals are there out there who have suffered multiple losses and not reported them to anyone? I firmly believe the statistics we hear are incorrect. They are, of course, gathered and reported in good faith. Due to the nature of these losses, however, I believe the one in four figure we hear to be a misrepresentation.

I wish to speak today on behalf of all the men and women who have suffered pregnancy and infant loss and who have not been able or have not felt able to tell anybody, those who have been in such a vulnerable place to begin with that the loss of a much wanted baby was too heavy a burden to even speak about. Sometimes, even to acknowledge that loss by sharing the news with family or friends is to deepen the wound and to lengthen the time it takes to cope or to move on, in as far as anybody can ever move on from the loss of an infant following a distressing miscarriage or tragic stillbirth. Now try to think of telling this to an employer.

The World Health Organization published a paper recently that stated, "Whatever the circumstances surrounding the loss of a baby, every single woman deserves respectful and dignified healthcare that acknowledges her loss, provides support for any psychological issues she may face, and empowers her to make future decisions about having a child."This is an important point to raise and discuss regarding this Bill. If you have suffered the loss of an infant, you are not sick, on holidays or on annual leave but you are most certainly not fit to attend work.

When I experienced pregnancy loss I was admitted overnight due to complications so I accessed time off. Sick leave or annual leave in these instances is wholly inappropriate. If you get access to some kind of medical leave, how can one trust an employer will not discriminate against you in the workplace when it comes to career opportunities and progression? If you are negatively affected, how can you be "empowered", as the World Health Organization advises, to make further decisions about ever having a child?

Assuming the appropriate legislative vehicle is identified, I support the premise of the Bill to introduce five days of paid leave to an employee who experiences pregnancy loss and two and a half days of paid leave to an employee who is parent to a pregnancy loss. I also support the establishment of a confidential opt-in register of pregnancy loss. As Senator Ryan noted, this week the UK put on record its intention to introduce a statutory right to bereavement leave, including for miscarriage. It would be unacceptable for us in Ireland to lag behind and not follow suit as regards what is being done in this area. I stress the right to privacy and compassion, even if it means forcing compassion from line managers, employees or others who do not exhibit it by nature.

I will end with a quote from the WHO: "Pregnancy must be a positive experience for mothers and babies - when that isn't possible, then women deserve our empathy, respect and support."

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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I thank the Minister for being here. I commend the Pregnancy Loss (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025 and Senator Ryan and my colleagues in Sinn Féin who co-sponsored the Bill. It is very important and, as has been set out by colleagues, this is the least we can do in marking this loss. The most extraordinary thing we can do as human beings is bring life into the world.

I have been privileged to sit with my colleagues on both sides of the House, as part of the Oireachtas joint initiative on pregnancy loss and loss of an infant, which was started by Senator Ryan. My daughter, Liadain, would be 22 years old now if she had lived. I attended the births of all five of my children. In Liadain's case, it was a completely silent delivery. I was reminded of aspects of that when Senator Ryan was describing those moments, at 12, 14 or 20 weeks. We are all on the same pathway. There is the sudden shock of that loss and then the grieving for the life that would have been. With my little girl, there were many nights I would have lain with my hands on her mum's tummy feeling those little kicks and anticipating what the future might hold. Whether it is a blue line on a pregnancy test, a heartbeat, an echo or a scan, it is a pathway so many of us walk and then to have that loss. Taking my little girl to the little angels plot in Glasnevin Cemetery, the hardest thing in the world to do was to put her in the ground and then turn around and walk away, leaving all of our hopes there in the ground. Her mum's milk had come in for little lips that were no longer, and her little eyes. As with Senator Ryan's little one, all of these little lives were formed and then to be lost in that way.

The very least we can do is not just allow this Bill to pass but promote it and speed it through. I agree the working time Act is the perfect place for this. This is a very well-drafted Bill. In the context of everything all of us have shared here, section 23C(1) makes provision for "5 working days" and "2.5 working days". The Cabinet, with all of its collective skill, decided to delay this Bill by one year. This a trend that is emerging. This House is designed not to be a mirror of the Lower House; it is supposed to challenge the Lower House and complement it. We have come here with our lived experience and poured out our hearts and souls, only for the Government to delay the Bill by a year. In this system, the Government knows very well how many Private Members' business slots Senators will get during the lifetime of a Government. If they are lucky, they will get maybe three or four so to delay this Bill by a year is, I am sorry to say, a negative act. We can do better than that. If it is to become a trend that all initiatives that have cross-party support are dealt with in this manner, by summary delay, one designed to kill the Bill, I think we have a better way of doing politics.

