Seán Canney (Galway East, Independent)
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For almost 1,400 days, Ukraine has been subjected to an armed aggression, the likes of which had not darkened our Continent in decades. The actions of the Russian Government in invading the territory of a sovereign, independent state are an affront to humanity, conducted with flagrant disregard for the UN Charter and for international law. In the course of its military aggression, Russia has killed thousands of Ukrainians, occupied parts of the country, devastated towns and cities, deported thousands of Ukrainian children, has forced over 14 million people from their homes and has deepened the scourge of global hunger.

Russia intentionally cripples Ukrainian infrastructure and tortures its servicemen. It has razed historic sites to the ground and, simply put, has sought to extinguish any Ukrainian future from this very earth. Russian drones and missiles target Ukrainian cities on a regular basis. Swarms of up to 800 drones per night terrorise the people of Kyiv and other cities. These are not the actions of a country interested in peace.

In the face of brutal adversity, Ukrainians continue to demonstrate outstanding courage, resolve and determination. Today, I would like to honour their heroic efforts to defend their country and their freedom. Given our own history, nobody from Ireland could not feel a strong resonance with a people trying to defend their country from an imperialist oppressor that claims a right to subdue its neighbouring people and destroy their identity.

Ukrainians have done nothing to bring down this war on their heads. They deserve the right we all claim to determine their own future, in peace and security. President Putin seeks to contort history such that an aggressor is somehow a victim, the imperialist is liberator and the oppressor is the oppressed.

We cannot accept this tearing of the fabric of the international order and this perverse inversion of reality. We must return to the facts. Russia’s full-scale invasion was an act of unprovoked and unjustified aggression by an expansionist power against its neighbour.

In 1945, the United Nations collectively agreed to say, "Never again" to the atrocities that follow from expansionist violence, yet now such atrocities have returned in Ukraine, Palestine, Sudan and in other conflicts. We cannot resign ourselves to inaction. We must not begin to normalise this inhumanity that the United Nations worked so hard to consign to history. We are seeing the rapid erosion of the fundamental basis for multilateralism with this conflict and with it threats to the integrity and credibility of the UN Charter itself. The example of a permanent member of the Security Council privileging imperial ambitions over global security threatens all of us and it threatens our collective future. It calls into question the capacity for the peaceful settlement of disputes and frays the common threads of our peaceful co-existence as member states of the United Nations. In this, the 80th year of the UN’s founding, Russian actions in Ukraine raise profound questions and challenges for the international community.

If Russia is allowed to prevail, seizing territory it has no legal right to and causing untold death and destruction with impunity, this will simply further embolden it and give a green light for others to attempt the same. What happens in Ukraine reverberates across the globe. Such unprecedented challenges to the international rules-based order have necessarily been met with an unprecedented response. Ireland has been at the forefront of these efforts. At the United Nations, Ireland along with our EU partners, has supported every General Assembly resolution in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, including successful action to exclude Russia from the Human Rights Council.

During our term on the United Nations Security Council, Ireland delivered consistent, principled and powerful criticism of Russia’s war and defence of the UN Charter and the people of Ukraine. Ireland will continue to use our position and voice in the UN and in other international fora to support Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right to live in peace.

As Ukraine withstands Russian bombardment, it is our responsibility as a democracy to stand with them. In defending their nation, Ukrainians are also defending the universal principles that underpin our multilateral system: the rights of all people to live peacefully within their own borders and according to their own values and choices. This is why Ireland, together with the European Union and its member states, have mobilised unprecedented levels of support for Ukraine since the start of the Russian war of aggression. Since February 2022, the EU and its member states have provided almost €144 billion in support for Ukraine. This has been in the form of macro-financial assistance, budgetary support, emergency assistance, crisis response and humanitarian aid, as well as military assistance.

In February 2024, political agreement was reached on a €50 billion financial support package for Ukraine. The Ukraine facility will make available up to €50 billion in grants and loans until 2027 to cater for Ukraine's immediate needs, recovery and modernisation on its path towards the EU. Since February 2022, Ireland has committed over €380 million in political, humanitarian, economic and non-lethal military support to Ukraine.

In response to Russia’s illegal aggression, the European Union has adopted unprecedented sanctions. The EU first imposed Ukraine-related sanctions on Russia in 2014 in response to its illegal annexation of Crimea and its role in supporting separatists in Donbas. Since the full-scale invasion, the EU has adopted a total of 19 sanctions packages against Russia. We must continue to exert maximum pressure on Russia and limit its ability to wage its war of aggression against Ukraine. A broad range of sectoral sanctions have been put in place, including measures targeting Russia’s military, technology, transport and energy sectors. Ireland welcomed the adoption of the 19th package of sanctions against Russia in October and will continue to support the use of sanctions to pressure Russia. Together these measures are having an impact, making it harder for Russia to access battlefield goods and generate revenue to pay for its illegal war.

