Pat O'Neill (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan. He will give an update on developments in the Middle East and Ukraine.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
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I am pleased to be before the Seanad to report further by way of update on developments in the Middle East and Ukraine, following on the specially-convened emergency debate held here in July. I will commence by addressing the Middle East peace process.

Three months after the end of the latest Gaza conflict, the humanitarian situation remains dire. A total of 24,000 people are still sheltering in UNRWA schools and a further 17,000 families are still lodging with relatives or elsewhere because their homes are uninhabitable. Water and electricity supplies are poor or intermittent. There is reconstruction, but at a rate that will take years to make any form of progress. Senators will recall that at the Gaza reconstruction conference in Cairo in October, I pledged a sum of €2.5 million for immediate humanitarian needs and longer-term recovery and reconstruction. Overall, most substantial sums were pledged at the conference, but everybody made it clear they would want to see a more permissive environment and longer-term stability before releasing the reconstruction funding.

Three months on, the ceasefire has proved lasting but planned talks to address the wider context of an end to the attacks on Israel and to the Israeli restrictions on Gaza have really made very little progress. There have been some positive steps by Israel - an agreement with the United Nations on allowing in reconstruction materials, some movement on exports from Gaza and an extension back to six miles of the fishing limit, and - unexpected and most welcome - approval for 5,000 work permits for Gazans to work in Israel. These are welcome steps but they are only the beginning of what is needed. Frankly, similar indications in 2009 came to very little in the end.

There may be some recognition in Israel that these conflicts with Gaza have become cyclical and the cycle needs to be broken, but for them, as for many of the donors at Cairo, the return of Palestinian government control to Gaza is the key to further progress on reconstruction and possible normalisation. Continuing suspicion and disagreement between Fatah and Hamas means there has been almost no progress on that front.

The Palestinian government, Israel and even Hamas may be willing in principle to try and find a new way in Gaza, but there is grave danger that caution and suspicion on all sides may prevent this from being translated into real improvements for the people of Gaza. We have warned repeatedly that without this, the recent conflict will without doubt recur, and quickly. International opinion, including ourselves in the European Union, must try to persuade all parties to act more urgently and decisively. Elsewhere on the ground, the position is equally worrying. There is no real prospect of political talks resuming any time soon, leading to a loss of faith on the part of some in political action as a way forward. The relentless announcements of settlement expansion continue, entailing as they do continued evictions of Palestinians to expropriate land and resources - including water - for settlers. The result has been a worrying rise in demonstrations, the use of lethal force by Israeli authorities against demonstrators, and most recently in a number of mostly random and deadly attacks on Israelis in the Jerusalem area. I have issued a number of statements on behalf of the Government, expressing our clear condemnation of both settlement expansions and of the recent violent attacks and civilian deaths in Jerusalem and calling for restraint in relation to provocative efforts to undermine the existing status quo governing the highly sensitive holy sites in Jerusalem.

There is much soul-searching going on in the international community about what we can do to break the stalemate in the Middle East. Ireland has concentrated on pressing within the EU for a serious reappraisal of overall Middle East strategy, and in particular for stronger action against the policies on the ground which are making a two-state solution harder and harder to achieve, principally those related to the settlements. This is and will be a difficult discussion, and one on which member States by no means agree, but we are working to push forward the matter. Already we have seen how effective was the collective EU decision in 2013 that EU funding and research grants may not be spent in settlements.

Where there is no agreement at EU level there is still scope for member states including Ireland to push ahead with further measures on settlements and settlement goods. This year Ireland and a large number of other EU member states have published advice warning citizens and companies against investing in settlements. Work on another measure - guidelines for the labelling of settlement products - was put to one side while the talks were ongoing, but we have already raised the question of bringing them forward now, and we will actively pursue this issue at EU level. If these proposals are indefinitely stalled at EU level, we will look again at our national guidelines. Sweden's decision to recognise Palestine has focussed attention on that as a possible new direction. I am fully aware of course of the view expressed by Seanad Éireann on this issue. There is also now reflection taking place within the EU on this issue, following an initial exchange of views at the Foreign Affairs Council last week. We will actively participate in this discussion.

It has been our view that recognition of a Palestinian state - something to which we have looked forward and worked towards achieving for many years, under many Governments - should come about as part of a comprehensive agreed peace in the area.

At present that remains the view of the vast majority of EU partners. I am not sure that immediate recognition would make a positive difference. However, as I made clear to the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade last week, I have an open mind on this issue. I am very conscious of the lack of political movement and the worsening situation, and I am not excluding any approach, including an early recognition of Palestine, that might help move things forward and advance what has always been our goal of a negotiated two-state solution.

We will be exchanging views with our partners on this issue over the coming weeks. It is important to be realistic and aware that mere recognition will not end the occupation. Most states have recognised Palestine for years without affecting the occupation at all. The key focus for me remains trying to get substantive negotiations started to bring the occupation itself to an end, which is the most certain way in which we can help to bring about a Palestinian state.

The other major crisis which the Middle East has had to confront in recent months has been the growing threat posed not only to the region but to the wider international community by extremist jihadist movements such as ISIS, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria-al-Sham, to give it its full title. All right-thinking people will have been appalled by the violence and sheer brutality which has characterised ISIS's campaign of terror since it intensified in June, with its advance into north-western Iraq and the capture of the city of Mosul.

The ideology which ISIS and other extreme jihadists propound is utterly bankrupt, and characterised by hatred and intolerance which respects the rights of no-one, whether man or woman, Sunni or Shia, Yazidi, Kurd or Christian. We have to be clear that ISIS represents no-one but itself in its efforts to establish a so-called Islamic state. The new caliphate of which it and its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, speak has been loudly condemned by respected Islamic commentators and scholars throughout the Middle East.

The international community cannot afford to be complacent about the threat which ISIS and other extreme jihadists represent. This threat was widely discussed during the ministerial week at the UN General Assembly which I attended in September. During that week, the UN Security Council, chaired by President Obama, adopted a new resolution, 2178, which specifically deals with the threat posed by those now travelling in large numbers to the Middle East to take up arms on behalf of extremist jihadist movements such as ISIS.

Coupled with Resolution 2170 adopted by the Security Council last August, these two resolutions call on all member states to take a range of measures to combat the growth of terrorism and extremism including: active steps to stop incitement of terrorist acts and the flow of foreign fighters to the conflicts in Syria and Iraq; the prevention of recruitment and radicalisation of possible members of terrorist groups, including through community outreach initiatives; and tackling effectively the sources of terrorist financing. It ultimately remains for each individual member state to determine in what way it can best contribute to the concerted international effort under way to tackle the threat posed by ISIS and other fundamentalist groups.

For the Government's part, Ireland will continue to emphasise the importance of the political and humanitarian dimensions to the crises resulting from the ISIS offensive in Iraq and Syria. ISIS must be regarded as a symptom, rather than a cause, of the ongoing conflicts in both countries. Ultimately, both conflicts can only be resolved politically, and not by military means. This will continue to be a hallmark of our policy as it has been since the onset of the conflict in Syria in March 2011. Ireland remains strongly supportive of the new UN special envoy, Steffan di Mistura, in his efforts to progress a solution based on the Geneva principles which provide for transition to a new, agreed form of government within Syria. We also need to engage all relevant regional stakeholders to use their influence in support of the UN-led peace efforts.

