Mark Wall (Kildare South, Labour)
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We now have statements on Sudan. I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy McEntee, to make her statement under Standing Order 56.

Helen McEntee (Meath East, Fine Gael)
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I welcome this opportunity to provide an update to the House on the devastating conflict and humanitarian crisis in Sudan, and to hear the views and concerns of Deputies. Many have described the conflict and its impact as a forgotten crisis. In truth, it is has at times been an ignored and sidelined crisis. It is, as we heard this morning, the worst humanitarian catastrophe happening on our planet at the moment. It is welcome that we are having these statements and this prioritisation here today.

I sincerely welcome the sustained interest shown by Members of the Oireachtas. It sends a very important message that this crisis and the plight of the Sudanese people cannot be ignored. It also reinforces the Government's commitment to keeping Sudan on the international agenda at EU level and at the United Nations. It has been over four years since the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, and the Sudanese Armed Forces forcibly halted Sudan's democratic transition and more than two years since conflict erupted, in April 2023, after a brutal power struggle between them. Sudan's conflict is labelled as a civil war, yet the millions of civilians caught between the parties to the conflict, including breakaway armed groups, did not choose to fight each other. Instead, they have been forced to bear the cost of this violent power struggle.

In reality, this has always been a preventable crisis. The conflict has been significantly inflamed and prolonged by foreign interference. It is causing a humanitarian catastrophe exacerbated by the restrictions imposed on humanitarian access to people in need by the parties to the conflict. The conflict has resulted in untold suffering for the Sudanese people, with more than 150,000 people already dead. This is the world's worst humanitarian and protection crisis, with over 12 million people forcibly displaced. Over 21 million people, a shocking 45% of the population, are facing crisis levels of hunger. Famine, which was declared in parts of Darfur in 2024, has now been confirmed in El Fasher and Kadugli, with over 20 other areas across greater Darfur and greater Kordofan also at risk.

Women and girls have been disproportionately affected. There has been an alarming spike in sexual violence in recent weeks as civilians have fled El Fasher, with egregious accounts of rape, human trafficking, forced marriage and sexual slavery. Sexual assault has been very much weaponised in this instance. These numbers are staggering, but it is important to remember that behind every statistic is a person, a family and a community. These are real people whose suffering cannot be captured by statistics alone. As my colleague reiterated this morning, there are many people in this country whose family members and communities are caught up in the ongoing conflict.

I am appalled by, and strongly condemn, the targeting of civilians by both parties to the conflict, particularly the recent horrifying and brutal atrocities committed by the RSF following its takeover of the city of El Fasher on 26 October. The RSF systematically targeted civilians during the siege and after the city’s fall, committing large-scale, ethnically motivated atrocities, including summary executions, the arbitrary detention of civilians and the use of sexual and gender-based violence and starvation as weapons of war.

Too many of those who were trapped in El Fasher are still unaccounted for. Ireland's humanitarian partners, including the International Committee of the Red Cross and the International Rescue Committee, are on the ground and reporting regularly to us on efforts being made to support the population. Our Irish NGO partners are also supporting people in need in Darfur with essential life-saving aid. Many Deputies will have seen or read shocking accounts of those who did manage to flee and the violence which they experienced or witnessed in their flight to safety. The scale of violence is unimaginable and, unfortunately, part of a widespread pattern of harm against civilians in this conflict. These actions are unconscionable and we must do everything in our power to ensure that they stop.

The capture of El Fasher, the last stronghold of the SAF in Darfur, consolidates the RSF's control over that region.

This increases the risk of Sudan's fragmentation between east and west and the potential for the partition of the country. The territorial unity and integrity of Sudan must be respected and partition must be avoided. Currently, the SAF holds Sudan's central and eastern regions, while the RSF controls Darfur and most of the Kordofans, which now form the conflict's new front line. Alarmingly, violence continues to escalate in north Darfur and the Kordofans, further exacerbating an already dire humanitarian crisis. The cities of Kadugli and Dilling in South Kordofan are currently under siege by RSF forces and El Obeid in North Kordofan is at risk of an all-out assault. Reports indicate that civilians along these emerging front lines are subject to similar horrors as those experienced during the battle for El Fasher. Throughout this war, control of territory has shifted repeatedly and with each shift, we witness a familiar pattern of widespread human rights and humanitarian abuses and violations, mass displacement and a rapid deterioration of the humanitarian situation.

We in the international community cannot stand back and watch as the suffering of the Sudanese people continues. We have witnessed the shocking and deliberate targeting of humanitarian workers, which is a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law. In addition, both warring parties are shrinking the humanitarian space further by imposing bureaucratic impediments in an attempt to assert authority and consolidate control. This puts humanitarian actors in a difficult position, as compliance with one party can jeopardise operations in the other’s territory.

I acknowledge the local responders on the ground who are operating in hard-to-reach areas, often at immense personal risk. They form the backbone of aid efforts. They have shown unwavering courage and selfless dedication in serving their communities. Local community groups, often led by women, have carried on traditions of supporting one another even in the darkest times. We in turn are doing what we can to support their efforts. There are extensive and well-established rules on the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure, humanitarian access, the protection of humanitarian personnel and the protection of the sick and wounded and those caring for them. Yet we have seen time and again a blatant disregard for these international and legally binding humanitarian norms in this conflict.

A dangerous technology and arms race is intensifying the conflict between the SAF and RSF, with dire consequences for Sudanese civilians. Both sides are employing increasingly sophisticated drone strikes to target civilian areas and infrastructure, a direct violation of international law. For instance, the RSF launched drone attacks on Khartoum and Port Sudan earlier this year. The SAF has similarly used drones to hit targets in Darfur, resulting in civilian deaths and casualties and causing damage to critical civilian infrastructure. The extensive destruction of civilian infrastructure, including energy, food, water and sanitation systems, deprives people of the services essential to their survival. This is why we fully support the critical infrastructure initiative, led by the EU and the EU special representative for the Horn of Africa, Annette Weber. Ireland has consistently highlighted the scale of the humanitarian crisis, the critical levels of hunger and famine, the need for unhindered humanitarian access, and the profound impact of the conflict, in particular on women and girls. It is vital we continue to shine a light on this crisis. It must not slip back down the international community’s agenda until the next El Fasher occurs.

On support to address the crisis, Ireland's sustained and substantial humanitarian assistance to the people of Sudan remains at the core of our response. We have provided €14.3 million in humanitarian assistance to support civilians in Sudan and those in neighbouring countries displaced by the crisis. In the current global crisis of funding cuts to humanitarian aid budgets, I assure the House that Ireland will remain steadfast in maintaining our focus on reaching the furthest behind first. Our assistance is delivered through a range of international, Irish and local partners, providing urgent humanitarian relief to the most affected communities and those forced to flee across borders. Many of our multilateral partners, including UN agencies and global funds such as the Central Emergency Response Fund, CERF, to which Ireland provides core, pre-positioned funding to enable swift action, have provided significant funding to Sudan this year. UN CERF has provided $47 million in 2025 to support the people of Sudan. Ireland is the seventh largest donor to the CERF and has provided €15 million this year alone. Ireland is known for its strong and principled tradition of humanitarian assistance, its sustained support for less visible crises and its track record of providing steadfast, quality funding, with a focus on reaching the most vulnerable. This matters to our partners as it supports effective delivery of aid to those who need it most in Sudan, its neighbouring countries and in other crises where conflict and climate have taken their toll.

On the political track, Ireland has taken a proactive stance within the EU and has consistently advocated for Sudan to remain high on the European agenda. We played a leading role in initiating discussions on sanctions in 2023, which led to the establishment of the EU sanctions regime, and in securing strong EU Council conclusions on Sudan in October this year. We also successfully called for Sudan to be placed on the agenda at this month’s EU Foreign Affairs Council meeting, which I attended last Monday, with a focus on the implementation of the Council conclusions. The Council adopted restrictive measures against a senior RSF commander. We would welcome discussions on further sanctions in line with the Council conclusions, which state that the EU will continue to employ and, where possible, intensify the use of the full range of foreign policy instruments at its disposal, including, where appropriate, targeted restrictive measures to achieve a peaceful resolution to the crisis.

We are clear on our immediate priorities. Civilians must be protected, particularly women and girls who remain at grave risk of sexual and gender-based violence. Safe passage must also be provided as a matter of urgency for those fleeing violence. All parties to the conflict must uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law, including the protection of front-line humanitarian actors and local responders. We need to do everything possible to ensure the protection of principled and depoliticised humanitarian space so that humanitarian assistance and services reach those in dire need. The parties to the conflict must facilitate rapid, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access, particularly in the greater Darfur and greater Kordofan regions.

Another key priority for the Government is ensuring accountability and justice for the atrocities committed. It is crucial that we, the international community, collectively support efforts to document, investigate and address these crimes. To this end, Ireland continues to support the important work of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Sudan, IIFFM. We welcome the recent extension of its mandate and underline the need for all parties to the conflict to provide unhindered access to the fact-finding mission. Ireland supports expanding the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, ICC, to the whole of Sudan, as recommended by the fact-finding mission. This is to ensure the perpetrators of international humanitarian and human rights violations and abuses across the country are held accountable and brought to justice. Ireland works closely with like-minded states to promote accountability for violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, and to ensure that those responsible will be brought to justice. As a member of the Sudan core group in Geneva, Ireland led on the adoption of a resolution on the situation in El Fasher at the special session of the Human Rights Council, HRC, on 14 November. The resolution requests the fact-finding mission to conduct an urgent inquiry into the violations and abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed in and around El Fasher. The fact-finding mission must be fully supported in carrying out this vital work. We remain committed to ensuring that Sudan is consistently raised and addressed within the Human Rights Council and other multilateral forums. The environment of impunity in Sudan must end.

On the issue of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, there is a responsibility to prevent and investigate, and to hold perpetrators accountable for all forms of gender-based violence in conflict. There can be no impunity for these crimes. All justice and accountability processes must be survivor-centred and survivor-led. A survivor-centred approach must guide us. It must be one that listens to survivors, takes their experiences seriously and upholds their rights and needs. If we are to take seriously the fact we are on day 13 of 16 days of activism, when all individuals across the globe can highlight, raise and put a focus on domestic and sexual violence, we need to make sure, when we respond to incidents and atrocities like this, that we are taking serious action and putting survivors' needs front and centre.