The decision by the European Council to open accession negotiations with Ukraine offers the prospect of a brighter future for the Ukrainian people. This year’s enlargement report confirmed that Ukraine has made significant progress on the path to membership in the European Union and reflects the results of systemic reforms implemented, despite all the challenges of the war. Ireland strongly supports Ukraine’s path towards EU membership. We will work to advance it under our Presidency of the Council of the European Union in 2026.

Ireland is a militarily neutral country. However, as we have said many times, we are not politically or morally neutral in the face of violations of international law and war crimes; quite the opposite. Our position is informed by the principles that drive our foreign policy: support for international human rights law, for humanitarian law and for a rules-based international order, and the rights of all countries to choose their own path.

We are not neutral when Russia disregards all of these principles. We will continue to stand with Ukraine because Ukraine is fighting not only for its own survival, but in defence of European security and European values. Ireland recognises that its continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. We are playing our part by providing non-lethal military support to Ukraine.

Through the Department of Defence, we continue to provide direct military support-in-kind. In June, five air defence radar systems and a fire tender were delivered to Ukraine.

A further donation of 34 vehicles, including ambulances, was delivered in two convoys in early September. Three Reacher bomb disposal robots were delivered to the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, UDCG, demining coalition in mid September. The Defence Forces will deliver a further training module of basic training to Ukrainian armed forces personnel via EUMAM Ukraine. This will take to 23 the total number of modules delivered by Irish personnel.

Through the framework of the European Defence Agency’s EU SatCom Market project, we provided support to Ukraine in respect to provision of satellite communications equipment at a value of €1.36 million. Ireland continues to contribute to the European Peace Facility, EPF, for non-lethal military support to Ukraine. At EU level, the release of the majority of remaining committed funding under the EPF is currently blocked. To date this year, we have committed €100 million in bilateral non-lethal military support to Ukraine. In July, €10 million each was provided to the UDCG coalitions on demining and IT support, led by Lithuania-Iceland and Estonia-Luxembourg, respectively. The remaining €80 million is being used primarily for the procurement of non-lethal elements of air defence in co-operation with EU member states with whom Ireland has agreed procurement partnerships for this purpose. The Government is firmly committed to continuing this strong support for Ukraine and expects to announce a further substantial package of non-lethal support shortly.

It is important to remember that while this war is being fought on Ukrainian territory, it is also a war on the Continent of Europe and against a country aspiring to join the European Union. It is perhaps easy to look eastward and believe the fires of war burning in Ukraine will never reach our shores and that distance is protection. Our commitment to a values-based foreign policy, multilateralism and a policy of military neutrality does not insulate us from the impacts of a rapidly changing and volatile international security environment that has become the new reality across Europe.

Russia’s increasingly provocative and reckless campaign of hybrid activity is raising concerns and tensions across Europe. Russia’s war of aggression must come to an end. We continue to call for a ceasefire to allow for meaningful negotiations to occur, negotiations that respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Regrettably, instead of agreeing to sit at the negotiating table, Russia chooses to escalate its attacks on Ukraine. I call on Russia to cease these brutal attacks. We will work alongside the US and European and other international partners in support of efforts for peace. This is not just critical for peace in Ukraine, but also for Ireland, for Europe and for the wider international community.

It is more important than ever that Ireland and our EU partners demonstrate our continuing solidarity to Ukraine in the face of Russia’s aggression. Russia’s aggression extends well beyond Ukraine. We have recently seen the airspace of our EU partners violated by drones and planes. The Government has strongly condemned these activities. Through its sustained pursuit of hybrid campaigns, Russia is a major threat to stability, democracy and social cohesion throughout Europe and beyond. These activities represent an attempt to divide member states, in particular in relation to support for Ukraine. Like other member states, Ireland is susceptible to these malicious acts, which include disruption to critical infrastructure, cyberattacks, spreading disinformation and attempts to interfere in electoral processes.

The Government takes the risks posed by these activities very seriously and we are responding. We are actively and constructively engaging in the development of EU policies aimed at combating hybrid threats, particularly Russia’s campaign of hybrid activity against the EU and its member states. We support the full use of all means available to prevent, deter and respond to Russia’s hybrid activities, including through sanctions. We will continue to work with our EU partners to strengthen our collective resilience. Domestically, the Government is implementing a range of relevant measures at national level to combat hybrid threats from state and non-state actors, including Russia, its proxies and aligned actors. This includes a substantial increase in investment in the National Cyber Security Centre, publication of a national counter-disinformation strategy, legislation enhancing election security through the Electoral Commission, the commencement of legislation on third country investment screening and control of exports.