There is nothing in one Bill that could not be achieved within the timeframe it would take to progress the BiIl naturally through this House. To invest time and effort in drafting a rationale for this amendment - as I have seen it here and saw last week in regard to other legislation - is dispiriting. We can be better than that. Fundamentally, it sends a very strong signal to the women of Ireland. It struck me when Senator Ryan said that miscarriage and pregnancy loss are the greatest cause of loss and grief and the least acknowledged. Here, we have an opportunity to make a very strong statement to the women and people of Ireland. Amending the Bill in this way is a lost opportunity. I commend Senator Ryan on her moral courage and leadership. We should hold the Government to account on this, this time next year.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Senators Tully and Collins are sharing time. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Pauline Tully (Sinn Fein)
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The Pregnancy Loss (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025 is vital and well-drafted legislation. I commend my colleague, Senator Ryan, on all her work on the Bill and for sharing her personal story. I also commend other Members who have done so. That is not easy.

I come from a family of ten. I am the second youngest and I was an adult before my mother admitted she had a miscarriage on her fifth pregnancy. She lost twins. She and my father talked about it then. I should have had two more siblings. The impact it had on my mother was such that she did not discuss it after it happened.

I have six sisters and three of them have had miscarriages. To say one in four pregnancies end in miscarriage is a huge underestimation of the numbers affected. I would say it is at least one in four and probably much more, so it affects a huge proportion of the population. As has been said, so many people are just expected to get up and get on with it, go back to work and pretend nothing happened. We talk about the physical effects on the mother but the emotional and psychological effects on both parents are tremendous. People need support and this legislation would go some way to providing that support and understanding.

I have a friend who found out she was pregnant a few months ago. She was delighted but at around 12 weeks, she realised something was wrong. She went to the hospital and it was confirmed she was miscarrying. She was treated with compassion and kindness but she was told she would have to come back in to discuss her options going forward with the consultant. It was a female consultant. When she went back she was treated in a clinical fashion and told, "These are your three options." There was no warning or proper support. She opted to taking two pills at home, two days apart, to end the pregnancy. She was not warned about what would happen. She took the first pill on the Friday evening and almost immediately went into excruciating pain, spending eight hours on the floor, bleeding. She was not even fit to be moved by ambulance. Luckily, her partner was with her.She should have been warned about the possible effects. There should have been some pathway for him to get support. He was ringing the hospital but there was no support there whatsoever and no options. They are still traumatised by the whole effects of what happened. We really need to see legislation that supports people by giving them time off work, time to grieve and support to get over the traumatic loss of a pregnancy. I think if you have not been through it yourself, you sometimes do not realise what is involved.

This Bill is so important. I, too, am utterly dismayed by the Government's amendment to delay this Bill. I do not see a need for that. This Bill is an important piece of legislation that we all support here and it should be allowed to pass.

Joanne Collins (Sinn Fein)
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I stand in full support of Sinn Féin's , not just as a legislator but as someone who has lived the reality that this Bill seeks to recognise. I commend my colleague, Senator Ryan, on the work she has put into this Bill and the thoughtfulness that is in it.

Miscarriage is common, painful and too often invisible. I know this because I went through it myself. When I miscarried, I was in a job where I did not have the option to leave my post. There was no system, no cover and no policy in place to say you are experiencing loss so you can go and will be supported. So I stayed and miscarried while I worked because there was no other option. That is the silence this Bill seeks to end: the silence in our workplaces, in our systems and in our State. There is another part of that silence that I want to speak to.

The first time my miscarriage was ever formally acknowledged was not at the time it happened but when I became pregnant again with my son. In the maternity hospital, I was asked not how many children I had but how many pregnancies I had. For the first time it struck me that this was not my third pregnancy but actually my fourth. In that quiet question of how many pregnancies, I realised my loss was seen. It was known and counted, not just by me or my family but by a system that understood that it did matter because it does matter. This Bill will give people the choice to have that acknowledgement through a certificate, paid leave and data that can finally tell the full story of miscarriage in this country.

As my colleagues have said, one in every four women experience miscarriage, but I truly believe that the number is a lot more. If every women in this Chamber who has stood up so far was to be counted, 99% of us have said we have gone through this. We have never been a policy built around that reality. This Bill is about dignity, fairness and recognition. It is about making space in our systems for the kind of grief that does not get spoken out loud. I support this Bill not just for myself but for every person who has suffered in silence, gone back to work too soon or never seen the loss recognised. This Bill sees them and I am proud to stand here and say that I do too.