Ultimately, there must be a durable peace if the humanitarian crisis and the immense suffering of the Sudanese people are to end. There has been renewed momentum internationally to push for a solution to the conflict, which is welcome. The Quad, comprising the USA, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE, released a joint statement in September, following visits by the US President’s special adviser, Massad Boulos, to key countries in Africa. This created the impetus for a recent meeting in Washington focused on reaching agreement on a humanitarian truce. The RSF released a statement on 7 November agreeing to the proposal, although there appears to be a lack of any meaningful implementation thus far. Meanwhile, the SAF has rejected the proposal, vowing to continue its military campaign against the RSF.

We welcome the ongoing work of the Quad, including these efforts to negotiate a three-month humanitarian truce. Resolving this conflict requires significant and sustained political will. It is incumbent on all of us to redouble our efforts in support of the Sudanese people. There must be substantive political engagement and co-ordination between the EU, the African Union, AU, the Quad and other international actors on de-escalation and mediation efforts.

For this conflict to end, external interference and the provision of military support to the parties to the conflict must also cease. This was raised earlier this morning. The conflict would not have persisted if it was not being fuelled by arms and fighters from outside of Sudan. At the May 2025 meeting of the EU-Gulf Co-operation Council political committee, Ireland, speaking on behalf of the EU, stressed the need to use every influence to prevent external actors from providing arms to combatants and to unite in favour of peace. In the statement by the EU's High Representative for foreign affairs and security policy released this month, the EU reiterated the message set out clearly in the October Council conclusions on Sudan and called on all external actors to take the necessary measures to end the sale or supply of arms and related material to all parties, in accordance with the UN arms embargo. Ireland, with the EU, will continue to call for the expansion of the UN arms embargo on Darfur to the whole territory of Sudan.

Ireland remains committed to working with our EU partners and the international community to bring decisive pressure to bear on the warring parties to engage in genuine dialogue and agree to a sustained cessation of hostilities. This must be followed by a negotiated, permanent, peaceful and civilian-led political settlement that respects the territorial integrity of Sudan. This must include full, equal and meaningful participation of women, young people, marginalised groups and Sudanese civil society actors in the political process. Ireland and the EU are supportive of the African Union high-level panel and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, in facilitating a number of meetings of Sudanese civilian actors, providing that vital platform for civilian dialogue. I fundamentally believe that to have a stronger, more inclusive and more durable peace, a broad range of civil society actors must be meaningfully involved. Therefore, Ireland fully supports a continuation of this vital dialogue and any other efforts that aim to include a diverse range of civilian voices in discussions on ending this devastating conflict. Once peace is restored, we are committed to supporting a robust, Sudanese-led post-conflict recovery to ensure a peaceful, stable and prosperous future for the people of Sudan.

However, we cannot wait for peace to act when it comes to addressing the humanitarian needs of Sudanese civilians. In the short to medium term, irrespective of any progress in peace negotiations, Ireland will continue to advocate for the de-politicisation of humanitarian assistance, the lifting of restrictions to allow for humanitarian access to reach those most in need, the safe passage of humanitarian workers and the protection of humanitarian space. Reaching those furthest behind first will continue to be our core guiding principle in providing humanitarian assistance to civilians in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. Sudan must not be forgotten, condemned to rise and fall on global news cycles, gaining visibility only in moments of catastrophe. We will continue and I, as Minister for foreign affairs, will continue to play a proactive role on the international stage, including at the EU level, in raising the plight of the Sudanese people.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Tá mé ag roinnt ama le mo chomhghleacaithe. I thank the Business Committee and the Minister for agreeing to these statements. Some other parties and I have been looking for it for some weeks. The Minister made reference to it not getting the attention it deserves. That is undoubtedly true. It is probably true in this country too. The situation the people of Sudan are facing does not bear thinking about. One of the journalists perhaps best known for reporting on the conflict in Sudan is an Irishman, Declan Walsh. I read a piece by him in late September or early October. It was before the fall of El Fasher. He interviewed a man, Dr. Selik. He spoke about the things he had seen. He spoke about seeing a pregnant woman bleeding to death for the want of simple medicine. For his lunch that day, the only food he could put his hands on was a lumpy brown mush. It was some type of animal fodder normally fed to camels and cows. Several days later he was killed in an attack on a mosque by a drone. We can multiple Dr. Selik by 100, 1,000 or 10,000 because that is the scale that we are talking about. The number of people who have been killed is unclear. It is difficult to establish exactly. Some estimates have put it up at 150,000 people in the past two years.

The scenes we saw from El Fasher were perhaps the moment that maybe the world began to pay attention but it is far from the first or the only place that this is kind of slaughter has taken place. The scenes are redolent of Rwanda. They remind one of that kind of genocidal behaviour. That is what is going on. People - men, women and children - were being cut down on the street by gun and blade for their ethnicity indiscriminately. That is the situation we are talking about. It has gotten worse; it is escalating. After Rwanda and much the same as after the Second World War, people said that this must never be allowed to happen again. The international community must never turn its eyes away again. Yet, this is what has been happening. To some extent, unfortunately, it is being encouraged by external forces. We have talked about some of them, such as the United Arab Emirates. These are powerful countries with connections to the West. There are others encouraging it as well but it is important that we use our influence with those whom we have influence. Ireland is not a major country but we must use whatever leverage we have. Unfortunately, Europe, the United States and the western world as a whole have not prioritised this appalling stuff. This is the biggest conflict on the face of the planet at the minute.

A total of 12 million people are refugees who have been dislocated from their homes, many of them in neighbouring countries, in other parts of Sudan, such as South Sudan, in Egypt and so on. That is twice the population of this whole island who are after being dislocated and removed from their homes by this conflict. They are very often under the threat of death and fleeing for their lives. There are tens of thousands of people who are believed to have left El Fasher. It is not known where they are. They have not reached a safe place. We do not know the full picture of what has happened to all those people. I cannot imagine what it must be like for the Sudanese community here in Ireland, across the world and in other parts of Sudan trying to establish what has happened to their loved ones and wondering if they are safe. In many instances, it has been unmitigated indiscriminative killing.

It remains the world's worst humanitarian and displacement crisis because of the ongoing conflict. A total of 21 million people - 45% of the population - are currently facing acute food insecurity. Famine has been confirmed in areas of North Darfur, including in El Fasher, Kadugli and South Kordofan. The intensifying violence and associated issues of concern across Sudan means that the true scale of the food insecurity crisis and the potential famine is likely far worse than reported. Widespread human rights violations are contributing to the severity of the protection crisis in Sudan. Woman and children, in particular, are bearing the brunt of the conflict and have been significantly impacted by the use of conflict-related, sexual and gender-based violence. Women and children are being targeted in a way that is vicious and deeply traumatic. Some of the stories coming out of Darfur and El Fasher have been truly appalling and blood chilling.

In addition to the significant food insecurity and displacement, children are at heightened risk of recruitment, trafficking, child marriage and family separation. The OCHA estimates that 10 million children are out of school as of 31 October. I have been raising concerns for a number of weeks and months in the Dáil with the Tánaiste and former Minister for foreign affairs, Deputy Simon Harris, about the situation in El Fasher and the inability to get humanitarian aid into the city and our concerns for the civilian population. Unfortunately, the situation since I first began to raise it got far worse as El Fasher fell and the RSF carried out these appalling crimes against humanity. We can no longer avert our eyes from what is happening in Sudan. This is the largest humanitarian crisis in the world. More than a year and a half of siege warfare made El Fasher one of the most horrific places to live in the world in a war that the UN has labelled as the worst humanitarian crisis.

Reports from the UN and humanitarian organisations indicate that the RSF is effectively instrumentalising and manipulating humanitarian aid in an attempt to maintain control. The flow of weapons into Sudan continues with the complicity of the UAE and possibly other countries, such as Russia and neighbouring countries. All of them must stop the flow of weapons that is escalating and adding fuel to the fire of this conflict. Whatever leverage Ireland has must be used. Ireland, the EU and the United States all have strong connections and ties to the UAE and every pressure must be put on that country to try to stop the flow of weapons that is adding fuel to the fire.

Realistically, it seems that we are a long way off peace talks, unfortunately. While I welcome any efforts that are taking place, it seems that both sides to the conflict have ambitions to control Sudan so realistic peace talks are a considerable distance away. Even if that is the case, we must do whatever we can to push for a ceasefire. If the international community stands up, as it ought to, then the greatest pressure can be brought to bear in that regard. The enormous flow of sophisticated weaponry to the conflict is very dangerous and a matter of huge concern. The takeover of El Fasher was marked by the use of very sophisticated military technology, clearly well funded, including unmanned aerial vehicles for both surveillance and strikes on civilian areas and infrastructure, jamming technology and more. The Irish Government must continue to call on all external actors directly or indirectly supplying arms and funds to the parties to cease their support immediately and to restrain from any actions that could fuel further violence.

There is deep concern at the lack of clarity on the huge numbers of people deemed to be missing. It is believed that the RSF is responsible for terrible atrocities and is currently working to hide and cover them up before international observers can get to El Fasher. Both the SAF and RSF must ensure access for humanitarian aid and international observers. The Government must work with its EU partners and the international community to bring decisive pressure to bear on the warring parties to engage in dialogue and to agree to a sustained cessation of hostilities. I echo the point made by the Minister that partition is something that we would not wish to see. We need to see a civilian-led political settlement that respects the territorial integrity of Sudan.

In the short to medium term the Irish Government must advocate for the depoliticisation of humanitarian assistance, the lifting of restrictions to allow humanitarian aid to reach those most in need, the safe passage of humanitarian workers and the protection of humanitarian space. The attacks on civilians that have been taking place are crimes against humanity and must be condemned profoundly. There is no place for the kinds of scenes that we have seen in El Fasher and Darfur. The influence of those powerful actors, including the UAE, who have been fuelling the conflict, needs to be called out. Pressure must be brought to bear and ultimately, we must support the people of Sudan, who desire peace, a ceasefire and a political settlement that ensures a civilian government. In the first instance, we must do all we can to force the conflict to a close. Ireland must use its voice, combined with the much larger voices of the EU and USA, to deliver a ceasefire and peace for the people of Sudan.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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There is going to be a lot of commonality in what we are saying here but the main message is that action is needed. I spoke at the OSCE conference in Istanbul recently about the ongoing global refugee crisis, with millions of displaced people fleeing conflict zones such as Sudan, Gaza, the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, and Yemen. It is a stark reminder of the consequences of the developed world allowing, and even enabling, conflicts in its zones of influence. The global powers have not only failed to prevent the escalation of these crises but have actively facilitated, or ignored, the conditions that led to the deaths of thousands and the displacement of millions.