Equally, within Iraq, the new unity Government led by Prime Minister al-Abadi must be strongly encouraged to continue efforts to promote reconciliation and more inclusive policies within the country. All of Iraq's minorities must be empowered to feel they have a genuine stake in the governance of their country. Sunni alienation has been the source which has enabled ISIS and, before it, al-Qaeda in Iraq, to develop its murderous campaigns and unless it is tackled through effective political actions, it will continue to fester and promote further instability.

Ireland will also continue its strong efforts to deal with the humanitarian consequences of both crises which are compounding the threat to the entire region. We have contributed over €29 million in humanitarian assistance to date in response to both crises, placing us firmly as one of the top European contributors to the Syria crisis on a per capita basis, and we stand ready to do more as required.

We must not forget the need for accountability for all those, including the many members of minority communities, who have suffered grievously at the hands of extremists, be it ISIS or the Assad regime. That is why Ireland will continue to strongly support referral of the situation in Syria to the ICC. The EU's approach to the crisis posed by ISIS is fully consistent with our own. Last month, the Foreign Affairs Council agreed a new EU strategy on counter-terrorism and foreign fighters, as originally called for by the August 2014 European Council.

The Council has also continued to emphasise the ultimate need for a political resolution to the related crises in Iraq and Syria, and has now requested the new High Representative, Federica Mogherini, to develop a comprehensive regional strategy for Iraq and Syria which looks beyond the immediate threat posed by ISIS. The High Representative has also decided that Iraq-Syria will be the main theme for discussion at the next Foreign Affairs Council scheduled for 15 December in Brussels. ISIS has been born out of a fundamental crisis of governance in Iraq and Syria. It has nothing to offer but the assurance of more violence, terror and murder. It is for the international community to now demonstrate the appropriate resolve to tackle this failure of governance through promoting effective political resolutions in Syria and Iraq.

On Ukraine, I regret to say that the current situation is very fragile and remains a cause of great concern. Since I was here in July, there have been a number of developments in the conflict, some encouraging and others less so. There was some ground for optimism when, following the serious intensification of hostilities in eastern Ukraine during August, the parties agreed on 5 September in Minsk to a 12-point peace plan brokered by the OSCE, including a ceasefire. The ceasefire led to an immediate reduction in the levels of violence and resulted in the release of large numbers of hostages by both sides.

Regrettably, however, hopes that the Minsk peace plan marked a turning point in the conflict have not been realised. Little progress has been made on some crucial elements of the plan, in particular the creation of a security zone along the ceasefire line, the permanent monitoring of the Ukraine-Russian border and the withdrawal from Ukrainian territory of all foreign forces, weapons and military equipment. In addition, over the past few weeks violations of the ceasefire have increased significantly. A recent UN report indicates that almost 1,000 people have been killed in the three months since the agreement was reached. A lasting ceasefire remains key to the success of efforts to reach a sustainable political solution based on respect for Ukraine's sovereignty and with clear guarantees on border security, the disarmament of all illegal groups and the withdrawal of foreign forces.

The unilateral decision by the separatist groups to proceed earlier this month with parliamentary and presidential elections in the areas of Donetsk and Luhansk under their control marked a further serious setback to these efforts. The EU regards these so-called elections as illegal as they were not held in accordance with Ukrainian law, as required by the Minsk protocol. As I underlined at the Foreign Affairs Council meeting last week in Brussels, the Minsk agreements offer the only credible basis for resolving the crisis and ending the bloodshed. It is crucial, therefore, that all parties fully implement the commitments they signed up to. No actions should be taken to undermine the objective of a negotiated and peaceful end to this crisis that respects Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The Russian Federation should use its undoubted influence over the separatists to encourage them to end the violence and fully embrace the Minsk process. However, there appears to be little sign so far of a willingness to play such a role in the region. Reports of convoys of heavy weapons, tanks and troops crossing into eastern Ukraine in recent weeks are deeply worrying. This development represents a re-escalation of the conflict and raises serious questions over stated commitments to the search for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. I urge the Russian Federation to take all necessary and appropriate actions to prevent any further movement of convoys from its territory and to immediately withdraw any troops, weapons and equipment under its control.

When I was here in July, I mentioned that the EU had just agreed on a package of economic sanctions at the end of July which targeted sectoral co-operation and exchanges with the Russian Federation. The restrictive measures impact on Russia's access to capital markets, arms supplies, dual use goods and technology relating to deep water oil exploration and production.

These sanctions were further strengthened in early September in response to the serious deterioration of the situation in eastern Ukraine. At the Foreign Affairs Council last week, Ministers decided in light of recent developments to ask the EEAS and European Commission to prepare additional listings of those subject to visa bans and assets freezes that targeted separatists. A decision will be taken on this proposal in the coming days.

I believe that the imposition of economic sanctions against Russia was and is necessary. The sanctions send a strong signal that the EU is ready to take determined action when required. The measures in question can be intensified or lessened according to how developments unfold on an ongoing basis. As the situation evolves, we will discuss with our EU partners what adaptations or further measures might be required. For the moment, there would appear to be little grounds for optimism that sanctions will be eased in the near future, given recent developments in eastern Ukraine.

On a more positive note, on 26 October, millions of Ukrainians turned out across the country to cast their vote in parliamentary elections. The outcome saw parties in favour of closer relations with the EU secure a majority of seats. The elections marked an important milestone in Ukraine's democratic development, and I look forward to the formation of a stable, inclusive government. The new government can be assured of our full support as it begins the urgent and important task of enacting much-needed reforms that are central to Ukraine's future economic development and political stability.

There is no doubt that we must remain firm in our response to Russia's actions in Ukraine. We must also recognise the importance of keeping open channels of communication with all parties to the conflict. From the outset, Ireland has consistently underlined the need for dialogue in seeking to bring this tragic conflict to an end. Ireland will continue to support Ukraine as it works towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict in the east, and we will stand with the people of Ukraine as they seek to build a more secure, inclusive and democratic future.

I am pleased to be here and I look forward to the contributions of Senators. I will take note of contributions and I look forward to responding to the issues raised before the conclusion of this important debate.

Pat O'Neill (Fine Gael)
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I remind Senators that they have five minutes each. We have a lot of speakers, and the Minister is to reply at 2.55 p.m.