The Department of Defence will publish Ireland’s first national maritime security strategy by the end of this year. We are also building up Ireland’s national capability to identify, mitigate and counter hybrid threats through our membership of the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats in Helsinki.

Internal repression in Russia has increased even further since Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Mr. Putin’s regime systematically represses opposition politicians, civil society organisations, independent media and other critical voices with the use of repressive legislation and politically motivated prison sentences. That is why, when he observes the rigours of debate and forceful civic engagement in the EU and democracies around the world, he concludes that we are divided and democracy is weak. When he invaded Ukraine, he thought Europe and its transatlantic partners would abandon Ukraine. He miscalculated and he is seeing it backfire. The EU and our international partners are united in our resolve to end this war and the threat it poses to our collective security.

In September 2024, then Taoiseach, Deputy Simon Harris and President Zelenskyy signed a comprehensive bilateral agreement on support and co-operation between Ireland and Ukraine. This agreement sends a clear signal to Russia that we will not waver in the face of the ongoing brutal aggression in Ukraine and signifies Ireland’s determination to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes. The Government’s focus remains on achieving a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, a peace that respects Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the principles of the UN Charter and international law.

Russia's war of aggression must come to an end. We continue to call for a ceasefire to allow meaningful negotiations to occur, negotiations that respect Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. Regrettably, instead of agreeing to sit at the negotiating table, Russia chooses to escalate its attacks on Ukraine. I call on Russia to cease these brutal attacks. We will work alongside the US and European and other international partners in support of efforts for peace. This is not just critical for peace in Ukraine but also for Ireland, Europe and the wider international community. It is more important than ever that Ireland and our EU partners demonstrate our continuing solidarity with Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression.

Micheál Martin (Cork South-Central, Fianna Fail)
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I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this important debate as we approach the fourth year of Russia’s full-scale illegal war of aggression against its peaceful neighbour, Ukraine. It is essential that we never lose sight of the fact that Russia, in a fundamental violation of the UN Charter and international law, launched an unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine, a European country and fellow United Nations member state. Each day Russia continues its brutal war against Ukraine and its occupation of Ukrainian territory is another day that Russia violates international law and makes the world, in particular Europe, a less secure, more dangerous place. How Europe and the international community respond will have far-reaching consequences for Ukraine, European security and the future of the rules-based international order.

Russia has continued its full-scale aggression without pause since 24 February 2022. Since then, indescribable suffering has been inflicted upon the people of Ukraine. Millions have been forced to flee their homeland and millions more are internally displaced. Hundreds of thousands have been killed with thousands more, including children, forcibly removed, tortured or arbitrarily imprisoned by Russian forces. Villages, towns and even entire cities have been completely destroyed in the fighting that continues unabated. Ukraine and the Ukrainian people are valiantly withstanding a massive recurring Russian onslaught. Nightly drone and missile strikes have intensified. These aerial bombardments are indiscriminate and do not distinguish between military targets and civilian infrastructure. Their sole objective is to impose terror, inflict suffering and break the spirit of the Ukrainian people.

Yet Ukraine and its people fight on, exercising their right under the UN Charter to defend themselves. Each day they continue their heroic efforts to defend their country and the fundamental freedoms that we in Ireland and across Europe hold dear, particularly the right of all people to live peacefully within their own borders without fear of being invaded. I witnessed the outstanding courage, resolve and determination of Ukrainians first-hand when I visited Kyiv in 2022 and 2023. I pay tribute again to the people of Ukraine for their bravery. I have paid this tribute directly to President Zelenskyy and in my latest phone call with him in September, I expressed my, and the Irish people’s, solidarity with the people of Ukraine. I invited President Zelenskyy to visit Ireland to witness first-hand this solidarity and I look forward to welcoming him in the near future.

Almost four years on from Russia’s full-scale invasion, tragically, it seems that we are no closer to peace. Russia is counting on us to grow tired and become distracted by competing priorities but it will be disappointed.

Alongside our European Union partners, Ireland’s support for the people and government of Ukraine is steadfast. Providing this continued support for Ukraine is not only the right thing to do but it is in our fundamental national interest. What happens in Ukraine today will shape the world we live in tomorrow. That is why Ireland’s support for Ukraine remains as strong today as it was on day one of Russia’s invasion. We will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

The European Union has been steadfast in its solidarity with Ukraine since the first day of this terrible war. We are working with our partners in the EU to provide real and tangible assistance to Ukraine and to respond substantially to Russia’s illegal invasion. This commitment was a major focus of October’s European Council meeting, where European leaders were briefed by President Zelenskyy on recent developments in Ukraine, including Russia’s escalation of strikes on civilians and civilian infrastructure. In response, my fellow leaders and I reconfirmed the EU’s unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. The EU is providing, in co-ordination with like-minded partners and allies, comprehensive political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people.