The conflict in Sudan has escalated dramatically since April 2023. Former allies in the 2021 coup are now at one another's throats and it is the civilian population of Sudan that is suffering. Deep-seated rivalries over power and control of resources triggered a full-scale civil war, leaving the country in a state of chaos. Tens of thousands of people have been killed and millions have been displaced, both internally and to neighbouring countries. The Sudanese civil war has the potential to escalate into a genocide that would dwarf that of Rwanda. As violence intensifies, targeted killings, mass displacement and ethnic cleansing are beginning to ramp up in the most distressing manner. The very real threat of famine would devastate the internally displaced population. There has been an ongoing massacre in El Fasher since its takeover by the RSF last month. An 18-month siege has seen a city of 250,000 inhabitants fall and a drawn-out bloodbath has ensued. At least 2,500 are dead but, with a communications blackout and a civilian population fleeing for their lives, it is impossible to tell how many are dead. Without urgent intervention Sudan could see even more widespread violence and genocide, leaving countless lives destroyed.

The world seems increasingly unmoved by genocide, as tragic events unfold with growing frequency but often receive only fleeting outrage. The global community's response has been marked by political apathy, diplomatic powerlessness and a media cycle that quickly moves on to the next crisis. The normalisation of violence on such a grand scale, coupled with the failure of international institutions to prevent, or effectively intervene in, atrocities has desensitised us to such an immense loss of human life. Instead of provoking widespread action, genocides are often met with brief condemnation, leaving victims to endure suffering while the world moves on, leaving justice and accountability lagging far behind.

While the conflict in Sudan may have started off as a domestic affair, external powers have played a significant role in aggravating the situation. One of the most harmful external influences has been the intervention of the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This has made western powers reluctant to involve themselves in a peace-building effort for fear of offending their strategic regional allies. These countries have been engaged in an almost colonial, imperialist exploitation of the resources of Sudan, particularly its gold. Both the SAF and RSF have received financial support from these Gulf states at one time or another and the chaos of civil war has made it all the easier to extract the mineral wealth that belongs to the Sudanese people. The RSF in particular has benefited from UAE backing, largely because of its involvement in the war in Yemen, where it provided mercenary support for the UAE-led coalition. This one group has been instrumental in the brutal oppression of civilian populations on two separate continents. The UAE has been involved in facilitating the illegal export of gold, with the RSF controlling much of the mining operations. This illicit trade has enriched UAE-linked companies, further entrenching the power of the warring factions and prolonging the conflict for the UAE's gain.

Another malign influence in the country is Russia, through its private army, the Wagner group. This interference has further entrenched the power struggle between the rival factions as both vie for favour with Russia to gain military and economic advantage. It is plain to see that this is not just a civil war. It is a war that has opened the door for outside actors to interfere, influence and exploit events. This external involvement has not only prolonged the fighting but has made peace efforts even more challenging as western powers stay away because of Gulf state involvement. The Sudanese people who have long suffered under authoritarian rule find themselves caught again in a vicious cycle of violence and instability, with little hope of a peaceful resolution in sight.

The international community cannot afford to ignore the potential for further atrocities. The risk of ethnic cleansing and of the mass atrocities seen in Darfur in the early 2000s remains a haunting possibility. Western nations with their political and economic leverage must prioritise a robust, co-ordinated diplomatic response. This must include enforcing an immediate ceasefire, supporting Sudanese-led peace initiatives and pressuring external actors such as the UAE and Russia to halt their destabilising support for the warring factions. Western powers also have the responsibility to impose targeted sanctions on individuals and entities fuelling the conflict, particularly those involved in war crimes or genocide.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
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Sudan is a very large country with huge natural resources. It has some of the richest agricultural land in Africa running along the edge of the Nile. It has huge natural resources, particularly gold, and it has been long held that much of this conflict is about those natural resources. Indeed, the influence of outside powers in that and the attempt to try to plunder the wealth of that nation to the detriment of its people, is one of the age-old stories of conflict around the globe. Unfortunately, that is the same situation we have unfolding here. The RSF, backed by the United Arab Emirates, back in 2003, I think, when it was then called the Janjaweed, ran through Darfur and burned, pillaged and murdered. It was an absolutely catastrophe. For people to get it into their heads, that region of Dafur is the size of France. We are talking about a very large scale. For the people who live there, this has been a tragedy that is going on for decades. Unfortunately, we all watch our televisions every night and see different conflicts in different parts of the world. Unfortunately, many of these conflicts, particularly when they are in Africa, do not get the attention they should get. Many of us meet people from Sudan. There are a number of people I know such as Yousif, a friend of mine, who is from Sudan. There are two families living in Sligo who have family in El Fasher in Sudan and they cannot contact their families. They do not know what has happened to them, where they are or what the situation is. This is a real human tragedy for all of those people. A big part of that tragedy has been the treatment of women and girls in this conflict. When El Fasher fell, the maternity hospital was attacked and 460 women and girls were murdered. That is just one example. Internationally, this has not been given the level of attention it deserves to get. I worry and I am very concerned when we look at the peace programme that has been put in place. When people are talking about peace, we always accept that and want to see that happen. However, when we hear that it is Trump's United States, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, countries which have been up to their necks in this conflict, which are the ones proposing a peace agreement, it should raise concerns. There is a real need here, particularly for the United Nations but also for the European Union, to become involved on a much higher scale. We need positive international influence to bring peace about, not the negative international influence that has been there up to now to try to take advantage of the situation that is to the detriment of the people who live in this magnificent and beautiful country.

The thousands of tonnes of arms that have gone into Sudan over the past number of years is something that has also fed an arms industry that has backed both sides in the conflict. This is also part of the age-old story we have about conflicts around the globe. We recognise something which is a very common story but on which we have a responsibility to stand very firm. The people of Ireland have a great affinity with many countries in Africa, particularly as many of our missionaries in the past went there and were such a positive influence there. We now have an opportunity to be a positive influence again.

I welcome the words of the Minister earlier when she said that Ireland wants to play its part in that. We certainly need to be a loud and solid voice for the ordinary people of Sudan to find a peaceful way out of this conflict and to bring to bear positive international pressure to make that happen. We also have to bring to bear positive international pressure for the malign influence of other countries from outside of Sudan, which have been detrimental to this conflict, to pull back and allow a proper peace process to be established in Sudan.

Shónagh Ní Raghallaigh (Kildare South, Sinn Fein)
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I am glad to finally, a year in, have the opportunity to speak on the unbelievable atrocities happening in Sudan. The degree, scale and intensity of the violence taking place in the territory is unfathomable. Since the civil war broke out in 2023, over 12 million people have been displaced and, it is estimated, another 150,000 killed. Last month, satellite images showed blood-stained streets and bodies piled high after the city of El Fasher finally fell to the Rapid Support Forces after an 18-month siege. The siege created gruelling famine conditions for the innocent people living inside the earthen walls built around the city by the paramilitary forces. The violence unleashed by the RSF when they finally beat the Sudanese army and took the city, was even worse than anticipated. There were killing sprees, summary executions, rapes, and civilians shot dead in the street. Some 460 people, including patients, healthcare workers and loved ones, were murdered in cold blood by the RSF fighters. At the main hospital in El Fasher, mere days after the city was captured, the medical facility turned into a human slaughterhouse. This particular tack by the RSF fits as part of a broader strategy of the group since the beginning of the war to target healthcare. Weaponising medicine as a terror tactic, 1,204 health workers and patients were killed and more than 400 were wounded.

The affront on humanity in Sudan knows no bounds. UNICEF released figures in March this year recording 221 rape cases against children since 2024, many of whom were under the age of five and some as young as one year old. These statistics represent only a fraction of the reality. We cannot turn away from what is happening in Sudan. The ongoing humanitarian calamity, the scenes of horror worse than any movie, have become a reality for too many innocent people. We cannot become complacent in the face of war crimes so sinister. Part of the reason this conflict has been so protracted is that it has been eclipsed by the genocide in Gaza and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Despite the enormous complexity of the situation, a peaceful solution is still possible. With enough international attention, both sides can be pressured to accept a sustainable ceasefire agreement. Let this be a forgotten war no longer. I urge the Minister, as she continues in her new role, to dedicate diplomatic resources to this cause to keep it on top of the agenda. Let us not be complicit in these catastrophic war crimes either. We know the UAE is pouring arms into Sudan, to the RSF specifically. Smuggled via basis in Chad, these include sophisticated Chinese drones that can strike from hundreds of miles away; artillery; and Columbian mercenaries recruited and on the UAE payroll. The UAE is actively trying to back a winner in this war in allowing these horrific acts to unfold. Who is Ireland's new best pal and trading partner? None other than the UAE. Over the past decade, exports of goods to the UAE have grown by 127%, with imports increasing by 3,094%. The total bilateral trade is now valued at more than €2.25 billion annually. We are exponentially increasing trade ties with this country and there appears to be huge oversight when it comes to human-rights due diligence.

I will end with the words of a 14-year-old constituent of mine, Holly, from Newbridge in Kildare. Holly has written to me many times on Palestine, and she is an avid campaigner. I was delighted to receive a handwritten letter from Holly last week. I encourage her to continue in her activism. Holly writes: "Please consider calling Ireland’s business and economic ties with the UAE into question, this cannot be swept under the rug."

Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour)
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The Labour Party was calling for this debate for the last few weeks through the Business Committee, along with others. I am happy we are having it today. I also commend the majority of the Minister's statement on this. It was detailed and contained more additional policy coherence in relation to Sudan than we have seen to this point. In that regard, it is interesting to note that the European Parliament today adopted a joint motion for a resolution on the escalation of the war and the humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats group, of which my party is a member, voted in favour of this resolution giving the need for a strong message to the Sudanese people condemning the violence in El Fasher and across the country and urging robust action to stop the war. However, the text omits some of the key reasons and actors responsible for this conflict which have been deliberately left out by the European People's Party - a fraternal group of the Minister's party in the European Parliament - and the far right. Again, unfortunately, we see the main grouping in the European Parliament, the grouping of which Fine Gael is a member, again finding themselves in problematic, to say the least, positional, policy and moral territory when it comes to humanitarian rights, conflict and war.

Our group deplores that the resolution fails to explicitly mention the United Arab Emirates and its role in fuelling the war in Sudan. This is a crucial demand of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats group, as credible investigations have indicated that external actors, notably networks operating from and through the United Arab Emirates, have supported the RSF through financing and arms supply, thereby violating the UN embargo and EU restrictive measures. This is not unimportant. In her statement, the Minister spoke a number of times about the Quad as a group of states that are trying to broker a peace here, but the United Arab Emirates are part of the Quad and, as such, are a barrier to providing a trusted solution that can deliver peace. It feels as if we are a long way from peace at this point, as the conflict is escalating. The scale of conflicts happening all over the world at this moment is simply horrific.