Averil Power (Fianna Fail)
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Given that time is limited and each Senator only has five minutes, I wish to state that I share the Minister's concerns about ISIS and Ukraine but I will focus my remarks on Palestine, particularly the motion passed by this House just over a month ago calling on the Government to recognise the state of Palestine. I thank the Minister for attending the House today. The Leader gave a commitment when we passed that motion that the Minister would come to the House to discuss the issue with us, so I welcome the fact that he is here. I would also like to thank Members on all sides of the House who supported the motion, because we passed it without a vote. It is essential that Ireland moves on this issue and recognises the state of Palestine without further delay. I hope the Minister will say more on this when he makes his concluding remarks. As he has noted, recognising Palestine will not of itself bring peace to the region. However, it is a strong statement of support for the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination. In the aftermath of Israel's latest assault on Gaza last summer, now more than ever, the Palestinian people need to know that they have real support in the international community.
It is also important that we do everything we can to bolster moderate Palestinian and Israeli forces and help them work for peace. As the Minister knows, the lack of progress in the endless peace talks - there have been talks in so many different guises since Oslo, all of which have brought about no resolution of the situation - have led to a lack of faith among many regarding political action as a way forward. This is very dangerous for all concerned. We are at a particular flashpoint where, if more action is not taken, things will deteriorate. We have seen that with the recent spate of violence.
I am sure the Minister is aware that recently, more than 650 prominent Israelis wrote to Members of the Dáil asking them to follow through. They welcomed the motion passed in the Seanad and called on the Dáil to pass a similar motion recognising Palestine. That letter was signed by former Israeli ministers and ambassadors, the former speaker of the Knesset, a Nobel laureate and retired army generals. In their letter, they expressed concerns about the continued political stalemate, the occupation and Israel's settlement activities. They stated that Israel's security and existence depend on the existence of a Palestinian state and that Ireland recognising the state of Palestine would advance the prospects for peace.
A total of 135 countries already recognise the state of Palestine, including, most recently, Sweden. Last Friday, I shared a platform at the UN with Swedish parliamentarians. The Swedish deputy secretary for foreign affairs addressed the meeting and explained the rationale behind her country's move to recognise Palestine. It was met with almost universal acclaim from all present, apart from the Israeli ambassador, who was particularly aggressive and rude in his response to her remarks. I thought she gave a very even-handed explanation of the reason Sweden acted as it did. It is driven by a desire to promote peace. There was universal acceptance in the room that this was a positive thing. In speaking, many members referred to the Seanad motion that was passed, among them the Palestinian ambassador and the chairman of the UN committee on Palestine, and called on us to move forward and take the same step. I hope the Minister will listen to Members of this House and do that.
While symbolic statements are significant, they are not enough. We must also do everything we can to make a Palestinian state a reality. I very much hope that the Security Council will agree a resolution soon setting out a clear deadline for Israel's withdrawal from Palestine. I know there are talks and that the Palestinians are lobbying hard to get support for that in the General Assembly and the Security Council. Such a resolution will only have real impact if it is backed up by proper monitoring and strong enforcement measures. We have seen how Israel has chosen to ignore Security Council resolutions for decades and how there have been no consequences. When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, the Security Council did not just condemn the invasion, as it has condemned Israel's invasion of the West Bank several times over; it also acted to put in place sanctions to help bring an end to it. It is ridiculous at this stage that Israel has been militarily occupying Palestine for 50 years without any consequences. I welcome the article from the Minister and the Finnish minister for foreign affairs in which they state:

We have time and time again called on the Israeli authorities to end this settlement policy, which clearly contradicts international law. But commitment is nothing without action. Continuation of this policy must bring a strong response from the international community, including the EU, if our commitment to upholding international law is to be taken seriously.

Pat O'Neill (Fine Gael)
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I ask the Senator to conclude. She is one minute over time.

Averil Power (Fianna Fail)
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One question concerns when the Minister will listen to the motion from this House and recognise Palestine. In his article, the Minister alluded to the need for the EU to take action.

Pat O'Neill (Fine Gael)
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The Senator has repeated that three times.

Averil Power (Fianna Fail)
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I ask him to outline in his closing remarks what action he had in mind in the article.

Michael Mullins (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister to the House and thank him for his very comprehensive statement. Given the fact that the ceasefire is holding, we are all extremely concerned that very little progress has been made in negotiations to bring about a lasting peace between Israel and Palestine.

We are all concerned by the growing tension and increasing violence in the area and all support the call made that all parties should refrain from engaging in actions that might worsen the situation. Political leaders must work together. In this regard, recent settlement activity in east Jerusalem is totally unacceptable and unhelpful, as it jeopardises the possibility of Jerusalem being the capital city of both states in a two-state solution.

Formal recognition of the state of Palestine and the motion supported by Seanad Éireann have been mentioned. It is welcome that the Minister has an open mind on the issue. I note his view that recognition of the state of Palestine might best be achieved in conjunction with a peace agreement. It has been accepted that recognition should be subject to a common decision by the European Union; therefore, this is something we will continue to tease out. The humanitarian crisis, loss of life and destruction in Gaza are of major concern. It is welcome that at the recent reconstruction conference held in Cairo the Government pledged €2.5 million towards this cause. It is only a drop in the ocean compared to what is required, but it is a start.

The Minister spoke about the threat posed by ISIS and jihadist terrorists. I wish to refer to the awful situation in Syria where the conflict has been raging for three and a half years and an awful civil war has ensued. Some 3.2 million people have fled to neighbouring countries, which has put appalling pressure on Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey to shoulder the burden of the Syrian crisis. The Geneva II conference failed to make progress owing to the refusal of the Assad regime to agree to a transitional governing body. This has weakened moderate Syrian opposition and the associated Free Syrian Army. As a result, radical jihadist forces have been considerably strengthened, as mentioned. I very much welcome the appointment of Mr. Staffan de Mistura as the new special representative charged with reviving the peace process. We wish him well in his very difficult task and hope he will succeed in bringing all influential parties to the table, including Iran and Israel.

I note that the French Foreign Minister recently called on the international community for urgent military support for the moderate opposition to help to protect civilians. At a recent meeting of the foreign affairs committee Dr. Nader Hashemi, an expert on Syria from the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver, urged support for the Jimmy Carter peace plan of self-determination, with free elections overseen by the international community. He said such a plan must involve a serious programme to arm and support modern Syrian rebels; he said this would not topple the Assad regime but could turn the tide in the fighting and shift negotiations. What does the Minister think of this? On the other hand, yesterday some of us met the Bishop of Aleppo, the president of Caritas Syria, who was accompanied by representatives of Trócaire. He said there could not be a military solution to the problem and that all efforts must focus on a political solution. He wanted Mr. de Mistura to produce a radical plan supported strongly by the international community. He also said it would help greatly if the United States and China stopped selling arms to neighbouring countries such as Saudi Arabia.

Ireland has called repeatedly for implementation of the Geneva Principles and for President Assad to hand over power to a traditional governing body. The Minister referred to war crimes. Will he outline the Government's plan for accepting Syrian refugees to ease the pressure on neighbouring countries?

Fiach MacConghail (Independent)
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I welcome the Minister to the Seanad and appreciate his constant willingness to come before this House for debates. He has integrity and I congratulate him on his article yesterday. It is refreshing that he is not flimsy and is open to other opinions. He articulates his thinking process publicly, which is refreshing because he does not feel the need to be deterministic on either side. As I only have five minutes, I will give a personal reflection on my recent trip to Palestine, particularly the West Bank, from which I returned on Monday. I will conclude by making a modest request of the Minister.