The EU is also working to show Russia that there is no positive outcome to the war. Through unprecedented EU sanctions, we are having an impact. Russia is finding it harder to access battlefield equipment and to generate revenue to pay for its illegal war. Russia must be held accountable for its actions and should have to pay for the destruction it has caused. There must be an economic cost to such flagrant violations of international law. This cost must also act as a deterrent against Russia or any other country contemplating any future violation of the UN Charter and international law. We therefore support the European Union’s initiative for a reparations loan to Ukraine using immobilised Russian assets.

We all want this war to end but it must end on the basis of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one that respects Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and the principles of the UN Charter and international law. It is also vital that Ukraine’s security is protected in the long term. That means strong, credible guarantees that ensure Ukraine can defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity to avoid a repetition of the past. Despite sustained US and European diplomatic efforts towards peace and Ukraine’s readiness to pursue it, Russia is intent on escalating the war.

The obvious reality is that President Putin continues each day to choose violence and destruction over peace, disregarding alternatives to its chosen path of needless invasion, war and further bloodshed. Time and again, the international community has offered Putin the chance to stop the killing, agree to a ceasefire and pursue peace and time and time again, he has refused. Actions speak louder than words. It is for Russia now to show through its actions a willingness to achieve peace by halting its brutal attacks and agreeing to a full and unconditional ceasefire. It can do so at any time. Now is the time to increase the pressure on Russia and to redouble efforts to secure a ceasefire.

As winter comes upon us, Russia is relentlessly targeting Ukraine’s energy facilities with drone and missile attacks, directly killing people in the process and imperilling the safety and security of all Ukrainians. Access to the most basic needs, including water, shelter and protection services, continues to be extremely challenging for many. If we, Ukraine’s allies and friends, do not step up and support its efforts to safeguard its critical infrastructure, more people will be displaced. Millions could be forced to leave their homes simply to stay alive. The humanitarian and regional consequences will be immense. In this context, it is more important than ever that we bolster support for Ukraine in every way we can.

Since 2022, Ireland has provided more than €273 million in bilateral assistance to Ukraine. This includes €173 million in humanitarian and stabilisation assistance and an additional €100 million in non-lethal military support for Ukraine, which was announced last March. Among the projects that Ireland is currently supporting are the construction of underground clinics to safely provide services at two Kharkiv maternity hospitals, the building of civic protection shelters and the provision of school meals to children in front-line districts. We are also providing financial support to carry out critical repair work to Ukraine’s war-damaged energy infrastructure. Our support for Ukraine will continue when this war ends and Ukraine can begin its recovery and reconstruction.

Russia’s full-scale invasion triggered the largest displacement crisis in Europe in decades, with millions displaced and in need of continued, life-saving support. Since February 2022, Ireland has granted temporary protection to over 120,000 Ukrainians forced to leave their homeland and seek sanctuary here, one of the highest per capitarates in Europe. We have invested significantly in providing a safe haven for Ukrainian refugees. Some sought refuge for a while before returning home. Some moved on to other countries. Some remain and are making an invaluable contribution, enriching our society and culture.

Many have been taken into homes and communities across the State, and I want to take a moment to thank the people of Ireland for their generosity in offering safe haven to so many Ukrainians. To the Ukrainians who are here, this is your home for as long you need it. I have no doubt that, in time, you will play a crucial role in rebuilding your country when it is once again safe to do so.

Russia’s war of aggression continues to have far-reaching consequences beyond the borders of Ukraine. It has compounded an already fragile global food security situation, with major implications for food and agricultural commodity prices. Russia continues to weaponise hunger by targeting Ukraine’s grain and critical infrastructure. This not only inflicts suffering on Ukrainian people, but also has a disproportionate impact on those most vulnerable to food insecurity around the world. Despite these significant challenges, the Ukrainian people have demonstrated their commitment to maintaining Ukraine as one of the world's top agricultural producers. Ukraine’s efforts to remain a top grain exporter help to defend us from global hunger.

When I visited Kyiv in July 2022, I had the honour of laying flowers at the memorial to the Holodomor, Ukraine’s catastrophic famine, which took place in the 1930s. Ireland recognises that the resulting trauma of that famine remains and is deeply felt by the Ukrainian people, shaping a profound empathy for those who suffer from hunger today. As a champion of global efforts to reduce hunger and starvation, rooted in our own historical experience of famine, Ireland will continue to work with Ukraine and our EU and international partners to meet the needs of people and communities affected by food insecurity. I am pleased to announce that Ireland will provide €2 million to the food from Ukraine programme, which will be launched at a food security summit in Kyiv tomorrow, and which will contribute to tackling global hunger and improving child nutrition.