I was taken with something the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, said this morning during foreign policy questions on Sudan. He said that this had been the worst year for humanitarian aid workers in terms of deaths and violence against them. It is no coincidence that the politicisation of humanitarian aid and its delivery go hand in hand with ensuring safe conditions under which humanitarian aid workers operate. We know those conditions have deteriorated to the point where too many are losing their lives or finding themselves caught up in warfare. That is a key part of the Minister's statement with which I fundamentally agree, namely, the need to depoliticise humanitarian aid and provision of humanitarian support.

That is nowhere more the case at this precise moment in time than in Sudan, where millions of Sudanese civilians are facing starvation, disease and relentless violence. To cite a research group from Yale, the violence is at a velocity not seen since Rwanda. Those of us in this country who are old enough to remember the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 will recall the work of Ireland and our amazing transformative President, Mary Robinson, at that time who highlighted what was going on in that country. It sends chills and shivers down my spine that, in 2025, we are seeing similar levels of catastrophic violence against all civilians, but in particular the impact on women and young girls, who suffer most in all conflicts. That is another point on which I agree with the emphasis of the Minister and the previous speaker from Sinn Féin. The violence, including sexual-based violence, is of such an horrific degree in Sudan that the suffering is at a level that is almost unimaginable. That is why we in the global north need to react in the strongest possible terms. For that reason, it is disappointing that the motion agreed in the European Parliament did not include the calling out of the UAE's role. I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Feighan, to bring that back through his line Minister to their party group in the EU.

Ireland has long stood for the rule of international law, strong humanitarian principles and the protection of civilians in conflict. Those values cannot and should not be selective. They cannot apply in some regions and not in others. The people of Sudan deserve our solidarity as much as the people who are suffering in Gaza, Ukraine and all over the world do. That is the bargain with which the Irish people stand and it cuts through geography, colour and creed. If you are suffering, dying or the victim of war, then the Irish people will stand with you and the Irish Government needs to back that up.

Analysis shows that roughly 21.2 million people are living in Sudan and 45% of the population are facing high levels of acute food insecurity. Famine conditions are ongoing in El Fasher in North Darfur and Kadugli in South Kordofan. Humanitarian access is being restricted or, indeed, weaponised, which brings us back to the point about the politicisation of humanitarian aid delivery. Disease is spreading rapidly. In just one area of the capital, more than 5,000 cases of malaria, typhoid and dengue fever occurred just a short few weeks ago, accompanied by dozens of deaths. Cholera, measles and other very preventable diseases are now commonplace due to the lack of clean water and the collapse of sanitation and basic healthcare systems. The situation is beyond dire.

While we are getting some images out of Sudan, we are not getting enough. We are getting satellite footage of mass graves and intelligence reports of what is going on but such is the constrictor-like grip that these forces have over their areas, we are not seeing what is actually going on. We can take it that the numbers are being underreported and that the conflict and violence are at a level that is much worse than we are seeing.

The conflict has destabilised the Horn of Africa and threatens to destabilise regions far beyond. Sudan sits at a strategic crossroads politically, geographically and economically. We know all that, but that is not at the core of why we need to act now. We need to act because millions are starving and the violence is growing. When the state collapses, extremism spreads, and that is what we are seeing.

What can we do? First, we must support a substantial increase in humanitarian assistance and work out ways in which we can deliver it. I welcome the funding that we have already given, which amounts to a total support to the people of Sudan in 2025 of €14.3 million. Ireland stands apart and separate - proudly so - from an awful lot of our European Union partner states, who are either freezing foreign aid or reducing it. The common narrative here is that Trump's America is the only state in the developed world that is cutting overseas development aid. However, in Trump's shadow, so are a lot of our European allies. We are not, nor should we, and we should be commended for that, but we should also be striving and pushing forward. The recent allocation of €3 million in funding, from which €1.5 million was reallocated to the Sudan humanitarian fund, which is managed by the UNOCHA, again shows our commitment to the United Nations, and €1.5 million to support the work of the UNHCR is an acknowledgement of the need for decisive action, but it should also be a step on which further steps should follow. Ireland has a respected voice in humanitarian aid. It is often trotted out that we punch above our weight, but that is because it is true. We can lead.

Second, we must firmly and consistently call for a ceasefire - not a temporary or symbolic cessation of hostilities, but a sustained and monitored commitment to end this conflict. Every day we delay, lives are lost in a conflict that has already claimed 150,000 victims. That is a conservative estimate. A ceasefire is essential to help create humanitarian corridors to allow agencies to reach those who are starving and to provide civilians with the opportunity for safety and stability. Ireland must work with partners in the region, and support partners in the region and the broader international community, to help build diplomatic pressure on the warring parties. A fragmented approach will fail, as we have seen time and again.

Third, we must push for accountability. The world has seen too many conflicts where atrocities are committed without consequences. We see too many conflicts happening today. Violations of international human rights law occur when civilians are targeted, aid is blocked or weaponised, and entire communities are uprooted or massacred. Those responsible must know that they will be held to account. The ICJ has already ruled that war crimes have taken place. How many times will we allow the perpetrator of war crimes to escape the consequences?

Fourth, we must raise public awareness. The Sudanese community in Ireland is demonstrating on O'Connell Street and on the streets of other cities and towns where they live, highlighting what is going on in their country. They are our fellow citizens here - for those who have taken citizenship - and they are sharing our space. They are sharing our towns, contributing to our communities and working in our hospitals and communities, and they deserve our support. We should listen to what our neighbours are saying. Crises that are invisible to the world become impossible to solve. Sudan has suffered from a lack of global attention. It has been overshadowed by other conflicts and political priorities.

The reality is the lack of scrutiny on what has happened in Sudan does not make its suffering vanish, it only facilitates its growth. Everyone in this Chamber needs to speak with greater clarity and urgency. It is welcome that Ireland successfully called for Sudan to be placed on the agenda at this month’s EU Foreign Affairs Council where restrictive measures against senior RSF commanders were adopted. The role we played in the formulation of the EU 27 statement issued by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the atrocities perpetrated by the RSF, including following the seizure of the city of El Fasher, is also welcome.

While I was unable to make this morning’s briefing from the Department of foreign affairs, to my regret, due to commitments at the Business Committee, I was glad to read of the Government’s commitment to pushing for peace in the region. Our work as a member of the Sudan core group in Geneva, which succeeded in ensuring the adoption of a resolution on the situation of El Fasher at the special session of the Human Rights Council on 14 November, which requested the fact-finding mission to conduct an urgent inquiry into the violations and abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed in and around El Fasher, is a positive step. It is also a very real example of our diplomats and our diplomatic power at work. We can effect change through our diplomatic corps. Its members do an amazing job. They are anonymous to the public and to many of us in this Chamber but they are the ones who exercise Ireland’s real soft and deliberate power in this area.

However, it is just one step of many more we must continue with. Millions of people are fighting for survival. Children are dying before their parents' eyes and families are fleeing or attempting to flee besieged cities and towns with just the clothes they have on their backs. Entire communities are being erased by violence, starvation and disease. Despite the efforts taking place, the world is not doing enough and not acting with the urgency this crisis demands. Ireland's voice, people in this House, our diplomatic corps, every sinew we can strain diplomatically and internationally must be calling for a durable and just peace in Sudan. Ultimately, resolving the conflict requires significant and sustained political will and a clear voice for peace. The people of Sudan need that voice now. I hope the Dáil will commit today to continue to work and support our diplomatic corps in doing what it can in the EU, United Nations and beyond. The Sudanese people deserve peace, dignity and the chance to rebuild their lives and to know the world has not abandoned them.

Malcolm Byrne (Wicklow-Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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It is good to see Deputy Feighan here as Minister of State. I thank him for being here for this very important debate. I pay tribute to my colleague, Deputy Shane Moynihan, who has been raising this issue during Taoiseach's questions since the beginning of the year. Barry Andrews, MEP, raises it regularly in the European Parliament. This is a very important debate. As colleagues said, it has perhaps been overshadowed by conflicts in Gaza and the Middle East and Russia’s ongoing campaign of aggression against Ukraine and its other neighbours.

The scale of what has happened in Sudan, however, is horrific. Just looking at the number of displaced persons, 8 million people have fled from Venezuela because of the economic regime there and 11 million people have been displaced in Ukraine, but over 12 million people have already been displaced in Sudan. It is the largest displacement crisis in the world. This is before we even come to talk about those who have been killed, the tens of thousands of people who have been killed, and those who have had their families taken away from them. Colleagues have also mentioned the horrors of the gender-based violence since this war erupted in April 2023. We have seen gang rapes, sexual slavery and abductions, and UNICEF has reported young children being subjected to sexual violence. All war is horrific but the more I read about what has happened in Sudan, the more inhuman it is. The fact that, as a planet, we have allowed this and, indeed, other conflicts to continue is a stain on all of us.

There are certainly questions for other powers in the region. They will have to be involved in any peace agreement and I am glad they are now coming to the table. We know neighbouring countries, like Chad, Egypt and Ethiopia, are under pressure because of the refugees that have fled Sudan. We need to provide support to those countries as well in assist with their refugees. We do, however, need to call out global actors, and, yes, the United Arab Emirates, UAE, is among them. Unsurprisingly, Russia, which is again supplying arms, is among them. Indeed, Wagner mercenaries have been deployed in the area. China’s role in Africa also needs to be examined. While it may not be directly involved in war, China has certainly been involved in economic colonialism in Africa. There is a broader question here, then, than just Sudan. It is about the question of our approach in Ireland and the European Union to Africa and particularly concerning is how we can support Africans being able to make decisions for themselves about their future.

For us, I think it is critical, more than ever before, that Irish values around human rights, the rule of law and accountability are to the fore in any discussion. We also need to insist that it is the Sudanese people themselves who make a decision around their future. I refer to what more we can do, and colleagues have certainly mentioned humanitarian assistance. In Ireland we are right to be proud of the support we have provided. I know an additional package has now been agreed at EU level. This is critical in terms of support for families there. There are also long-term challenges, however, around sanitation and water supplies, for example. We need not just to provide money but to support Sudan with expertise. We are going to need to invest heavily in providing support for the clearing of mines. Even though conflicts end, problems with mines mean that thousands of people for years afterwards potentially face very serious injuries. We also need to address, as I mentioned, the gender-based violence that has gone on, some of which is particularly horrific.