I have visited the occupied territories in Palestine three times in the past 12 months and spent the equivalent of a month there since November 2013. I have also visited Israel and seen places such as Jaffa, Umm al-Fahm, Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Jericho, Jenin, Hebron, Tulkarem, Nablus, Deir Istya, Yanun, Majdal Shams on the Golan Heights and Ramallah. I have spoken to citizens, refugees, temporary residents, displaced persons, diplomats, Palestinians under occupation, Ministers, non-governmental organisations, NGOs, playwrights, actors, politicians, schoolchildren and teachers. What I am witnessing is the final episode in the complete fragmentation of the West Bank, the choking of Jerusalem and hopelessness in ever achieving a two-state solution.

I was in Jerusalem all last week during a highly tense period. I recognise the state of Israel and the state of Palestine. I am unhappy with the 1967 Green Line, but in the interests of peace and sovereignty, I will accept it. Under Article 49 of the Geneva Convention, an occupying power cannot transfer its population onto occupied territory. Settlements and the barrier, wall or fence are enormous violations of international law. On 9 July 2004, over ten years ago, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the construction of the wall in occupied Palestinian territory. The UN Security Council also recognises this violation. The International Court of Justice has called on Israel to cease construction of the barrier inside the Green Line and around east Jerusalem. It has also requested the dismantlement of the section already completed, but ten years on 62% of the barrier has been constructed - it includes 200 km added since the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion. Some 85% of the barrier route runs inside the territory of the West Bank.

Some 150 illegal settlements and 100 outposts have been erected and they contain over 500,000 Israeli settlers, which represents 20% of the Palestinian population. That is quite an occupying force. Ironically, 20% of the population of Israel consists of Palestinian and Arab people; perhaps, therefore, we might examine a one-state solution. When the barrier wall is completed, it will be 700 km long, the equivalent of a car journey from Dublin to Kilkenny to Cork to Killarney to Galway to Achill Island. Many Palestinian farmers live on one side of the wall and tend to their olive trees on the other. Data collected by the UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA, show a reduction in yield of around 60% from such olive trees compared to those on the Palestinian side. This is evidence of the destruction of the fabric of Palestinian agriculture and society. I accept that Israel is worried about defence, but such a barrier is illegal inside the Green Line.

A combination of the barrier and settlements has contributed to the deliberate fragmentation and annexation of the West Bank. Over 42% of the land on the West Bank, including around the Jordan valley and the Dead Sea, has been confiscated and allocated as settlements that are off limits to Palestinian developments. If Palestinians had access to the Jordan valley and the Dead Sea, it would negate any need for international aid as, according to the World Bank, the equivalent of €3 billion of income would be generated for Palestine through the exploitation of natural resources. Palestinians cannot exploit the rich resources of the Dead Sea.

On Sunday I drove from Jericho to Jerusalem and saw the physical impact of settlements. I saw displaced Bedouin farmers thrown out of Jericho.

I have seen the constriction and choking of the E1 zone and the settlements suddenly disappearing, and I believe east Jerusalem is in danger. Approximately 4 million Palestinians from the remainder of the occupied territory are prohibited from entering east Jerusalem without a permit, and we know there is a crisis there.

I welcome the Minister and make a modest request which I am happy to discuss with him bilaterally. The Government gives aid to Palestinian NGOs in the areas of health and education, and my request is that a small portion of this funding be directed towards cultural activity. I have seen Palestinian theatre companies at work in Hebron, Jenin, Jaffa and Golan. We know the power of drama to articulate dignity, integrity, self-development and self-confidence, and it is an enormous boost. France, Sweden and Norway invest quite strongly in this area. I am aware the Minister is reviewing Irish aid and I would love to give him some examples of how a modest sum would create solidarity and connect Irish artists with Palestinian artists working in Jaffa and other cities in Israel. This funding would not necessarily have to come directly from Irish Aid but could be channelled through NGOs that already exist.

Lorraine Higgins (Labour)
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I welcome the Minister. This is the first time I have had the opportunity to address him since he became Minister, and I wish him well in his role. I would like the House to note that today marks the first session of the newly elected Ukrainian Parliament after the country's general election in October. Since February of this year, Ukrainian citizens have experienced a protracted crisis in which many people have been killed or displaced and had their homes and livelihoods destroyed. There is no doubt that today is a very important step towards the reassertion of peace and stability in the region.

While the Ukrainian conflict may not dominate the headlines in this part of the world as it did earlier this year, it is important to note that the conflict is ongoing, particularly in the eastern region where Russian-backed separatists and the Ukrainian army continue to clash. Since a fragile ceasefire was declared in Minsk on 5 September, the UN estimates that 13 people have continued to be killed each day, bringing the death toll since the ceasefire began to almost 1,000. Those monitoring the situation cautioned that this most delicate of ceasefires could end at any time, potentially plunging the country into increasing warfare.

The human cost of this conflict is simply horrendous. According to estimates from the UN, as of 20 November, 9,921 people have been wounded and at least 4,317 have been killed. The fatalities include the 298 people on board flight MH17, which was shot down on 17 July and on which there was an Irish citizen. There are 5.2 million people estimated to be living in conflict areas and 454,000 internally displaced people within Ukraine, with 489,000 people fleeing to neighbouring countries, of whom 400,000 have gone to Russia.

UN observers also note ongoing violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including serious human rights abuses by armed groups. These involve torture, arbitrary detentions, summary executions, forced labour and sexual violence as well as destruction and illegal seizure of property. In addition to the fatalities, social upheaval and human rights abuses, this ongoing conflict has led to economic turmoil, bringing Ukraine to the brink of financial meltdown, with the IMF warning in September that the country could need a further $19 billion in emergency funding if there is no resolution.

In rural areas of eastern Ukraine, entire streets and neighbourhoods have been destroyed and, unsurprisingly, businesses and their employees are fleeing the region. Last Monday night alone, press agencies reported that three more Ukrainian soldiers were killed in clashes. As the Ukrainian President and Parliament begin their important work today, it is incumbent on the international community, including Ireland, to support and help the Ukrainian people and their newly elected government to bring peace to the region and strengthen its democratic institutions.

Under the conditions agreed in Minsk, a European observer team has been monitoring the ceasefire. However, their actions are limited to observing the troop movements and escalating violence, which does little towards brokering a sustained peace in the area. Western governments which called for the swift creation of a new Ukrainian government after the October elections must now retain their focus on the region and channel it into support, both practical and diplomatic. The international community must also continue to support the Ukrainian government's demand that Russia withdraw its troops from Ukraine. These troops number in the region of 7,000, according to recent estimates. Despite condemnation from the US and Europe, Russia's annexation of the Crimean peninsula continues in what is a violation of international law and an affront to the sovereignty of Ukraine, further undermining stability in the region.