Laura Harmon (Labour)
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I fully support this Pregnancy Loss (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025. I commend Senator Nicole Ryan on bringing forward this extremely well thought-out, researched, detailed, compassionate, caring and health-focused Bill to the House today. I thank the Sinn Féin Senators for bringing forward this Bill.

I have been struck by this debate. I was not actually going to speak but it is important to say that representation and diversity really matter in politics. We now have more women in the Seanad than ever. Today, I am the 11th woman to speak on this Bill. I have not experienced pregnancy loss but I have known people who have, including people in my family. This is not just a women's issue. Senator Clonan spoke eloquently spoke of his personal experience of this. It affects people regardless of gender and affects partners regardless of gender, but it has predominantly affected women. This House has a strong record of bringing forward issues in relation to pregnancy, be it in contraception or reproductive rights. We saw Mary Robinson, when she was a Senator decades ago, spearheading the campaign for contraception. We have seen the likes of Ivana Bacik on the abortion issue. It is about a whole spectrum of issues and it is truly extraordinary that we do not have legislation like this in place already. I would argue that we do not have it because, over the years, there was not enough diversity in political representation to bring it forward. This is part of a wider journey of opening doors and opening the conversation on pregnancy, pregnancy loss and the stigma that exists around it, and it is an issue that has been in the dark for a very long time. It is therefore really welcome we are having such an open discussion on it here today. We can see how it affects so many Senators in this room, regardless of their gender.

It is a really important Bill. We know that one in four pregnancies will end in loss. In terms of the Bill itself, this is an issue that needs to be dealt in terms of the working time Act and employment rights. The fact that the Bill makes provision for leave from work is very important and it needs to be recognised. It is a health issue in terms of physical health, emotional health and mental health, and that does need to be recognised. I particularly welcome the fact that the Bill has a provision to register the loss in a confidential manner because this is about acknowledging people, the grief that is experienced, the true loss that is experienced and allowing people to have that recognition. This is crucially important. A total of 51% of the population in Ireland are women and one in four pregnancies will end in loss.

Other Senators have mentioned this but I just wanted to say that there is a trend by the Government of kicking the can down the road when it comes to legislation that comes from this House. It seems that there is a delaying tactic. How many pregnancies will end in loss in the space of 12 months? A full-term pregnancy is nine months. How many pregnancies will end in loss in the course of the 12 months the Government proposes to delay this? I would argue that it has been delayed long enough. Senator Ryan has been able to draft this well-constructed, well-researched, caring, compassionate and health-led Bill and she has been a Senator for less than six months, but the Minister is saying he needs a whole year to consider how it can be done. That is unacceptable and the Government needs to step up to the mark for women and their partners throughout the country.

Anne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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Before I call the Minister, I welcome guests of Senator Fiona O'Loughlin in the Gallery. They are a group of ladies from Kildare who are celebrating International Women's Day. You are all very welcome here today. Women are the main topic of what we are discussing.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to discuss this Private Members' Bill that addresses the extremely important and sensitive subject of pregnancy loss.

Miscarriage can be a deeply personal loss and is something that is often dealt with privately by mothers and fathers who grieve the loss of joy, excitement and a precious future imagined. I know one in five women or couples can experience pregnancy loss, and it is something that has impacted all of us here, whether directly or through a family or friend.

As many of present for this debate know, sadly, it can be an incredibly difficult reality to face emotionally, physically and mentally, and many require time to mourn this loss or even to begin to heal. Despite how common pregnancy loss is, unfortunately, many people endure this grief in silence, especially in a work environment. While society has made some progress in acknowledging and discussing pregnancy loss, many still find it difficult to speak about it openly. As a result, individuals often navigate this experience without the support of family, friends, colleagues or, indeed, their employer. I know for many here today that it has been a very difficult and challenging thing to discuss. I hope that throughout the debate we are mindful of the spectrum of experiences that exist when it comes to miscarriage, pregnancy and parenthood.Employees should feel safe and supported in sharing their loss with their employers and in seeking the time they need to process their loss and start to recover from it. Currently, we have no provision for leave when it comes to the loss of a pregnancy prior to 24 weeks gestation. The Maternity Protection Acts 1994 to 2004 provide for an employee to be entitled to full maternity leave in the case of a stillbirth after 24 weeks gestation. The Paternity Leave and Benefit Act 2016 also provides for paternity leave in this situation. The Sick Leave Act 2022 provides for a statutory sick pay scheme for all employees who are medically certified as unfit for work. From 1 January 2024, the entitlement to paid sick leave increased to five days.