I pay tribute to the team within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. I think we should always be very proud of our diplomats, who are sometimes working in very difficult circumstances. It is why I have never believed in the idea of expelling diplomats or ending diplomatic relations, even with countries with which we very strongly disagree. The role of diplomats is to engage and try to ensure there are still doors open, so people can talk rather than engage in conflict.

We again need to look at the issue of accountability. Too often in all these conflicts, even though peace is finally obtained, those responsible for horrific war crimes are not held to account. There are targeted sanctions against certain individuals in Sudan. I think we need to go further than that. When this war is finished, those who have committed war crimes need to be held to account to ensure the victims see that justice has been done and to demonstrate an example to others in other conflicts that they cannot get away with it. I believe that for too long this has been a problem with many of the conflicts we have faced around the world.

Finally, this is one of those issues we need to talk about more. This issue will not get a lot of media coverage. It will not get the media attention other conflicts rightly get. Given the scale of depravity, though, it is something that we, right across this House, need to ensure we talk about in our own political parties and communities. The values I believe are dear to all our hearts, those Irish values, need to inform everyone in the State and we need to be aware of this conflict. I welcome the statement from the Minister for foreign affairs today. I know she comes from a very good place and any efforts she and the Government can make to end this horrific conflict should be supported.

Paula Butterly (Louth, Fine Gael)
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Today, like many of my colleagues, I would like to raise one of the most important ongoing humanitarian disasters, the unfolding civil war in Sudan and the sheer amount of civilian death and tragedy unfolding in its wake.

The war in Sudan is not a simple conflict. It is a catastrophe causing the slaughter of innocent women and children and the starvation of millions. It is a conflict that strikes at the very heart of human dignity and the rights we have fought for for so long and so hard are now under threat. The fear is that we will not be able to uphold them.

Sudan has been marred by decades of war. In recent weeks, the city of El Fasher has been subjected to a siege that has claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people. Reports from the city are showing evidence of mass killings, sexual violence and vital infrastructure and lifelines for civilians being destroyed. Harrowing and gruesome videos have been doing the rounds but the level of documentation of this ongoing tragedy does not end there. We have now seen satellite images in which the trail of blood from the ongoing slaughter in the city is clear to see. These are war crimes so terrible that they are visible from space. It is truly one of the world's most severe ongoing humanitarian catastrophes.

In the midst of these horrors, I ask that we not forget those who are most vulnerable. I ask that we not forget those women who are victims of this violence and subject to rape and sexual abuse. I ask that we not forget the children who are starving and on the sides of the streets, their bellies swollen from the denial of food and basic humanities. I ask that, as a humanitarian nation, we continue to persevere through the barriers to aid set by conflict and deliver food to those children and assist those vulnerable women.

A primary access point for our aid to Africa hinges on supports for maternal health. Ireland has championed and led the way on maternal health and sexual and reproductive health rights through our aid to Sudan and other countries such as Ethiopia, Liberia and Gambia. We fund Maternal and Childhealth Advocacy International and work with nurses and midwives to reduce maternal and neonatal deaths across ten countries. Recent aid to Mozambique, for example, has been used to treat conditions like pre-eclampsia, a pregnancy complication that, if untreated, is deadly. An investment there for €4 million was used to train 450 maternal health workers and screened 115,000 pregnant women. One project under our aid for maternal health in Mozambique has saved the lives of 5,000 mothers in one year alone. These are lives saved because we chose to act.

Similar projects in Sudan go against the unfortunate tide of death ripping through that country and give the invaluable gift of life and youth to a nation when it needs it the most in such horrific and tragic times. Access to safe childbirth is one of the primary guarantors for a nation to survive and recover from a terrible tragedy. The ongoing conflict threatens to overturn the progress we have made so far. In Sudan, mothers and pregnant women are under siege. Their survival is threatened and their freedoms are restricted and denied. These freedoms should never be denied and we should always endeavour to ensure they have the aid so that, in the coming years, not only will this conflict end but Sudan can recover and actually hope to be able to rebuild.

As it stands, pregnant women cannot reach clinics. Sexual violence is rampant. Abuse of women is becoming just another everyday occurrence throughout the country. Therefore, I implore the Minister of State to continue to aid these women and to focus on these issues so lives may be saved and further tragedies prevented. Our Government continues - I am very grateful for this - to assist in countries in humanitarian need. Even in times of crisis, we do our best to find ways. Sudan should not be any exception. It desperately needs our help. It is, therefore, imperative that we continue to fund and get these supports through so that these projects can thrive and allow our humanitarian aid to preserve life in war zones and promote peace across the globe.

If our neutrality allows us to afford prosperity, it should also allow us to afford generosity. Humanitarian aid is not just a charity. It is a projection of our values an ideas as a people and a nation. Our opposition to violence and tragedy must be acted upon in ways that have a material effect. Very often, words are not enough. Token gestures do not save lives. Helping hands on the ground are what make the difference and our humanitarian aid is our vessel for supplying that. As Martin Luther King once said, "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." If we are serious about our commitment to being a bastion of humanitarianism and an example to nations turning ever more inward, we must become an enemy of injustice through our kindness and help. We must become a friend to the suffering through our assistance. We must become a foundation for humanitarian values through our generosity and we must become a contributor to the future of fragile nations through our commitment to peace, equality and respect.

This is a call to conscience and a call to action. We cannot look away. We cannot let fatigue or infighting dull our sense of urgency and duty. If we fail, it is not just Sudan that loses. It is we and society in general that will lose.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Ar dtús, ba mhaith liom comhghairdeas a dhéanamh leis an Aire Stáit as an bpost nua atá aige. Ádh mór air.

Unfortunately, too many times, we have been in this Chamber while speaking about what we would have assumed was almost in the rear-view mirror of history. However, it seems that whether you look at Gaza, the Russian invasion of Ukraine or what is happening in Sudan, it is geopolitical chaos and could be the annals from the worst parts of global history. The fact is we have seen a move away from multilateralism, international law and the righteousness of international law. At some point, we will need to see the pendulum come back to a more sensible place but at the minute, the people of Sudan cannot afford to wait on that.

Straight away, it is a necessity that we play our part in ensuring that aid workers and a sufficient amount of aid gets to people who are starving at this point in time. We need the SAF and RSF to facilitate this and to allow UN observers in. It is beyond a disgrace what is going on, if we are talking about the year-and-a-half siege of El Fasher. It is like hell on earth and as bad as any place you can think of since the Second World War after what has been done. The UN has rightly labelled it one of the worst humanitarian cases. Just look at the news. How bad does something have to be? We are talking about one of the worst humanitarian crises.

We are talking about a war, a situation and a circumstance that we have been dealing with since April 2023. An awful lot of the time, there have rightly been eyes on some of the other conflict zones but this has been missed out on. It is the depth, magnitude and size of the horror and chaos. What are we talking about? Some 12 million people have been forcibly displaced and 150,000 people have already been killed. Think about that and the impact on that part of the world. Think of the chaos that has been caused. Think of the individual lives that have been lost and the families that have been destroyed.

That is before we get into the crimes that have been committed, particularly against women. I do not know how many times in history people said "never again", but unfortunately "never again" seems to actually mean "again and again and again", whether it was Rwanda 30 years ago, the Balkans, what Russia is doing in Ukraine or the genocide in Gaza.

As to the absolute size of this, we have a considerable number of people who will talk about the issue in relation to migration. We have all spoken about the fact that we need systems that work, but just think about 12 million people forcibly displaced. How will that not have an impact in relation to the rest of the world? It is a very much connected world.

As we all know, the United Arab Emirates has been engaged in supplying weapons that have played a major part in the RSF's capacity and in its destruction of human lives and all the other horrors alongside that. This is a proxy war. There are supporters on both sides. I listened earlier to Deputy Ó Laoghaire's interaction with the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, on the need to see pressure being put on the United Arab Emirates. I can accept that in public, the Government cannot say all that needs to be said. Whatever about in public, we must make sure that in private, in every corner where we have an ear that will listen to our voice, it is known that this is not acceptable. It is not acceptable to be facilitating the sale of gold, mining and human misery.

I agree with an awful lot of what my colleagues have said. This will finish, and we need to ensure that those who have been engaged in this horror, this absolute butchery, are held to account. We need to make sure that whatever leverage we have is brought to bear on those powers that have facilitated this and on anyone else who will listen to us in the international community. We need to do this because these people have been through what none of us can imagine. We need to make sure we are not back here at a later stage this year or next year, talking about numbers that are scaled up from what is abject and absolute horror.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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Satellite images taken by the humanitarian research lab at the Yale School of Public Health show numerous clusters of ground discoloration across Darfur, consistent with the presence of human bodies. The blood spilled in Sudan is now visible from space. Let us think about that for a moment. The scale of killing is so vast, unrestrained and utterly unhidden that it is visible from orbit. Nobody, no government, institution or leader, can pretend that they do not know what is happening. The horror is in full view of the world. What is unfolding in Sudan is not a distant conflict we can categorise as another human tragedy of the global south. It is one of the most horrifying humanitarian disasters of our time. More than that, it is a moment that exposes something very dark about the direction global politics is taking.

At the heart of this war are two military forces, the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, neither of which can decisively defeat the other. Into that stalemate has poured a global foreign policy environment that has abandoned principle entirely. Where decisions once relied, at least in part, on diplomacy, pragmatism or moral pressure, what we now see in the governments across the world is the naked self-interest of powerful states pursuing business, resources and influence however they see fit. The consequence of this change of tone for Sudan has been catastrophic. Tens of thousands are dead. Over 13 million people have been driven from their homes. Hunger and famine stalk communities already shattered by violence. The very basics of human survival - hospitals, water and sanitation - have collapsed. Civilians are dying, not only from bullets but from starvation, disease and abandonment. In Darfur, long marginalised communities now face a brutal campaign of execution, displacement and terror. The RSF, emerging from the same Janjaweed militias responsible for earlier genocides, now controls cities through fear, violence and mass atrocity.