Given the significance of this day to the Ukraine and its people, who have suffered so much over the past year, as their newly elected government begins the important work of bringing an end to this crisis, I would like to use this opportunity to wish them well and to remind the Ukrainian government of the support it has from the international community of democratic states. I call on the House to do the same.

Sean Barrett (Independent)
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I welcome the Minister and thank him for entering the Chamber during the recess. That was a very good debate, which reflected favourably on the House in the media, as did his presence here. It was a good day.

On the issue of recognition, he says that most states have recognised Palestine. I gather that 135 states have done so, with the major exception being states of the European Union. When the EU reflects on why it is so unpopular among its citizens and why there are motions of censure on the Commission before the European Parliament this week, it might reflect on the tradition in European countries of going out and colonising other countries. It is a tradition that Ireland does not share.

Last night I was reading the account by the former Secretary General Noel Dorr, in the Frank Aiken biography, of the independent foreign policy Ireland pursued in New York in the 1950s and 60s. It is extremely well written, as the Minister can imagine. We have to bring that dimension to this debate. As Senator Mac Conghail has said, the two-state solution is disappearing before our very eyes and Europe is sitting on its hands. In a crucial stage of the Northern Ireland peace process, David Trimble said, "I jumped; now you must jump." Ireland has to jump now. What is taking place is illegal under international law, as Senator Power and others have stated, and the settlements are destroying the possibility of peace. There are also ramifications for the rest of the region and the problem of ISIS. It feeds ISIS when Europe is seen to be unfair in its dealings with Israel and Palestine. The Minister has said he is open to recognising the Palestinian state, but that it is the view of the great majority of European partners that this is not the time to do it. How long more should we wait? As a neutral country without any tradition of colonising others, we should stand aside from Europe if the other member states insist on their present policies. They are consigning the Palestinian people to increasing misery, and if they are not conscious of this it is about time they took a trip with Senator Mac Conghail to see what is going on. They cannot hide from this any more.

I welcome the Minister's statement on the €29 million that has been given in Syria. He and his Department have a proud record in foreign aid. On Ukraine, is there some possibility that diplomatic links might be made through our contacts with Russia, particularly with regard to Shannon, Aeroflot and so on? Mr. Putin is not the most popular man on the world stage but we do need to bring him into this as well. I appreciate the broad thrust of the Minister's support for Ukraine, but can somebody exercise diplomatic persuasion with the Soviet Union?

Senator Norris normally speaks on these issues and is a distinguished member of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, but he is indisposed today.

I commend the attendance of the Irish ambassador at the Cenotaph in London and the Minister's interest in reopening the Northern Ireland talks under US Senator Gary Hart. One of the items raised this week was diplomatic immunity. As the Minister knows, there have been two cases, one this week involving the United Arab Emirates embassy, in which €80,000 was awarded to three people, and one last year in which the Labour Court awarded staff at the Nigerian embassy a similar large amount.

There are protocols on diplomatic immunity, but we need to define them. One appreciates freedom of speech and the necessity of maintaining diplomatic relations, but these breaches detract from Ireland's reputation as well. I gather that Ireland's obligations relate to the Vienna Convention, and we respect diplomats. However, we also have to respect the staff who work in such venues. They were badly treated and that reflects badly on this country.

I thank the Minister for coming here and wish him every success in his post.

Paschal Mooney (Fianna Fail)
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I, too, welcome the Minister to the House. I also welcome his balanced approach to the complex issue of the Middle East. I agree with him and utterly condemn the outrageous attack on a synagogue in recent times in which four rabbis died and 13 other people were injured. Let us remember that 24 children lost their fathers, a fact which is sometimes forgotten in all of the reportage on this issue.

President Abbas, who is in charge of the Palestinian Authority, condemned the terror attack. I have great respect for him and believe he is trying very hard to resolve the conflict in the Gaza Strip. In contrast, his Fatah party congratulated the two attackers on Facebook and called it a blessed operation, Palestinians in Gaza, Judea and Samaria took to the streets and celebrated the brutal murders, Palestinians served sweets and baked goods to people on the street and launched firecrackers in a display of celebrations, and the Palestinian social media has been awash with cartoons and graphics celebrating the attack and encouraging more terror. The Palestinian Arab leadership should be held responsible for inciting violence, and I say that in the context of trying to resolve this conflict in a peaceful manner. They have called for days of rage against Israel and glorified the murderers as heroic martyrs.

I have given the other side of the story and stated the reaction within Palestine and by the Palestinian state as we see it geographically. It has not been recognised by all countries as a political entity yet. I do not oppose, in principle, the recognition of the Palestinian state. That has been Ireland's position since the time of Frank Aiken or, to be more correct, Brian Lenihan senior. Ireland was the first country to do that. I am proud of that particular piece of history, and we should continue to pursue that view, but as the Minister pointed out, one must take all the conditions into account before granting recognition. I accept that many countries - Senator Barrett said 135, but I gather the figure is around 130 - have recognised the state of Palestine. The Minister said in his debate yesterday with my colleague Deputy Smith that while it was important to recognise Palestine, "it is not by any means a magic wand to resolve the conflict," and that is essentially true. However, I do not want to get sidetracked by the issue of recognition of the state of Palestine. If Ireland is going to recognise it that is fine, but it will not solve the conflict. There still a conflict even though 130 countries have already recognised the state of Palestine. Therefore, we must get back down to the basics of dialogue.

Everybody will criticise Israel, and rightly so, for the settlement expansion programme, which I think is outrageous. I remember speaking across the table at the Israelis when I visited that country a number of times some years ago. I asked them whether they had not learned the lesson of history - that we in Ireland suffered from the legacy of plantation in Ulster for 400 years. The British came in and planted settlements, bringing in people from England, over the Irish population and took their land from them, and we are living with that legacy 400 years later. At least we have peace on our island, but it is still an underlying part of what the conflict was and remains in order to completely resolve the differences between those from the Unionist tradition and the rest of the island. I have argued that with Israel, and I know the Minister himself is aware of the history of that from Ireland, so we are very well placed to be an honest broker in the context of dialogue.

I understand that we in Ireland gave €10.7 million in funding to the Palestinian people last year. Perhaps that could be used as leverage. We have talked about levering Israel, but that funding could be used as leverage with the Palestinian Authority to encourage it to renounce incitement of violence against Israel and the Jewish people, which inevitably leads to the cold-blooded murder of Jews. Hamas still has it in its charter. People can hide it all they want, but those are the people that are proposing that all the right is on the Palestinian side and all the wrong is on the Israeli side. It is still stated in the Hamas charter that not only does it want the extinction of the State of Israel, but it wants the extinction of all Jews.

What about the Arab states surrounding Israel and Palestine, many of whom are paying lip service to the Palestinian cause? How much money are they putting into the reconstruction of Gaza? How many people are question the attitude they have towards the Palestinian refugees in their own countries, whom they treat as second class citizens? There are questions also to be asked of the Arab states that provide so-called support for the Palestinian cause. Let them put the their money where their mouths are. Why should it always be those countries that are neutral that are expected to put equal pressure on the Israelis to resolve the conflict? People sometimes forget that there are two countries involved in this conflict - the Israeli State and the Palestinians. If recognition of the Palestinian state means that we would move one inch further towards a peaceful solution, I will be out celebrating on the streets and saying "That was a good day when we recognised Palestine, because it is going to resolve the conflict, and we are never again going to see what happened in Gaza last summer." What happened in Gaza will Inevitably be repeated at some point because of the massive superior military power of the Israelis.