We have read and heard horrific reports of gross and systematic violations of human rights by Russia. One of Russia’s most brutal and egregious crimes has been the forcible transfer of Ukrainian children from their homes. Ireland is a member of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children. In September, I participated in a meeting of the coalition at the UN General Assembly, where I expressed Ireland’s support for the efforts to ensure the safe return of Ukrainian children. Any peaceful resolution to Russia’s war must involve the return of all forcibly transferred people, including children. This is an appalling act and such actions amount to war crimes. We must work to hold those responsible to account.

Ireland supports the continued investigations of the International Criminal Court in Ukraine and welcomes the historic progress made towards establishing the special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. We are actively engaging with our partners in the Council of Europe to ensure that the special tribunal can be operational as quickly as possible.

This war and the threat posed by Russia are not only an existential threat to Ukraine, but a major challenge to the security we value so greatly. It is more important than ever that Europe and the United States continue to work together to achieve a just and lasting peace for Ukraine. A just and lasting peace must bring stability and security. It must respect international law, including the principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and that international borders must not be changed by force.

Ireland has always insisted that an end to the war must be obtained through diplomatic means, with the full participation of Ukraine in any peace talks. We welcome the efforts of all partners, including US President Donald Trump, towards that goal.

As Russia continues to refuse to come to the table, the world must increase economic and political pressure on it until it does. Those of us who have joined the coalition of the willing in support of Ukraine will stand with Ukraine, shoulder-to-shoulder, for as long as it takes. With our European and international partners, we will strengthen and tighten our sanctions and work to cut off Russia's energy revenues, the lifeblood of its war machine. We will also work to increase our support to Ukraine to strengthen its defences and protect Ukraine's critical infrastructure. We will put in place the security guarantees that Ukraine needs to underpin any future peace agreement. Ireland believes that, ultimately, the greatest security guarantee that we can offer to Ukraine is membership of the European Union, the most successful peace project in the history of this Continent. I have been a strong early supporter of Ukraine's pathway to membership of the European Union. As a Government, we strongly support Ukraine's application for EU membership and are determined to advance it under our Presidency of the European Union next year.

The world has been humbled by the strength and resilience of the people of Ukraine. While the current challenges may seem insurmountable, we must not falter in our resolve. We recognise that our continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. That is why Ireland stands with Ukraine now and in the future. Go raibh míle maith agaibh agus slava Ukraini.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I join both the Taoiseach and the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, in commending the people of Ukraine on their brave defence of their homeland and, equally, to utterly condemn Russia for its brutal and illegal war. Let there be no equivocation: there is one single aggressor and one sole reason for this brutal conflict, which is the madness of the dictatorship of Vladimir Putin that is driving this war. It is a war that is having an extremely material impact on every home, every household and every family that we represent in Dáil Éireann, in Ireland, but equally in so many homes, households and livelihoods across Europe and, most perversely, in the poorest countries of the world, which rely on the energy and food that would ordinarily come from Ukraine, but of course we see energy and food being used as weapons of war by the Russian war machine.

Let it not be lost on us that we are also seeing increasing activities of hybrid warfare emanating from Russia, as alluded to by the Minister of State, which is having a direct impact. That can be drones flying over European territory, criminal hacking of European systems or the sheer amount of disinformation being added to our political discourse here in Ireland and across the European Union. The Taoiseach and I both find ourselves on Russian sanctions lists, a deliberate act of provocation by the Russian embassy, located, sadly, in my constituency. That is why it is imperative that this brutal war be ended as soon as possible on terms that are true to what Ukraine stands for, in protecting its sovereign territory and independence, recognising the importance of the UN Charter and making sure that it dissuades those who see Russia's actions as being viable options for their own nationalistic goals or indeed encouraging Russia. If it is allowed to run amok continuously across Ukraine, where is next?