This is often called a civil war but that phrase hides the truth. This is not a war between communities or opposing cities. It is a war on civilians, a war in which foreign actors have found opportunity rather than obligation. To the fore is the United Arab Emirates with its complicity in this brutality. We know who is funding and arming these groups. We know how gold, oil and geopolitical leverage have turned Sudan into a marketplace for influence. Yet, despite crimes visible from space, the global response has been silence, sidestepping and selective outrage. We have seen the commentary that Sudan does not get the attention Palestine or Ukraine gets. I understand the frustration deeply but I reject the idea that we must choose which horror deserves our outrage. Humanity is not a competition. When a child starves in Sudan, it demands the same moral response as a child bombed in Gaza or displaced in Ukraine. The new world order, this transactional, self-interested, "not my problem" foreign policy, is a terrifying indicator of how the world will respond to the millions of Sudanese who are fleeing in search of safety. If powerful governments can watch atrocities from space and simply shrug, what hope do displaced Sudanese families have when they come knocking on the doors of nations that now treat asylum and poverty as just an inconvenience? That is exactly why our role matters here, why scrutiny matters and why calling out cruelty matters. Challenging self-interested decision-making matters, every single time it appears, no matter how exhausting it becomes. The moment we stop holding governments to account, the moment we stop naming injustice for what it is, we become part of the silence that lets these horrors continue.

We should continue to demand better - and I urge every Member of the House to continue to do the same - and to demand humanitarian corridors, a ceasefire and an end to the arms flows; to support the Sudanese diaspora and refugee pathways; and to refuse the idea that Sudan's suffering is simply part of the turbulence of our times. This is about more than international solidarity. It is about moral consistency and deciding whether human life actually matters or whether we only defend it when it suits our political convenience. The scale of the crisis is almost unfathomable but silence is not an option, not now when an entire nation is being fractured, starved and terrorised in full view of the world. We owe it to every family torn apart, every child displaced and every community destroyed. If we fail to speak for Sudan now, when the evidence of atrocity is literally visible from space, we are not just failing Sudan; we are failing the very idea that human life has value at all.

Cormac Devlin (Dún Laoghaire, Fianna Fail)
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I offer comhghairdeas to the Minister of State, Deputy Feighan, formally on the record of the House.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on Sudan. It is very important and my colleague, Deputy Shane Moynihan, and others have raised it several times. It is very important that this discussion happens. The ongoing situation in Sudan is one of the gravest humanitarian emergencies in the world. It is a conflict defined by mass displacement, famine conditions and systematic attacks on civilians. It is a crisis that demands far more international attention and co-ordinated action than it has received to date. Sudan is now the largest displacement crisis in the world, with millions of people forced from their homes and millions more living in conditions of acute hunger. Entire regions have been devastated, most starkly in Darfur, and there are credible reports of ethnically targeted killings, sexual violence and deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid. The images and testimonies emerging from El Fasher and surrounding areas are harrowing. They point to widespread breaches of international humanitarian and human rights laws, including acts which, if verified, amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Ireland has played an important role in ensuring these crimes do not go unnoticed. As part of the Sudan core group, we helped secure a human rights council resolution establishing an urgent fact-finding mission for El Fasher and expanding the international investigation of violations. That work must continue because without documentation and accountability, the cycle of violence will persist. We have also supported the EU's targeted sanctions regime, including the recent restrictive measures on senior Rapid Support Forces leaders. That is a necessary step; those fuelling atrocities, whether through command responsibilities, illicit finance or arms flows must face consequences.

However, while accountability matters, it will not in itself feed a starving population.

The humanitarian situation in Sudan is catastrophic. Over 20 million people face crisis levels of hunger and aid agencies are warning of famine in several regions. Access for the UN and NGOs remains dangerously restricted. Bureaucratic obstacles, insecurity and deliberate interference continue to choke off life-saving assistance. Ireland has responded, however. This year alone, we have provided significant humanitarian funding to Sudan and to neighbouring states hosting large refugee populations. Our diplomats, particularly in Geneva and New York, have worked tirelessly in pressing for humanitarian access and a sustained international response. It is clear, however, that other EU member states and global partners must scale up their contributions too.

UN appeals for Sudan remain critically underfunded. Until the gap is closed, conditions will worsen. That is why the commitment made at the recent G20 Summit in South Africa is so important. I welcome the Taoiseach’s engagement at that summit, at which he highlighted Sudan directly and joined leaders in calling for a just and lasting peace. International political focus is essential. When the G20 speaks with one voice it strengthens the hand of the UN, the African Union and mediators who are trying to secure a humanitarian ceasefire. A ceasefire is urgently needed. It is clear that the primary responsibility for ending this conflict rests with the leaders of the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. External actors have influence, however, and influence must be used to bring pressure to bear. We know that foreign arms and money have sustained both sides in this war. We know that Russian-linked networks, including successors to the Wagner Group, have profited from Sudanese gold and helped fuel instability. We also know that without co-ordinated diplomacy, outside powers will continue to hedge their bets, prolonging the conflict rather than helping to resolve it.

The EU must, therefore, intensify its work to enforce the UN arms embargo, curb illicit financing and press regional actors, particularly in the Gulf and across the Red Sea, to end support that enables further violence. This is also important for Sudan’s neighbours because this conflict is not contained within its borders alone. South Sudan, Chad, the Central African Republic and Egypt are all under immense strain as refugees flee the fighting. Supporting those states is not an optional extra; it is central to preventing further destabilisation. The EU should front-load assistance for food, shelter, education and local infrastructure in host communities so that the arrival of large numbers of refugees does not spark new crises.

This debate comes in the same week that we learned of another appalling incident in Africa, namely, the mass abduction of schoolchildren and teachers in Niger State in Nigeria. Over 300 people were taken and while many escaped, more than 260 children remain missing. I raised this issue on Tuesday with the Taoiseach, who expressed his concern for the safety of the children and their teachers. I would welcome confirmation from the Minister that her officials are raising the issue at the EU and UN and, indeed, will raise the issue of religious persecution generally. This issue reminds us that insecurity in one region of Africa can quickly have consequences for its neighbours. Ireland should support efforts to secure the safe release of those children. At EU level, we must continue to back programmes that strengthen school safety, community protection and early-warning systems for violence in Nigeria and the wider region. It is only by supporting stability, from Sudan across the Sahel and into West Africa, that we can prevent these kinds of horrors from recurring.

Sudan is a crisis of unimaginable scale. If the world turns away now, famine will take hold, atrocities will continue and the conflict will spill further across a fragile region. Ireland must continue to play its part by pressing for a humanitarian ceasefire, demanding accountability for those committing violations, supporting UN and African Union efforts to secure access for aid and urging our EU partners to match the ambition and leadership that Ireland has shown. Above all, though, we must ensure that the people of Sudan and the millions displaced across its borders are not forgotten. Their survival, and their hope for peace, depend on sustained international action. Ireland has been a strong voice on this issue. We should continue to be so.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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I start by sending my solidarity to the Sudanese community here in Ireland, many of whom are doing amazing work in so many spheres of life, particularly our health services. They are doctors, engineers and so on and many have lived and contributed here. I send them solidarity because of what they are dealing with, hearing about the absolute horror that has happened at home.

I spoke on Sudan in 2019. It was just after a revolution had taken place to throw out the despot al-Bashir. Unfortunately, that revolution was drowned in blood, and the partners in crime in drowning that revolution in blood were the RSF and the army. The two so-called warring parties were once brothers-in-arms. We have to analyse why this has happened, who is complicit in it and how it can be ended. The genocide in Sudan is still ongoing despite the RSF agreeing in principle to a ceasfire put forward by the US. It is unlikely the peace deal will end the hostilities because the UAE, which is helping the RSF, is very involved in the talks as well.

The World Food Programme has noted that 21 million people face acute hunger, and many of them face catastrophic hunger. The genocide has killed 150,000 people and displaced 13 million people, but many more deaths are probably hidden at this point. The figure is likely to be far higher.

I want to call out the role of the EU in contributing to the problems because it is kind of kept under the carpet. The Save the Children charity has criticised the EU specifically for aiding and abetting the genocide, or allowing the genocide, with its strict border controls, which drives children into the hands of traffickers and smugglers and back to unsafe countries. Some 10,000 refugees from Sudan arrived in Europe and it seems that a minority have been accepted in the EU. However, the EU is also responsible for the crisis by giving support to the RSF and money to assist in holding people in their migration. These are the butchers who have been carrying out these horrific attacks and the sexual violence, and who have been using children - I have seen this in videos - to torture and kill people.

We have also seen that Bulgarian, French and British arms have been found in Sudan. They are wielded by the RSF, probably via the UAE, which is supporting the RSF. France has sold €21 billion worth of weapons to the UAE. These have ended up in the hands of these butchers.

The EU has specifically entered into a financial relationship with Egypt, paying it €7 billion over two years for migration management. The Irish Government has classed Egypt as a safe country to send people back to. Egypt is a brutal dictatorship and it is playing a key role in all of this as well. It has tightened up residency permits and restricted people from entering. This is causing huge problems.

Ireland has a role as well. Ireland has €2.5 billion in trade with the UAE, which is directly assisting the RSF right now in carrying out these atrocities, and the Government is seeking to expand that trade after establishing a joint economic mission. As I said, it classed Egypt as a safe place, providing legitimacy for that regime which treats refugees so deplorably. The EU has tried to make a point that it is an outside viewer on this, but it is complicit, having boosted and assisted the RSF in the past and also allowing the arms sales I mentioned.

I want to mention briefly what lies behind this and why Sudan is of such interest. Sudan is strategically important because of its access to the Red Sea - it is a vital shipping route - its agricultural land and, of course, its gold. That is what is fuelling all the outside colonial forces that have backed side one or other side, and sometimes both sides, in order to have influence in this region. However, an absolutely crucial reason for UAE involvement is that it does not want to see a democratic regime in this area, one that would expose and give an example throughout the Arab world to overthrow despots, as the Sudanese people did successfully.

For more than a decade, the UAE has been a key sponsor of the counter-revolutionary forces in the Arab world and in many other countries as well.

We need to assist the Sudanese people to get rid of the internal despots and outside influence, and let them enjoy, use, democratically control and own the wealth and resources they have. Hopefully, the revolutionary fervour that was so important among young people and doctors across the whole population can be reinstated. Let us support the Sudanese people in any way we can to do this.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I do not often thank the Government but I will do so for facilitating this important debate on the horror that is being inflicted on the people of Sudan. The genocidal horror they are enduring at the moment has led to at least 150,000 people being killed, more than 21 million people, which is 45% of the population, facing hunger and famine, 12 million people being forcibly displaced, and the horrific scenes involving the RSF in the siege of El Fasher, to name some of the atrocities that have taken place.