If one was living in Israel during the period of the Gaza invasion, one would have experienced the fact that 2,500 missiles were sent across into Israeli territory. But for the efficiency of the Iron Dome defence system, there would have been a mini-massacre in the State of Israel. I would not like to be living in the State of Israel, having to go down into a bunker every few hours, not knowing whether the missiles would get through the Iron Dome system and maybe land in my back garden, killing my family. I would not like to live in an environment in which all of the states around me were so hostile to my very existence that I could do nothing else but arm myself for protection.

Of course the Israelis are to be criticised. I will be the first to do it. What Israel did last summer in Gaza is indescribably horrific. I would hate to have been in the Gaza Strip during that period, trying to protect my family. Let us remember all of the children who died unnecessarily and all of the attacks on UN protected buildings. I have always argued that there are two sides to this conflict and there is no such thing as one side being right and the other side being wrong. The current Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade fully understands that, and I hope he will, through the European Union, adopt a particular approach. If it means having to introduce sanctions against products from the settlements, he should do it, if it is going to bring Israel a little further down the road to dialogue. The Palestinian side has a responsibility too. The Israelis are open to dialogue right now and have been at any time. There is no question that the Palestinians are against dialogue. It is about trying to get both sides to the table, putting aside certain baggage, as happened in the peace talks here on this island. That historical baggage put aside, they must look to the future - a future in which the children of both states can live in peace.

Jim D'Arcy (Fine Gael)
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There are representatives from Palestine and Israel in the Visitors' Gallery. I am reminded of the Balfour declaration of 1917 and Arthur Balfour's famous statement, "Nothing matters very much, and few things matter at all." I do not agree with that. It matters greatly. What I would like to see, in the words of St. Paul, is for the two states to settle their differences and come together in peace and harmony. Left to themselves, they would be able to do that. That is what we all want, because we feel deeply for both Israel and Palestine. Go back to Camp David and Oslo and sort out your differences.

I believe that Israel and Palestine are, in a sense, victims of a proxy war and are being used by other, stronger forces in the Middle East. I was on the OSCE/PAS election observer mission for the presidential election in Turkey in August 2014 and also for the early legislative elections in Ukraine in October 2014. In Turkey I was based in Diyarbakir, a Kurdish city in the south east, not too far from the Turkey-Syria border. We travelled quite close to the border and to the town of Kobani, which is at present an area of hostilities. Things are not great there. In general the Kurds have something of an existential existence, being alone and abandoned. There are 30 million Kurds on the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. They have no homeland and feel politically abandoned.
I was very conscious that when I was on the banks of the River Tigris I was in the cradle of Indo-European civilisation, where the Celts came from and the Kurdish language and cadence is very close to Irish. I learned one word - "inshallah" when I said to a Kurdish woman "You will have a little president of Turkey next time". She said "inshallah", which means "That will be the day". Hopefully now the Kurds will have their day. To understand the Middle East and its problems, one must look first at the ancient Shi’ite-Sunni situation, which goes back as far as the second caliphate in 632 following the death of Mohammed. In other words, a large part of the conflict is between Iran and Saudi Arabia, mostly by proxy war. Hence Iran supports Hezbollah, Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Saudi Arabia opposes these bodies fundamentally, but on the ground the religious in Saudi Arabia - not the monarchy - supports ISIS. It is a proxy war that is going on in the Middle East. To complicate matters further, America now has little strategic interest in the Middle East, so there is a vacuum and nature abhors a vacuum.
On Ukraine, it is Russia's intention to build up its borders with Europe. It will do this incrementally. It is a long-term strategy. We must stand by the territorial integrity and unity of Ukraine, as the Minister said. I was in Kharkiv in eastern Ukraine for the early legislative elections. Although it was controlled by pro-Russian forces, it is now stable and under Government control, but the situation is extremely volatile and needs our support. Allied to that, although we support Ukraine turning towards Europe, there is massive corruption in Ukraine and some of the pro-European forces are involved in that corruption. It is 154th out of 178 countries on the corruption league. That must be addressed and we cannot lose sight of it. These people need wise guidance. Having gone through the situation we have gone through with the North, we know what regions of conflict are like and we know that one must talk in the end, so one might as well talk now. It is with a deep sense of affection and compassion for what is going on in the Middle East and Ukraine that I speak.

Paddy Burke (Fine Gael)
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The Senator is way over time.

Kathryn Reilly (Sinn Fein)
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I will try to keep within the time limits and not go over things that have been mentioned by other Senators. We are at a critical juncture in the Middle East peace process with Palestine and Israel. As has been mentioned, Israel's continued settlement-building in the West Bank and East Jerusalem is putting the existence of a two-state solution at risk. The recent backing by the Israeli cabinet of a Bill that would enshrine Israel as a Jewish state discriminates against the 20% of the population who are Arab Christians and Muslims. It is also discriminatory and treats minorities as second-class citizens. Even the Israeli Attorney General criticised the Bill for placing the Jewish nature of the state over its democratic nature. The dangerous politics that is being played with religious sites in occupied East Jerusalem at the moment could raise tensions to the point of reigniting a new intifada. As was mentioned by a number of Senators, we all watched as Israel bombarded the illegally blockaded the Gaza Strip, killing over 2,000 people and committing what many academics and critics said were war crimes. The Minister came to the House in the recess to discuss this.
At what point will the international community stop appeasing Israel by turning a blind eye to its war crimes and human rights abuses? Ireland and the international community have a responsibility to support the Palestinian people, especially at this critical moment, when things are hanging by a thread. The focus in the media has changed. We are not hearing any more about what is happening in Gaza and Palestine as we were during the summer, but the public needs to know that recent events have the situation reaching boiling point once again.
I mentioned during the summer when the Minister was here that it was wrong that we abstained on the UN Human Rights Council vote during the Gaza onslaught and it is wrong that we voted against the motion at the annual International Atomic Energy Agency meeting calling on Israel to sign up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, NPT. It is disappointing that we have not led by example in the EU by officially recognising the state of Palestine. We continue to hear that Sweden has acted outside of agreed measures by unilaterally doing this, but we have not followed suit and shown similar leadership. If the Minister were to do this, he would have the overall support of the people of Ireland and of the Opposition parties in these Houses. There is an urgent need for a peaceful solution in the region and it is key that Ireland plays a role in aiding this process. Recognising the state of Palestine based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital would go a long way towards assisting that peace process. I know the Minister and his predecessor have continued to seek a deal at EU level, but while the Palestinian people need the strong support of the EU, that does not stop us acting in parallel and independently on this.
Turning to other issues, I am horrified by the brutal and sectarian attacks by ISIS militants in Syria and Iraq. Their sexist, racist and sectarian agenda must be challenged and defeated. I commend the Kurdish communities that have been bravely fighting the attacks in northern Syria and Iraq and repelling ISIS advances on their liberated areas. These areas have seen a democratic and social revolution, which is a beacon of light for others in the Middle East, especially considering the issues of women's and minority rights. Unfortunately, Turkey's reaction during the battle of Kobani, for example, when its forces literally sat on their tanks as ISIS advanced on the towns, was shameful. I ask that the Minister's Department consider supplying these Kurdish communities with the humanitarian assistance they need and to ensure the transport and delivery is organised with the Kurdish authorities. There have been complaints that international aid meant for Kurdish areas sent to Ankara or Damascus has been misappropriated.
I am concerned about the deteriorating situation in Ukraine, especially in the east of the country. While the truce is still in place, a UN report last week stated that since the truce came into force, 957 people have been killed and there are continuing violations on both sides. That is an average of around 13 people killed per day.