We must note that there has been tangible, real Irish support to the people of Ukraine, as alluded to by both the Taoiseach and Minister of State. People have opened their homes and communities to more than 118,000 Ukrainians since this outbreak of this iteration of the war. There has been very real humanitarian support and real, clear support from this Government for non-lethal efforts. I question anyone who says that the provision of training to de-mine Ukraine to stop women and children from being blown up in Ukraine by Russian mines. I question anyone who says that those are things that we should not be supporting. There is a peaceful future for the people of Ukraine and it must be a future that we in Ireland support through our absolute support, as the Taoiseach alluded to, for making sure that Ukraine has a speedy accession to the European Union.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Gabhaim buíochas leis an Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Geall le ceithre bliana ó shin, rinne Vladimir Putin agus an Rúis ionsaí uafásach ar an Úcráin, agus is é "uafásach" an focal ceart agus cuí le n-úsáid. Ina dhiaidh sin, lean an choimhlint agus cogadh is mó san Eoraip le 80 bliain anuas, agus go leor teifigh ag teacht as sin. Deirim arís gur ionsaí ar chearta agus ar saoirse muintir na hÚcráine, agus ar chearta na hÚcráine mar Stáit agus mar náisiúin, a bhí anseo. Léiriú ab ea é ar an tuairim atá ag Rialtas na Rúise gurb é cumhacht an rud céanna le ceart, agus gur féidir le cumhacht míleata lámh in uachtar a bheith aige ar dhaonnacht.

Nearly four years ago, Vladimir Putin's Russia launched a brutal war of aggression against its neighbour, Ukraine. "Brutal" is truly the word to use. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has resulted in the largest land conflict and greatest displacement of people on the European Continent in 80 years. I reiterate that Russia's attack on and bombardment of the Ukrainian people is an attack on sovereignty, peace and the right of a nation to be sovereign, independent and free. It is a vicious and violent expression of the dead-end belief that might is right and that military power can dominate humanity.

I first want to touch on the issue of the huge number of civilian casualties in this conflict, which remains considerably high and perhaps does not get the attention that it ought to. I reference the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, which highlights that civilian casualties in October 2025 remain high, with at least 148 killed and 929 injured, similar to the numbers in September and August. Most deaths and injuries, at about 65%, occurred near the front line. As in the previous month, the vast majority of civilian casualties, 97%, occurred in areas under the control of the government of Ukraine. October saw emergency power cuts across multiple regions of Ukraine, driven by the Russian Federation’s continued region-specific attacks and renewed large-scale strikes on energy and infrastructure. A considerable part of its strategy has been attacking civilian infrastructure, including energy and water, and the obvious impact that has on the quality of life, living conditions and humanitarian situation of the people of Ukraine.

Total civilian casualties from January to October 2025 are 27% higher than during the same period last year and the number of casualties for the first ten months of 2025 has already exceeded the total for all of 2024. These are shocking figures. It is extremely concerning and it points to an escalation of the situation of the sheer scale of civilian harm we are seeing in Ukraine. Unfortunately, the situation is only getting worse. We must remember that behind all those figures are real men, women and children whose lives have been shattered, destroyed and turned upside-down. Tá pobal iomlán tar éis dul tríd rudaí uafásacha. Tá go leor daoine tar éis baill teaghlaigh a chailliúint, idir deartháireacha, iníonacha, uncailí, cairde, pé rud é. Is dócha go mbeidh an fhulaingt sin ann fós i ndiaidh deireadh an chogaidh, pé uair a tharlaíonn sé.

I am reminded of the horrific scenes we watched on our television screens in February 2022 when this brutal war began. I remember the gut-wrenching feeling as we watched, appalled, as families, women and children, walked through the cold for hours, climbed on and off packed trains and trucks, forced to flee for their lives, uncertain what their future held. The people of Ireland showed great solidarity and their hearts went out to everyone affected.

Since then, as we know, millions of Ukrainian people have been forced to leave their homeland. I acknowledge the people in Ireland who have done what they can to support the Ukrainian people who arrived here. In spite of this and the situation that is faced by the people of Ukraine, ordinary civilians in Ukraine have persevered, shown immense courage and resilience, continued their everyday lives and kept their country going despite the severe challenges and brutality that they have faced.

They are faced with incredible challenges and attacks that greatly impact their ability to do the basic things, such as provide education, healthcare, heating and water distribution, and just get on with day-to-day living.

There is no doubt that the Russian Federation and Vladimir Putin himself significantly underestimated Ukraine and the resolve of its people, which has been clearly demonstrated since the war broke out in February 2022. Since then, the attacks have only become fiercer and more cynical. Ukraine's energy infrastructure has come under severe attack. There have been numerous large-scale, co-ordinated attacks over the course of this conflict, which has created a serious electricity deficit and difficulties for ordinary people. There is a particular danger in relation to attacks on the nuclear facilities at Zaporizhzhia and Chernobyl. There is no question that what we have seen in locations such as Bucha, Mariupol and elsewhere has been barbarism on the part of the Russian Federation. There have been completely unacceptable and despicable attacks on the Ukrainian people.