This is complex and, like Deputy Coppinger, I remember speaking about it. At that time, I had been briefed but, unfortunately, I did not have a chance to talk to Sudanese people before this debate. I had been briefed by people from Sudan before the previous debate, which was at the time of the revolution by the people of Sudan. That was a revolution not based on siding with either of the two factions responsible for this horror; it was a grassroots rebellion of people against the austerity and poverty being imposed and backed by institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, our friends in the IMF, the purveyors of austerity across the world.

There are layers and layers to this but, in essence, it is the old divide-and-rule tactic being used by different factions in the Sudanese ruling class fighting over power against a population that was rising up against them and, in turn, the alignment of both of these factions, which are guilty of the genocide, with external powers which, ultimately, are tied up with big western powers. They are armed, financed and supported by big western powers.

I heard some people say those who are campaigning and advocating for the people of Palestine are not speaking about Sudan. We were, back when the revolution was happening, and we are now, but there is a connection between these two things. The connection is very important and brings it into sharp focus. What is the western agenda in this region and in the wider Middle Eastern region? In the popular narrative purveyed by western leaders over the years, including the US, the European Union and so on, it is to support democracy and be supporters of democracy. In actuality, the entirety of western foreign policy, that is, US and European foreign policy, has been to prevent democracy, back dictatorships and divide and rule the population to ensure we do not have successful democratic revolutions in places such as Sudan, where ordinary people might take control of their resources and of strategically important areas. Some of the strategically important resources have been mentioned, including gold. The UAE is involved big-time. We have trade relations with the UAE, and it is armed by France and the United States. Europe and America are backing these regimes.

The Egyptian regime has its interests, in terms of plans by Ethiopia to build a dam that will impact on the movement of the Nile and who gets what share of the Nile and so on, so it is backing other forces and particular factions. There is also the question of access to the Red Sea and various battles going on between different states, in turn backed by western governments. Let us remember the el-Sisi dictatorship in Egypt, which brutally crushed the Arab Spring in Egypt. It is backed by the United States and western governments and treated like a normal government, when the people who led the democratic uprising in Egypt are all languishing in jail being tortured, yet we pretend the Egyptian regime is somehow normal.

The policy was summed up by the first governor general of Jerusalem, Ronald Storrs, in 1936, when he was asked why the British were backing Zionism and what would later be the Nakba and the destruction of Palestinians. He said they wanted to create a loyal little Jewish Ulster in the Middle East to guard against a potentially hostile sea of Arabism. It was divide and rule. They did what they did in Ireland, setting the Catholics against the Protestants, in order to make sure they controlled the region and that the people of the region did not democratically control their own resources. This is the same playbook that has been playing out in Sudan and the entire region. They back dictatorships, and back this faction against that faction, as long as they control the resources or their allies get what they want, or Red Sea routes, or whatever it is. Of course, on top of all of this, they are backing governments that are imposing brutal austerity on an incredibly poor country. It is complicated, and too complicated to discuss in the time available, but the hypocrisy and double standards of some of the external players, including western governments here, is stunning. Often, they have done it precisely because some of these disgusting factions were willing to police the migration from these countries of desperate people trying to flee an horrific situation. Honestly, you could not make up the hypocrisy and double standards around this.

Shane Moynihan (Dublin Mid West, Fianna Fail)
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Today, the BBC reported on an interview it had with a man who escaped the last functioning hospital in the Sudanese city of El Fasher before a reported massacre by paramilitary troops. Abdu-Rabbu Ahmed, who was a laboratory technician in the maternity hospital, told the BBC, "I have lost my colleagues". He said, "I have lost the people whose faces I used to see smiling" and that it "feels as if you lost a big part of your body or your soul". Other Members have addressed what is happening in Sudan today, which is without doubt one of the gravest humanitarian crises of our time. It is a catastrophic conflict. More importantly, it has been easy to think of it as a distant tragedy but it is not. If anything, it is a moral imperative for all of us who believe in human dignity and international law. Sadly, it is one of many conflicts taking place around the world today that need to be front and centre in our minds.

As other colleagues have noted, the situation in Sudan is the world's worst humanitarian and protection crisis. The numbers have been rehearsed a number of times in the Chamber, with more than 150,000 lives lost, 12 million people forcibly displaced and 21 million facing crisis levels of hunger, including famine. These numbers represent families torn apart, communities destroyed and people's futures eradicated and disappeared in front of their very eyes. In an age when there is a constant information flow to our phones, sometimes I believe there is a perception that our human sensibilities can become desensitised to unspeakable horror and the inhuman practices and behaviours that seem to be endlessly documented, not least those reported and shown to us from Sudan.

On a personal level, I am sure I share with all colleagues the absolute disdain, distaste and horror at the deliberate targeting of civilians by all parties to the conflict. In El Fasher, across north Darfur and in Kordofan, we have seen appalling atrocities, including ethnically motivated killings, systematic sexual and gender-based violence, and starvation used as a weapon of war. Most chillingly, there is the obstruction of humanitarian aid. These acts are clear breaches of international humanitarian and human rights law. They are war crimes and crimes against humanity and must be called out as such.

Accountability must be at the heart of our response. I am proud to have raised this matter in the Chamber a number of times over the past year. I am happy to see that Ireland, alongside the UK, the Netherlands and Norway, succeeded in ensuring the adoption of a resolution at the UN Human Rights Council earlier this month. This resolution mandates an urgent inquiry into these violations through the independent fact-finding mission in Sudan.

The impunity that seems to exist must end.

As a country, we have taken a leading role internationally. We were the Government that initiated the discussions which led to the EU sanctions regime and we successfully called for Sudan to be placed on the agenda of the EU Foreign Affairs Council. Last week, the EU adopted further restrictive measures against Abdul Rahim Hamdan Dagalo, the RSF's second in command. I am enthused by the fact the EU stands ready to impose further measures on all actors responsible for destabilising Sudan and obstructing its political transition, but sanctions alone are not enough. We need to ensure unhindered humanitarian access. I am proud Ireland has provided over €14 million in humanitarian assistance this year to support communities in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. This funding, which is being channelled through UN agencies, the Red Cross, Irish NGOs and local organisations, delivers the food, medical supplies and lifesaving aid that is pivotal to these communities. I am pleased we are committed to continuing this assistance in 2026.

The protection of civilians cannot wait for a ceasefire. Humanitarian and medical workers must be safeguarded and civilians who wish to leave besieged cities must be granted a safe passage. There are obligations under international law and they must be respected and upheld. In the longer term, only a Sudanese-led political process that is inclusive can address the grievances that have led to this conflict. I am sure the EU, with Ireland playing its part, will continue to support the dialogue among Sudanese civilian political groups in close collaboration - and this is important - with the African Union and other partners.

The sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Sudan, like any nation state, must be preserved. Attempts not to address or undermine this will only deepen the crisis, and without doubt, external interference must end. However, this is also the moment when the institutions established to stop this ever happening again must step up. The rules of our international order and our common humanity need to be vindicated and the guardians thereof need to be bold in that vindication. This is not just about Sudan, it is about the values we stand for: human rights, justice and solidarity.

I am sure Ireland will continue to speak out, to act and lead, to work with our EU and international partners to demand an end to the violence, to ensure accountability and to deliver hope to the people of Sudan in a Sudanese-led process. The violence must end, the suffering must end and we need to make sure we play our part to make that happen.

Carol Nolan (Offaly, Independent)
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Tá áthas orm an deis seo a fháil labhairt ar an topaic seo agus ar an méid atá ag baint leis an gcogadh cathartha i Sudan.

What is happening in Sudan is hell on earth. Last year, Aid to the Church in Need released its report on Christian persecution around the globe. Sudan is an area plagued by this issue. I will quote extensively from that report as it specifically deals with some of the desperate problems ongoing for those living in Sudan, especially Christians:

The civil war that broke out on 15th April 2023 unleashed a wave of violence and displacement affecting all communities across Sudan. Several significant churches were among religious buildings targeted in the war's opening weeks. Many churches in the Khartoum area and elsewhere were immediately seized by military forces. By mid-May, this included the Virgin Mary Coptic Orthodox Cathedral and All Saints' Episcopal Cathedral ...

[..]

Many other churches in the capital were seized on the first day of the conflict. That same day, bombers attacked the Catholic Bishop's house ... The bishop took refuge in the neighbouring cathedral.

[...]

In the following months, up to 165 churches were closed and others destroyed.

By early 2024 human rights observers began describing Sudan's internal displacement crisis as "the highest in the world" - with the UN stating record levels of children were suffering malnutrition due to food scarcity. By that time, the Church, which had been 5 percent of the population (2.4 million) before the conflict, was "shrinking away." While many Christians migrated to their ancestral homelands in South Sudan, Church sources reported that the faithful made up the majority of the 750,000 or more people who took refuge in the Nuba Mountains.

In the two years leading up to the civil war, the regime that came to power in a coup in October 2021 began reversing a process towards "liberalisation and religious freedom" undertaken by the transitional government. The transitional government (2019-21) had restored Christmas Day as a public holiday, issued an apology for the country's long record of persecution against Christians and abolished the death penalty ...

It is clear from those quotes that the scale of the challenges facing Sudan and its traumatised people are almost too enormous to contemplate or imagine. I accept Ireland is doing incredible work among its overseas aid partners. I note a recent reply from the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, to a parliamentary question I tabled. The reply confirmed that since the outbreak of conflict in 2023 Ireland has consistently highlighted the scale of the humanitarian crisis, with a particular focus on the levels of acute hunger and famine, large-scale displacement and the impact of the conflict on women and girls. The reply further stated that the provision of humanitarian assistance was a major priority for Ireland and that, in 2025, the Government has confirmed €14.3 million for the Sudan crisis. Some €10.3 million is committed to support humanitarian work in Sudan and €4 million to support the humanitarian response for displaced populations in neighbouring countries.

I can only add my agreement and support to what the Minister has said regarding the conflict in Sudan being a human catastrophe which risks wider stability in the region, and that Ireland will continue to work to keep Sudan on the international agenda. That is certainly welcome. However, I specifically ask the Minister to ensure the Department will do all it can to protect Christians of Sudan, who are undergoing a living nightmare. Christians are the most persecuted believers in the world. In addition to the report published by Aid to the Church in Need, data from the Pew Research Center has shown that Christians suffered religiously motivated harassment, ranging from verbal abuse to killings, in more countries than ever before, 160 in total, which is a rise of 50 countries since 2012. Not only were Christians experiencing fundamental human rights violations in more countries than any other faith group, the gap between them and the next worst-affected religious group had significantly widened. That is deeply alarming. As I am sure the Minister will agree, perhaps we should have a debate on this specific issue in the near future.