In all, at least 4,300 people have been killed since the conflict erupted in April. Additionally, as winter is setting in, there is a real worry about gas supplies which come from Russia. Again, we call on all sides to abide by the ceasefire and for all Ukrainian forces to enter into dialogue. International actors need to stop interfering in Ukraine for geopolitical and selfish reasons. Rather, they should be encouraging peaceful negotiations.

Gerard Craughwell (Independent)
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Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire. This is the first time I have had the pleasure of addressing the Minister in this House. I thank him for the presentation he made today, which was measured, as one would expect from him.

I am aware of the fact there are representatives from both Israel and Palestine here, so I want to say I have no idea what it is like to live in a place where, at any moment, a suicide bomber can take people out or a rocket can be fired from some place. However, I cannot begin to imagine what it must be like to live on the other side where, at any moment, a fleet of bombers will come in and flatten an entire area. The reaction by Israel, particularly this summer, is reprehensible. Having said that, the actions of Hamas are reprehensible.

The Israeli Defence Force and the politicians who control it really have to step back and see what they are doing. We live in an era where it is possible to take out a specific house. I was told recently that the satellite system is so good that it is possible to pick out a man on a street corner picking his nose, and more importantly, it is possible to see what he picked out of it. I do not believe there is any justification for flattening entire streets. For people who migrated largely as a result of the horrors of what went on during the Second World War in Europe, it is absolutely unbelievable to see them turn an entire geographic area into what they themselves suffered in Europe, in particular in Poland. I just cannot believe it. I cannot believe that it has been going on and that, at no stage, the people who vote for the Parliament in Israel have not been able to turn around and say, "Do you know what lads, the response here is a total overreaction".

I would have to say, from this side of the world, looking at what has happened, particularly last summer, the Israeli Defence Force has become the greatest recruiter for ISIS and Hamas. Even somebody like me would find myself swaying towards the other side when I see the reaction. I agree with Senator Mooney that there are two sides to this issue. However, I do not see a real willingness on either side to actually engage in dialogue. There is a lot of smoke and mirrors but I do not see any real dialogue. If there were a real desire to enter into real peace negotiations, surely the settlements would have stopped by now. We in Ireland know what it means to have property grabbed by a foreign state and we know what it led to in this country for several hundred years.

Some years ago, as president of the Teachers Union of Ireland, a motion was passed at our annual conference setting up an academic boycott of Israel. At the time, I had misgivings about it and I did not propose the motion. However, immediately the motion was passed, I was subjected to several hundred threatening e-mails with some of the most outlandish threats I have ever heard. Having said that, I received several hundred e-mails congratulating the union on the brave stance we took. I do not believe either side was right. Certainly, if I receive e-mails as a result of what I have had to say here today, bring them on - I do not care. At some stage, we are going to have to speak out and stop what is going on in this part of the world. It is time for this country to recognise the sovereign state of Palestine and I would ask the Minister to bring that forward as quickly as he can.

I want to make two final points. I want to recognise the tremendous contribution that has been made by this country, in particular by our Defence Forces, many of whom have lost their lives in the pursuit of peace in countries all over the world. I want to recognise the job the Defence Forces have done in maintaining peace in countries we have really nothing to do with.

Finally, given the representatives from Palestine and Israel are here, I plead with them, in the name of the children that are being born, would they please respect human rights, start some serious dialogue with one another and stop the constant incursions onto each other's lands?

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
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I acknowledge with thanks the contribution of Members to this debate. If time will allow, I will conclude with some remarks on the issues and questions raised. If the House will agree, I will deal with the matter of Ukraine first, then the issue of Syria and I will retain the bulk of my commentary for the Middle East peace process, which Members will acknowledge did form the majority of the debate this afternoon.

On the matter of Ukraine, I wish to specifically acknowledge the contribution of Senators Higgins, Barrett and Jim D'Arcy. The crisis in Ukraine is one of the most serious the European Union has faced in many years. Ending the conflict in a peaceful manner that safeguards the sovereignty of Ukraine and acknowledges its independence and its territorial integrity is an absolute priority for Ireland and the international community.

I acknowledge what Senators have said, namely, Russia has a key role to play in this regard. Russia needs to take urgent steps to de-escalate the situation in eastern Ukraine, not least by asking and encouraging the rebels it supports to join the other parties in fully implementing the commitments signed up to in Minsk.

As I said earlier, the agreement in Minsk does provide the basis for a peaceful, inclusive and negotiated settlement that we all wish to see for Ukraine. Last month, the people of Ukraine gave their political leaders a clear and strong mandate to proceed with long overdue political and economic reforms. Included in the reform agenda is the very valid point made by Senator D'Arcy on the matter of corruption and the need to ensure that best international practice and standards are observed. It is vital, therefore, that the new Government in Kiev seizes the opportunity to reform the country and place it on a path to economic stability and, indeed, to prosperity.

I want to take this opportunity to express my deep gratitude and appreciation for the vital work the OSCE is carrying out in Ukraine. The special monitoring mission played a key role in helping to secure agreement on the ceasefire and on the peace plan. The brave men and women of the mission travelled throughout the conflict zones under difficult and mostly dangerous conditions. Without their tireless efforts, it is difficult to envisage how the peace agreement could otherwise have been reached. The mission also has an important role to play in monitoring the ceasefire line and ensuring Ukraine's full and effective control of its border with Russia. I wish to pay tribute to the five Irish members of the mission for the valuable contribution they make in pursuit of stability and peace in the region.

I wish to refer briefly the humanitarian situation in Ukraine, which was referred to by Senator Higgins. Of course, the conflict has exacted a heavy toll in terms of the trauma, difficulty, displacement, violence and death. Thousands of innocent civilians have been subjected to deplorable violence and suffering over many months and we are now faced with a serious humanitarian crisis. The EU has led the way in providing urgently needed support for the local people. Ireland is currently examining the scope for possible bilateral support for Ukraine at this time. In this regard, I might say, for the benefit of Senators, that Ireland intends ratifying the three association agreements with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia together and we will seek parliamentary approval for the three agreements over the coming months.