Russia's war also extends beyond the destruction of civilian and critical infrastructure and murder. It affects the lives of countless Ukrainian families through the reported forcible deportation of children. I pay tribute to the work done by the Ukrainian ambassador in recent years in articulating, with great force, passion and clarity, the situation of Ukrainian people at home and in Ireland. At the foreign affairs committee recently, she outlined the horrific situation of the forcible abduction of children. Thousands of children have been illegally transferred and, in some instances, adopted or conscripted into the Russian military from Ukraine. On that occasion, the ambassador told the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade:

Their identities are falsified, their ties to Ukraine severed and their futures put in jeopardy. These actions amount to a systematic and unprecedented genocide, targeting the very future of the Ukrainian people. Russia attacks the very essence of childhood itself to erase Ukrainian identity. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova, a landmark move underscoring the moral and legal gravity of these crimes. ... Those who have adopted and hidden Ukrainian children under false pretences must also be held accountable.

We have heard that the confirmed number is over 20,000 but the real figure could be multiples of this for children who were abducted and forcibly displaced to Russia. It is heartbreaking to hear the reports of parents who have lost their children, who were taken under the pretext of summer camps in the occupied territories and moved deeper into regions of Russia where their parents cannot find them. I am not sure this gets the attention that it ought to in this country. It is a crime that is difficult to comprehend. It simply does not bear thinking about.

The Irish people have been clear on whose side they stand. For 45 months, the courageous people of Ukraine have stood against the Russian onslaught and the brutal invasion. We hope peace may be delivered, although when and on what terms we do not know. On that day, there will be a need to support the Ukrainian people in rebuilding their country. Unfortunately, it is clear that Russia is not interested in peace at this moment in time. The Irish people have supported the Ukrainian people in the wake of this invasion. I reiterate Sinn Féin's solidarity with the people of Ukraine.

Táimid soiléir gur sáraíodh an dlí idirnáisiúnta ar an gceist seo. We are clear that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a blatant breach of international law. It is full-scale aggression that has been defined by the potential war crimes committed by the Russian military against innocent people. We call for a co-ordinated and concerted effort by the international community to secure an end to the hostilities and bring about peace. However, that peace needs to be on the basis of a just settlement for the people of Ukraine that respects Ukraine's rights. Ireland must use its voice to the greatest extent possible to achieve and support such an end.

Ireland remains a militarily neutral country but that does not mean we are politically neutral. We are clear that this is a war of aggression and that the Russian Federation is the aggressor. It is clear that, at this time, the Russian Federation is paying mere lip service, if even that, to peace negotiations. In my view, it is incumbent on the international community to leverage greater pressure on Russia to come to the negotiating table and deliver a potential peace, but a peace that respects the rights of the people of Ukraine.

To conclude, it has been nearly four years since the commencement of the brutal war in Ukraine. When we have had statements to mark the anniversary of the war, we have all hoped not to have to mark another year. Unfortunately, that is the case, and the people of Ukraine have been let down in that regard. We must do whatever we can at the Irish level to use our voice internationally for peace and to show solidarity with Ukraine. We must ensure that if peace comes, it respects the rights of the people of Ukraine and their territorial integrity.

Ann Graves (Dublin Fingal East, Sinn Fein)
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The Irish people stand in solidarity with Ukraine. We have actively supported the Ukrainian people since the Russian invasion in February 2022. This illegal invasion has caused huge instability in Europe. The trauma of this war has moved way beyond the borders of Ukraine and Russia. The incursion of Russian drones into Poland’s airspace is completely unacceptable, reckless and provocative. It is a further example of a Russian Government that is intent on provocation and destabilisation in the region. It is a breach of international law and must be taken with the utmost seriousness. The Russian Government should stop interfering in the airspace of other countries. Furthermore, it should end its war of aggression in Ukraine and engage in meaningful peace talks.

Since March 2022, 5.6 million people have fled Ukraine. Almost 140,000 Ukrainians fled to Ireland seeking sanctuary from the war in their homeland. Many want to return home as soon as peace breaks out but over 80,000 have remained here, making Ireland their home.

Sinn Féin utterly condemns Russia’s aggression in Ukraine. Putin’s invasion brought the horrors of war back to the centre of Europe, something previous generations hoped they would never see again. Like all wars, the war in Ukraine will have to come to an end. Sinn Féin calls for a co-ordinated and concerted effort by the international community to secure an end to the conflict. The world must put the same effort into making peace as has gone into making war. Ukraine, Russia, the United States, the EU and the UN must play a role in bringing this conflict to an end. This will require putting the interests of the people of the region above other geopolitical interests, including the profit-motivated interests of the armaments industries. These negotiations must include Ukraine. There can be nothing agreed without the consent of Kyiv. Ireland must use its position as a neutral state to aid these efforts.