Barry Heneghan (Dublin Bay North, Independent)
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The war in Sudan is the forgotten war. It is just like the conflict; it has slipped from public consciousness. I am really grateful we are doing these statements today as it is something we should be focusing on. The Minister of State has been giving his attention to this and I have spoken to him about it. I am very happy he has been addressing it in the way he can but this is one of the worst humanitarian disasters occurring at the moment, in line with the genocide in Palestine. A total of 13 million people have been displaced, 25 million people are facing hunger and famine and 4 million children are malnourished. I welcome that the Minister of State's Department is looking at this and I look forward to him addressing this afterwards but the genocide is visible from space. Satellite images show entire communities erased, villages burned, blackened earth where families once lived and developed and communities once stood. The ethnic cleansing of local populations is systematic, and we are seeing this across the globe.

We must confront the truth of what is fuelling this horror. External actors are driving this conflict. Such conflicts have been massively expanded through weapons, funding and logistics funnelled from outside states. These interventions are about influence and obtaining critical mineral resources, including gold. Where foreign governments arm militias, civilians always pay the price.

Ireland may be small but our voice, values and political strength are how we show our humanitarian leadership. I welcome that the Minister of State has been addressing this in his travels around the globe and I thank him for that. Sudan cannot be allowed to disappear from global attention. Again, I welcome the fact that we are having statements on Sudan in this House. If the world continues to look away, millions more will suffer. We must keep pushing for a humanitarian ceasefire to end all the suffering. Ireland must keep speaking out, it must keep pushing for Europe to act and it must keep standing with the people of Sudan who are fighting for survival, dignity and peace.

Paula Butterly (Louth, Fine Gael)
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I call on the Minister of State to make his concluding statement which shall not exceed ten minutes.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I will try my best with ten minutes but I might ask for a little bit of latitude from the House, given that we are ahead of schedule. A number of pertinent issues were raised by Deputies and by the Acting Chair that I will try to address. I want to address a couple of points raised by Deputies who are still in the Chamber as I think they merit the response. A lot of what Deputy Boyd Barrett raised stuck with me. I want to provide an element of reassurance on how we approach our work in this region from the Irish Government point of view and from an Irish Aid point of view. We have a development programme that is based on values. We have a development programme that is flexible, local led and is enshrined by our document. There is a shift, quite clearly, at a European level by other member states to move to a far more transactional approach to development, similar to the lines historically and in other ways the Deputy referred to. I want to assure him that Ireland is going to make sure that our development programme maintains a very clear path and, equally, we are going to be a very strong voice within the European Union for a values-based development programme that reaches the furthest behind first and that seeks peace, democracy and local empowerment.

I appreciate that Deputies Heneghan and Shane Moynihan have regularly raised this issue, particularly in oral parliamentary questions, along with Deputy Ó Laoghaire, with whom I had a lengthy debate on this issue this morning. I want to assure the Deputies that the Irish Government will continue to raise this issue at every European and United Nations forum.

I would say to Deputy Nolan that everyone in Sudan is persecuted or is liable to be persecuted at the moment. I note the point the Deputy makes in relation to Christians. I met the Church in Chains organisation in a personal capacity in my parish a couple of Sundays ago and I had a lengthy discussion with its director. I am more than happy to discuss the persecution of any minority in any jurisdiction in this Chamber. If the Deputy would like to put forward a debate on the persecution of Christians, I would be more than happy to provide a full response from a Government point of view. We had a similar debate in the Seanad this morning. Senators Mullen and McCarthy raised it in relation to a very worrying attack on an Irish missionary nun and her congregation in Nigeria two weeks ago. Perhaps the Deputy might consider putting forward a Topical Issue matter or seeking a debate. I thank the Acting Chair for her indulgence.

It has been more than two years since the war in Sudan erupted. We are all agreed that the need for international attention and action is more critical now than ever. I want to thank everyone present for their engagement on this important issue and encourage them all to continue to highlight the plight of the Sudanese people wherever possible in this Chamber, in the other Chamber, at local authority level, within party groupings, within European party collectives and beyond. Our collective commitment as a Parliament is vital in this regard. We cannot let this tragedy fade from the international headlines until yet another massacre like that in El Fasher forces the conflict back onto the agenda or into our timelines.

The humanitarian displacement and protection crisis in Sudan is catastrophic in scale. As has been highlighted here today, the level of suffering is beyond measure and it is difficult to imagine or capture. I will attempt to put it starkly. The number of ordinary people experiencing crisis levels of hunger in Sudan is four times larger than the population of Ireland. Those who are currently displaced due to the conflict represent more than twice the population of Ireland. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, has rightly emphasised that these figures are not just statistics. Behind every number is a person, a family, a community whose lives have been shattered by this war. Many of us represent the Sudanese diaspora in our constituencies and who are living in the horror that it is their family that they are waiting on news from.

I am particularly concerned that women and children are bearing the brunt of this crisis, including 12 million at risk of sexual and gender-based violence. Rape is being used as a weapon of war on a daily basis in Sudan. These numbers and each individual story represent the devastating social and economic costs of conflict, the deliberate targeting of civilians, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance and the constriction of the humanitarian space by the parties to the conflict. They have demonstrated a blatant and outrageous disregard for international human rights and humanitarian norms and obligations. In their blood struggle for power the parties to the conflict have imposed a preventable and man-made crisis on the population. This is a man-made famine. The parties to the conflict are responsible for large-scale attacks on civilians, described by the UN as amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity, as I said, including using starvation and sexual and gender-based violence as weapons of war.

We cannot omit the significant role that external actors have played, including in the provision of military and other forms of support to the parties in the conflict, as Deputy Ó Laoghaire and I discussed this morning. I have heard the views of the Deputies in this debate and this morning very clearly. The actions of other states have prolonged the conflict and have fuelled further violence. Too many states are providing arms to the parties and sponsoring fighters from outside Sudan. We will continue to make clear in our multilateral and bilateral engagements that external interference must end and that every available diplomatic lever is utilised to bring the parties to the negotiating table with a view to ending this devastating conflict.

The world in which we find ourselves today is growing ever more complex, more fraught and at times more fragile. Around the globe we are witnessing an increasing number of conflicts, yet, despite this difficult landscape, Ireland remains steadfast in its commitment to addressing the world's most pressing issues through a strong multilateral system and a rules-based international order. Our approach is people-centred, with a firm commitment to human rights and humanitarian assistance for those most in need. To this end, in June, I signed a joint statement by 30 donor countries condemning attacks against civilians and humanitarian workers. I also joined an Australia-led declaration for the protection of humanitarian workers at the UN General Assembly in New York, where I signed it last September. We will uphold these core values and continue to pursue a multilateral approach.

To this end, Ireland will continue to call for greater attention on the conflict in Sudan, ensuring it remains on the international agenda; continue to leverage multilateral bilateral forums, particularly at the EU and the UN, to highlight the urgent humanitarian protection crisis; provide ongoing support to accountability mechanisms for international human rights and humanitarian abuses and violations; continue to provide funding for humanitarian assistance in response to the Sudan crisis - we will increase our funding in 2026; support de-escalation and mediation efforts together with our EU partners, ensuring there is substantive engagement and co-ordination between the various international regional and state actors involved; and advocate for a political process that is inclusive and civilian-led and support efforts such as by the African Union that encourage civilian engagement and dialogue.

While I welcome efforts by the international community to bring pressure to bear on the parties to engage in dialogue and agree to a cessation of hostilities, it is equally critical that we address these immediate and urgent priorities, regardless of the progression of these mediation efforts. Therefore, Ireland will continue to engage with our EU partners on the effective implementation of the humanitarian aspects of the Council's conclusions.

Accountability and justice remain core tenets of our support. We will continue to offer our unwavering support for international accountability mechanisms, such as the fact-finding mission and the International Criminal Court. We will continue to actively engage with the UN Human Rights Council on this issue. This includes supporting all efforts to thoroughly document, investigate and effectively address these grave concerns. Considering the scale of atrocities committed and the environment of impunity, it is vital that perpetrators are ultimately held accountable and brought to justice.

In a world where conflict and displacement are a daily reality for millions of people, and at a time when official development assistance is being reduced globally, I am proud that Ireland continues to increase its investment in development and humanitarian assistance. Even in such trying times, there are always opportunities to save lives and reach the furthest behind first. Our humanitarian funding is flexible and predictable, enabling partners to respond quickly to sudden and evolving needs. In 2026, we are committed to maintaining a needs-based approach with a focus on the most severe and forgotten crises, and we are firmly committed to increasing our funding to Sudan.

The international community must do more to exert greater pressure on the parties to return to the negotiating table and to engage in dialogue. Crucially, there must be substantive political engagement and co-ordination between the EU, the AU and the Quad and other international and national actors on de-escalation and mediation efforts.

In terms of the peace process, we cannot allow the exclusion of the Sudanese people to occur. When the fighting ends, it is often women who step forward to reconcile, to organise and to restore hope. Civil society actors and local humanitarian workers are vital throughout all stages of conflict, before, during and after. Recognising this, Ireland will continue to call for any negotiated political settlement to be permanent, peaceful, inclusive, civilian-led and one which respects the territorial integrity and unity of Sudan.

Looking to the longer term, we will stand ready to support the Sudanese people in their post-conflict recovery. There will be immense humanitarian and development needs. Fragile state institutions will need to be created and strengthened and the nation's economy and infrastructure rebuilt. Crucially, the social fabric must be repaired and a process of reconciliation initiated. This will be difficult, but it is essential. Sustainable peace depends on these efforts.

In conclusion, Ireland remains steadfast in its commitment to keeping this crisis on the international agenda and urging immediate meaningful action from all regional and international partners and actors. We remain sharply focused on our immediate priorities. Civilians must be protected, with urgent attention paid to safe passage for those fleeing violence and to the protection of women and girls, who remain at grave risk of sexual and gender-based violence. The protection of front-line humanitarian actors and local responders must be guaranteed in line with international law. This year is the most dangerous year in history for humanitarian workers. Between this conflict and the conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine, more humanitarian workers have been killed than ever before. It is not acceptable and we, the global community, must intensify our diplomatic and humanitarian efforts to bring these conflicts to an end, but also to protect humanitarian workers. I sincerely thank the Chamber for the range of Members' contributions this afternoon and the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach for her latitude.

Paula Butterly (Louth, Fine Gael)
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That concludes statements on Sudan. I thank the Deputies and the Minister.