However, I acknowledge that those experiencing pregnancy loss may not require sick leave, but rather may need time away from work and other daily commitments to recover from what they have been through. Despite existing legislation in this space, I believe there is a need within our legislative framework to better care for working mothers and fathers who go through a pregnancy loss.

Employees should feel that a miscarriage is a loss that they can share with their employers, recognising that they have suffered a bereavement and that they need time and space to process this and to recover. Employees should not feel concerned that an honest conversation about their pregnancy loss will disadvantage them in some way or that they cannot trust their employers to deal with this information in a sensitive and appropriate manner.

I would like to commend the Bill’s sponsor, Senator Ryan, for her detailed testimony and for ultimately trying to ensure others get the support and compassion that she did not. I also acknowledge other Senators who spoken on their very personal circumstances. The time and compassion that went into this Bill is appreciated by many, including me. I have had conversations with members of my own party and others. I also know that work has been carried out by the cross-party Oireachtas pregnancy loss group, which I look forward to engaging.

This is a complex policy area and one that requires sensitive consideration and assessment in advance of progressing legislation. I have received advice on this Bill, and my officials are of the view that there are significant policy challenges to the operation of the Bill as it is currently drafted, including the legislative vehicle proposed to carry out the statutory entitlement. Ultimately, an amendment to the working time Act is the wrong channel to address this issue.

On this basis, I propose that the House pass a motion that the Pregnancy Loss (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025 be deemed to be read a second time this day 12 months so as to allow for sufficient time to develop Government legislative proposals in line with the principles of this Private Members' Bill.

In proposing this motion, I would like to underline that I understand fully the importance of progressing legislation in this area as a priority and I am committed to doing this. Over the coming period, officials in my Department will engage across the Government to develop proposals that include measures proposed in this Private Members' Bill.

I want to explain my genuine reason for proposing this timed amendment. The main legislative vehicle proposed in the Bill - the Organisation of Working Time Act - does not suit the purpose it is being used for. The Act was drawn up to implement the European working time directive. Its aim was to set out legislation only regarding employees’ working time, such as an employee’s maximum working hours, entitlement to minimum rest periods and an entitlement to a minimum period of paid annual leave. It is a narrow Act, introduced only to implement a specific European directive. The Act was not designed to set out the terms and conditions around the taking of specific or protected forms of leave and does not align with the aim of these amendments. The Act only references protective or compassionate leave arrangements to clarify that they are not to be included in reference periods used to calculate maximum weekly working hours and nightly working hours. Our legal advisers have been clear on this. Should legislation be progressed in this space, stand-alone legislation may provide a more suitable and coherent legal basis.

In terms of the work already carried out, I am informed by officials from the Department of Children, Disability and Equality that they are currently considering the findings of a qualitative research study that examined the workplace experiences of people dealing with pregnancy loss. This study was conducted by researchers from University College Cork and University of Galway. The aim of the project was to examine the workplace experiences of pregnancy loss before 24 weeks gestation and to identify relevant supports. The findings of the report have been presented to the Department of Children, Disability and Equality and to members of the Oireachtas and I understand they are now being considered by officials in that Department in the context of the development of a new national strategy for women and girls. The strategy is at an advanced stage of development. Building on the work undertaken in the consultation phase, the strategy will take a life-cycle approach, calling attention to and addressing the challenges faced by women and girls at the different stages of their lives.

Alongside this work, officials in my Department are monitoring the development of pregnancy loss legislation in other jurisdictions, particularly in the United Kingdom. It has only been recently announced by the UK Government that families who experience pregnancy loss before 24 weeks are set to become entitled to protected bereavement leave under new amendments to the Employment Rights Bill. While the details of this are yet to emerge following public consultation, my officials will continue to engage with their counterparts in the UK as more clarity develops on proposals, which will offer valuable insights into the policy and legislative work involved.

There are also broader policy questions to address, including the potential implications for the Department of Social Protection in terms of the proposed development of a voluntary register for pregnancy loss to be operated by the General Register Office. While this falls outside my remit, I am informed by the General Register Office that it registers stillbirths that occur within a certain framework. Developing a registration process for loss of pregnancy outside these thresholds would need to be carried out by the Department of Social Protection.