Senator Mullins mentioned the issue of refugees and minorities in Iraq and Syria. The protection of Christian and other religious minorities in the region is, as the Senator said, a matter of real concern. Again, I stress that refuge in Europe or Ireland does not offer anything like a real solution because the numbers are too great and because it would mean the end of the ancient Christian communities which have survived in the region, as Senator Jim D'Arcy said, since the earliest days of Christianity. The solution is to tackle the threats experienced by these communities and safeguard their rights to live in their homelands. Senators will be aware that the Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Fitzgerald, has ultimate responsibility for such issues, and efforts have been made to ensure Ireland is as accommodating as possible to those fleeing conflict. All of this year's intake of refugees under the annual scheme operated in conjunction with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees will come from Syria. The intention is that the level will increase next year and into 2016, resulting in more than 300 Syrian refugees coming to Ireland during the period, some to my home town, Portlaoise, and my constituency. In response to Senator Mullins, I have separately raised the issue of Ireland receiving some of those from Christian communities in Iraq who are attempting to flee the violence, and the Minister for Justice and Equality is heavily engaged in the process.
I acknowledge the points raised by Senators Power, Reilly, Mullins, Mac Conghail, Barrett, Mooney and Craughwell on the Middle East. The prospect of the resumption of direct negotiations is, as Senators said, very poor. Neither Israeli nor Palestinian leaders are in a position to negotiate successfully, for different reasons. We would support a renewal of negotiations because, as Senator D'Arcy said, there is no other way to reach agreement. However, talks are worth having only if both parties genuinely seek to forge an agreement. That is why I would argue strongly for a greater focus within the EU on the occupation, especially the settlements. We need to exert pressure so that Israel sees the end of occupation as something to be achieved in its own national interest. Although many Israelis have always believed it, we need to strengthen the position.
At the Cairo conference on Gaza, many speakers stressed, as I did, that we could not return to the status quo. I very much agree with Senator Craughwell’s points on this. Without a sustained political attention to resolving the underlying problems of Gaza, the status quowill resume by default and, regrettably, the cycle of violence will continue. Senator Mac Conghail mentioned Irish Aid and I acknowledge his first-hand reflections and have taken note of the points he raised. At the Cairo conference, I pledged €500,000 for immediate humanitarian aid to Gaza, and this has been paid to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA. This is in addition to the €500,000 donated when the crisis arose earlier this year. I also pledged €2 million over the next two years in reconstruction aid, and Senators will be aware that Irish Aid already supports the Palestinian people with €10 million per year, of which a significant proportion goes to Gaza. I take Senator Power's points on this and will look into the cultural engagement which Senator Mac Conghail mentioned.
I paid very close attention to the debate earlier in the autumn on the recognition of Palestine and the motion on it last month. I also listened very closely to the points made this afternoon, particularly those of Senators Power, Barrett, Craughwell, Mooney and others. I assure the Senators, as I did the members of the foreign affairs committee earlier this month, that I do not have a closed mind on the issue. Along with the great majority of EU partners, we continue to seek recognition by agreement as part of an overall settlement. It is not clear that recognition now would contribute to reaching the objective. We must not think of it as some type of panacea that will immediately make a huge difference. However, I acknowledge the sentiments, comments, observations, points and advice I have received here this afternoon.
Senator Mooney raised the point that there are negative side to be considered, such as the possible collapse of the Palestinian Authority - which has renamed itself the State of Palestine - were Israel to renounce the Oslo Accords and given that the Palestinian Authority controls less than half of the West Bank. There is a process of reflection across the EU on the issue of recognition, and we are actively engaging in it. I am very conscious of the stalemate in the peace process and the unacceptable and daily worsening situation on the ground. I do not rule out any option, including an early recognition of Palestine, if it will help move things forward positively towards our overriding goal of a two-state solution.
I acknowledge the contribution of Senator Power and the reflections of Senator Mac Conghail on the settlement products. In recent years, Ireland has focused strongly on the effects of the settlements and the need to press Israel specifically on the issue. In EU statements and Council conclusions we have succeeded in focusing much attention on the issue. I accept Senator Power's point that we need to do more, and quickly. Settlement products are, in some ways, a distraction from the main issue, which is the settlements themselves. Most settlements produce nothing. However, we have continued to exert pressure on this aspect of the issue.
Settlement goods attract a higher duty on entry to the EU. In the last year, the EU has clarified that EU research funding may not be spent in settlements and that it will not accept Israeli veterinary certification of meat coming from the settlements. I want the EU to go ahead as promised and introduce the guidelines on labelling of settlement goods. If this does not happen soon, and progressively, we will consider doing so ourselves. However, an outright ban is not feasible. There is no possibility yet of achieving EU agreement to exclude settlement products altogether, and as long as they can enter the EU market, we cannot exclude them from Ireland. The proportion of such products reaching shelves is quite small.
Members mentioned the human rights issues and we concentrate our main focus and resources on the overall political issue. Only by ending the occupation will these problems truly be resolved. Ironically, those partners which are more protective of Israel are better placed to press it on specific human rights issues.

Ireland also supports a range of Israeli and Palestinian human rights organisations which regularly combat the direct effects of these policies.

I am pleased to come before the House. I acknowledge the contributions of Senators and thank them for their engagement. I have taken careful note of all of the points raised over a wide range of issues.

Averil Power (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister for his response. The article published in The Irish Timesyesterday refers to action by the European Union. Apart from products from Israeli settlements, does the Minister have any other actions in mind? To what specific actions was he referring?

Paddy Burke (Fine Gael)
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Statements are concluded.

Averil Power (Fianna Fail)
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The Minister invited questions.

Paddy Burke (Fine Gael)
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We do not have questions during statements.

Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
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There are a range of issues on which the European Union needs to clarify its position and it needs to intensify its hand in the negotiations. Undoubtedly, the Middle East peace process is important to the European Union because the countries of the region are our neighbours. I acknowledge that over recent years, the matter has not been as high on the agenda as it could have been. Following my intervention at the October Foreign Affairs Council meeting, I was pleased that the matter not only moved up the agenda but also that the recently appointed High Commissioner, Federica Mogherini, visited the region on 7 and 8 November and presented a detailed report to members of the Council.

I am urging my EU colleagues to use the Union's undoubted influence with the parties involved in the conflict to ensure we can bring about a sustainable solution. We must build on the peace because it is not sufficient to endure a ceasefire or what could be described as a negative peace. We must impress upon the parties the need to engage and ensure the conflict is brought to an end. This will involve dealing with the issues raised by Senator Power, including the unacceptable settlements, labelling of settlement products and the introduction of guidelines, policies and advice to ensure we can impress upon the Israeli Government in particular our view that the consistent expansion of settlements is entirely unacceptable and in direct conflict with what we all want, namely, a viable two-state solution.

Paddy Burke (Fine Gael)
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When is it proposed to sit again.

Maurice Cummins (Fine Gael)
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Ar 2.30 p.m. Dé Máirt seo chugainn.