Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour)

The Labour Party was calling for this debate for the last few weeks through the Business Committee, along with others. I am happy we are having it today. I also commend the majority of the Minister's statement on this. It was detailed and contained more additional policy coherence in relation to Sudan than we have seen to this point. In that regard, it is interesting to note that the European Parliament today adopted a joint motion for a resolution on the escalation of the war and the humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats group, of which my party is a member, voted in favour of this resolution giving the need for a strong message to the Sudanese people condemning the violence in El Fasher and across the country and urging robust action to stop the war. However, the text omits some of the key reasons and actors responsible for this conflict which have been deliberately left out by the European People's Party - a fraternal group of the Minister's party in the European Parliament - and the far right. Again, unfortunately, we see the main grouping in the European Parliament, the grouping of which Fine Gael is a member, again finding themselves in problematic, to say the least, positional, policy and moral territory when it comes to humanitarian rights, conflict and war.

Our group deplores that the resolution fails to explicitly mention the United Arab Emirates and its role in fuelling the war in Sudan. This is a crucial demand of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats group, as credible investigations have indicated that external actors, notably networks operating from and through the United Arab Emirates, have supported the RSF through financing and arms supply, thereby violating the UN embargo and EU restrictive measures. This is not unimportant. In her statement, the Minister spoke a number of times about the Quad as a group of states that are trying to broker a peace here, but the United Arab Emirates are part of the Quad and, as such, are a barrier to providing a trusted solution that can deliver peace. It feels as if we are a long way from peace at this point, as the conflict is escalating. The scale of conflicts happening all over the world at this moment is simply horrific.

I was taken with something the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, said this morning during foreign policy questions on Sudan. He said that this had been the worst year for humanitarian aid workers in terms of deaths and violence against them. It is no coincidence that the politicisation of humanitarian aid and its delivery go hand in hand with ensuring safe conditions under which humanitarian aid workers operate. We know those conditions have deteriorated to the point where too many are losing their lives or finding themselves caught up in warfare. That is a key part of the Minister's statement with which I fundamentally agree, namely, the need to depoliticise humanitarian aid and provision of humanitarian support.

That is nowhere more the case at this precise moment in time than in Sudan, where millions of Sudanese civilians are facing starvation, disease and relentless violence. To cite a research group from Yale, the violence is at a velocity not seen since Rwanda. Those of us in this country who are old enough to remember the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 will recall the work of Ireland and our amazing transformative President, Mary Robinson, at that time who highlighted what was going on in that country. It sends chills and shivers down my spine that, in 2025, we are seeing similar levels of catastrophic violence against all civilians, but in particular the impact on women and young girls, who suffer most in all conflicts. That is another point on which I agree with the emphasis of the Minister and the previous speaker from Sinn Féin. The violence, including sexual-based violence, is of such an horrific degree in Sudan that the suffering is at a level that is almost unimaginable. That is why we in the global north need to react in the strongest possible terms. For that reason, it is disappointing that the motion agreed in the European Parliament did not include the calling out of the UAE's role. I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Feighan, to bring that back through his line Minister to their party group in the EU.

Ireland has long stood for the rule of international law, strong humanitarian principles and the protection of civilians in conflict. Those values cannot and should not be selective. They cannot apply in some regions and not in others. The people of Sudan deserve our solidarity as much as the people who are suffering in Gaza, Ukraine and all over the world do. That is the bargain with which the Irish people stand and it cuts through geography, colour and creed. If you are suffering, dying or the victim of war, then the Irish people will stand with you and the Irish Government needs to back that up.

Analysis shows that roughly 21.2 million people are living in Sudan and 45% of the population are facing high levels of acute food insecurity. Famine conditions are ongoing in El Fasher in North Darfur and Kadugli in South Kordofan. Humanitarian access is being restricted or, indeed, weaponised, which brings us back to the point about the politicisation of humanitarian aid delivery. Disease is spreading rapidly. In just one area of the capital, more than 5,000 cases of malaria, typhoid and dengue fever occurred just a short few weeks ago, accompanied by dozens of deaths. Cholera, measles and other very preventable diseases are now commonplace due to the lack of clean water and the collapse of sanitation and basic healthcare systems. The situation is beyond dire.

While we are getting some images out of Sudan, we are not getting enough. We are getting satellite footage of mass graves and intelligence reports of what is going on but such is the constrictor-like grip that these forces have over their areas, we are not seeing what is actually going on. We can take it that the numbers are being underreported and that the conflict and violence are at a level that is much worse than we are seeing.