More generally, the Private Members' Bill requires that pay in respect of an employee’s pregnancy loss-related leave shall be at the normal weekly rate for one day of employment. The entitlement is proposed at a rate of five working days paid leave to the employee who experiences pregnancy loss and an entitlement of 2.5 working days to an employee who is a parent of a pregnancy loss.

Maternity and paternity benefits are paid by the Department of Social Protection to those who have a certain number of PRSI contributions on their social insurance records and who are in insurable employment up to the first day of their maternity or paternity leave.

The intent of this Bill is at one with my intent. The subject matter is deeply important. I have considered the matter closely and engaged with many colleagues on it, and I fully recognise the need to introduce leave for those who experience pregnancy loss. It is for these reasons that I have tabled a 12-month timed amendment.

I fully recognise the urgency and significance of progressing proposals in this area. However, this additional time will allow my Department and others to thoroughly assess the regulatory and policy implications and engage meaningfully across Government to ensure that the development of Government legislative proposals are well-informed and aligned with the principles set out in this Private Members'’ Bill. I express my genuine appreciation for all colleagues who tabled this and previous legislation and for continuing a conversation that is very important to have in the Oireachtas.

I commit to working across all parties to introduce proposals to implement leave for pregnancy loss and to doing all I can to bring this topic to the forefront in Seanad Éireann, Dáil Éireann and, indeed, across wider society. While I know many women and parents prefer to deal with pregnancy loss privately, and that is their absolute choice, women should not feel like pregnancy loss in the workplace is a taboo subject and that their suffering and loss must be experienced or acknowledged silently or in a discreet manner. I therefore respectfully ask the House to agree to a motion for a timed amendment in order to address this issue together. We are at our strongest when we are united.

Anne Rabbitte (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister. I call the proposer, Senator Nicole Ryan.

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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I thank everyone who contributed and who has been supportive of this from the get-go. I appreciate it. There is a lot of work to do and I am sure we can do a lot of work together.

The Minister referred to one in five women and a gestation of 24 weeks. That does not give me a whole pile of hope because it is one in four and the relevant period of gestation has changed to 23 weeks. He also referred to a strategy, but a strategy is only as good as the paper it is printed on if it is not enacted.What the Government is saying to women throughout Ireland right now is that it does not care enough. It really does not care enough. It is just going to throw it down the road and let it die. The Government might come in with something itself. There is no sense of urgency. Women in the Gallery, women I have met and talked to and hundreds of women and their partners who are watching these proceedings have that sinking feeling because they know this cannot progress now. I was not asking for the world. We were not asking for the world. Legislation takes considerable time. There was nothing stopping anybody from letting this move to Committee Stage, where we could have hashed it out. It is a massive trend that every single Bill we in the Opposition bring forward is pushed back. At the very beginning of this term we all stood up and said we wanted to work collaboratively. Where is the collaboration? It is not happening here. In the Minister’s closing statement he mentioned he has been engaging with the Oireachtas cross-party pregnancy group. Which group is that? Could I get a point of clarity on that? Is that possible? Is it already an established group within the Oireachtas?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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Yes. I will engage with it. I did not say I have engaged with it.

Nicole Ryan (Sinn Fein)
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That would be great because many of us here are on that group and that engagement needs to happen.

To the women who took the time to reach out to me, speak to me and share their experiences, their heartbreaking stories, their journeys, words and wisdom, please understand that we hear and we see you. We care and we understand. I promise on the record of the House that in 12 months' time I will resurrect this Bill. Anybody who knows me knows I damn well will. I am really disappointed that the Government has tabled its amendment to delay this legislation. We can see it has been enacted across the water. If it can be done elsewhere, I do not understand the reason for the delay here. Women throughout Ireland will have miscarriages today, tomorrow, next week and every single day of the next 12 months while this Bill is delayed. They are going to suffer the loss, the wait and the silence. That is the most tragic and saddest thing. However, as a cross-party Oireachtas group on pregnancy loss, we will continue to do what we can to raise those voices, even if the Government does not want to do it right now. I thank all the Senators for contributing on this. I really appreciate their support. We all know how important this is. We will plough on and make sure the women of Ireland are heard, regardless of whether the Government cares or not.

Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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I welcome Senator Ollie Crowe's friend Mr. Tom Pender from Galway, as well as Ms Jodie Thompson from Florida in the United States. She is most welcome to Seanad Éireann.