The conflict has destabilised the Horn of Africa and threatens to destabilise regions far beyond. Sudan sits at a strategic crossroads politically, geographically and economically. We know all that, but that is not at the core of why we need to act now. We need to act because millions are starving and the violence is growing. When the state collapses, extremism spreads, and that is what we are seeing.

What can we do? First, we must support a substantial increase in humanitarian assistance and work out ways in which we can deliver it. I welcome the funding that we have already given, which amounts to a total support to the people of Sudan in 2025 of €14.3 million. Ireland stands apart and separate - proudly so - from an awful lot of our European Union partner states, who are either freezing foreign aid or reducing it. The common narrative here is that Trump's America is the only state in the developed world that is cutting overseas development aid. However, in Trump's shadow, so are a lot of our European allies. We are not, nor should we, and we should be commended for that, but we should also be striving and pushing forward. The recent allocation of €3 million in funding, from which €1.5 million was reallocated to the Sudan humanitarian fund, which is managed by the UNOCHA, again shows our commitment to the United Nations, and €1.5 million to support the work of the UNHCR is an acknowledgement of the need for decisive action, but it should also be a step on which further steps should follow. Ireland has a respected voice in humanitarian aid. It is often trotted out that we punch above our weight, but that is because it is true. We can lead.

Second, we must firmly and consistently call for a ceasefire - not a temporary or symbolic cessation of hostilities, but a sustained and monitored commitment to end this conflict. Every day we delay, lives are lost in a conflict that has already claimed 150,000 victims. That is a conservative estimate. A ceasefire is essential to help create humanitarian corridors to allow agencies to reach those who are starving and to provide civilians with the opportunity for safety and stability. Ireland must work with partners in the region, and support partners in the region and the broader international community, to help build diplomatic pressure on the warring parties. A fragmented approach will fail, as we have seen time and again.

Third, we must push for accountability. The world has seen too many conflicts where atrocities are committed without consequences. We see too many conflicts happening today. Violations of international human rights law occur when civilians are targeted, aid is blocked or weaponised, and entire communities are uprooted or massacred. Those responsible must know that they will be held to account. The ICJ has already ruled that war crimes have taken place. How many times will we allow the perpetrator of war crimes to escape the consequences?

Fourth, we must raise public awareness. The Sudanese community in Ireland is demonstrating on O'Connell Street and on the streets of other cities and towns where they live, highlighting what is going on in their country. They are our fellow citizens here - for those who have taken citizenship - and they are sharing our space. They are sharing our towns, contributing to our communities and working in our hospitals and communities, and they deserve our support. We should listen to what our neighbours are saying. Crises that are invisible to the world become impossible to solve. Sudan has suffered from a lack of global attention. It has been overshadowed by other conflicts and political priorities.

The reality is the lack of scrutiny on what has happened in Sudan does not make its suffering vanish, it only facilitates its growth. Everyone in this Chamber needs to speak with greater clarity and urgency. It is welcome that Ireland successfully called for Sudan to be placed on the agenda at this month’s EU Foreign Affairs Council where restrictive measures against senior RSF commanders were adopted. The role we played in the formulation of the EU 27 statement issued by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the atrocities perpetrated by the RSF, including following the seizure of the city of El Fasher, is also welcome.

While I was unable to make this morning’s briefing from the Department of foreign affairs, to my regret, due to commitments at the Business Committee, I was glad to read of the Government’s commitment to pushing for peace in the region. Our work as a member of the Sudan core group in Geneva, which succeeded in ensuring the adoption of a resolution on the situation of El Fasher at the special session of the Human Rights Council on 14 November, which requested the fact-finding mission to conduct an urgent inquiry into the violations and abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed in and around El Fasher, is a positive step. It is also a very real example of our diplomats and our diplomatic power at work. We can effect change through our diplomatic corps. Its members do an amazing job. They are anonymous to the public and to many of us in this Chamber but they are the ones who exercise Ireland’s real soft and deliberate power in this area.

However, it is just one step of many more we must continue with. Millions of people are fighting for survival. Children are dying before their parents' eyes and families are fleeing or attempting to flee besieged cities and towns with just the clothes they have on their backs. Entire communities are being erased by violence, starvation and disease. Despite the efforts taking place, the world is not doing enough and not acting with the urgency this crisis demands. Ireland's voice, people in this House, our diplomatic corps, every sinew we can strain diplomatically and internationally must be calling for a durable and just peace in Sudan. Ultimately, resolving the conflict requires significant and sustained political will and a clear voice for peace. The people of Sudan need that voice now. I hope the Dáil will commit today to continue to work and support our diplomatic corps in doing what it can in the EU, United Nations and beyond. The Sudanese people deserve peace, dignity and the chance to rebuild their lives and to know the world has not abandoned them.

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