The war in Ukraine is taking a terrible toll on the people of the region. Total civilian casualties from January to October 2025 are 27% higher than during the same period last year. Today, the Ukrainian Government confirmed that as many soldiers have deserted the army as are in the entire Ukrainian army. Security forces are rounding up men to force them to fight at the front. It is time to reiterate our call for a sustainable, permanent and just outcome to the war through a negotiated peace settlement.

The cost of this war is paid in human misery. Those who suffer the most have no control over the war itself. Siegfried Sassoon’s “Base Details” paints the picture: those who make the decisions about war do so from the safety of bunkers, far removed from the front line. Sadly, this applies to war in Ukraine as much as it did during the First World War, when the poem was written. As we look around the world, we see the terrible cost to civilians during wars, particularly women and children. In the genocide in Gaza, the war in Sudan and the war here in Europe, it is civilians who carry the burden of casualties, as well as the decision to try to flee the warzones.

Today, the message from the Dáil is clear. Ireland stands for peace with justice. We must lead the demands for negotiations, and Ireland must be prepared to use its influence to facilitate those negotiations. Our own history shows that conflict, no matter how intractable it appears, can only be resolved through talks and negotiations. In fact, our peace process proves it is only through talks that the seeds of peace can be sown. Current conflicts in Ukraine and Sudan, and the ongoing genocide in Gaza, are heartbreaking. These conflicts must be brought to a just resolution. Sadly, bullets and bombs make huge profits for the warmongers. Only yesterday, Germany resumed exporting weapons to Israel, having partially suspended their export in August this year.

By March 2024, the US and EU had supplied a combined total of €246 billion in military aid to Ukraine. Meanwhile, Russia had spent an estimated €215 billion on the war in Ukraine. Sinn Féin and the Irish people oppose these conflicts and those profiteering from them. We want a Europe in peace and a world where peace, prosperity and stability reign.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
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Like many of us, I remember when we woke one morning in February 2022 to learn Russia had invaded Ukraine. In the first week, everyone wondered what would happen and believed the Russians would roll over the Ukrainians very quickly. What has happened has proved otherwise, and it is certainly a tribute to the resilience and courage of the Ukrainian people that they have held up for so long against what would always have been considered a huge global military power and that they have been able to fight back and hold the line. Of course, they have done that with the support of many, none more than the people of Ireland, who welcomed thousands of them here. In the first few weeks, many of us worked with people we knew or got to know from Ukraine to help to bring families here, accommodate them and work with them. Many of those people have become part of communities in different parts of the country and have been a huge asset. Many I have got to know have told horrific stories of things that happened to their families back home. One man I know from my community told me his sister was killed in the very early days of the war. Since then, three members of his extended family have died. All were civilians. In conflicts like this, the people who suffer most are usually civilians, and that has been very much the case as a consequence of the brutal aggression of Russia against its neighbour. Of course, Vladimir Putin is basically a fascist dictator trying to expand his power and grow his influence. It is clear that he has to be stood up to.

Unfortunately, with the change in regime in the US, we do not see as steadfast a line being drawn there. We have had talks and new dawns promised, including at the Alaska talks, and peace was supposed to be coming but it has not come. It has not because ultimately Putin does not want peace; Putin wants to continue the war. Unless an aggressor accepts that they have to stop, retreat and go back to the negotiating table, a war will continue. That has been the tragedy for hundreds of thousands of people in Ukraine.

I have often thought that if the hundreds of billions spent, through the war industry, on the Ukraine war alone were spent on health services or anything positive for humanity, it would make such a difference. Instead, we have genocide in Gaza and genocide in Sudan, which is going to continue. Such conflicts are feeding an industry that is making huge profits from them. That link is not pointed out often enough. We need to be firm on this and recognise that vested interests do not want war to stop, very often with tragic consequences for so many.

The Irish people have played their role. Very many families opened their hearts and homes to people from Ukraine and were enriched by that experience and by having Ukrainians in their communities. That welcome must continue. Sometimes I hear a backlash in some of our communities and all sorts of negative comments about people who come here from Ukraine or other countries. We must be very conscious that only this week a man was convicted in the courts of the murder of someone simply because he thought that person did not speak English. That tells us we have a huge problem boiling under the surface in this country. We have to address the problems of racism, Islamophobia and other prejudices. We cannot avoid that reality. While we welcome and want to accommodate people fleeing conflict and situations in which they would have their human rights denied, we recognise that, while they enrich our country, there are those with a very negative agenda. That has to be fought against.

The Irish people stand wholeheartedly with the people of Ukraine against the aggression of Russia. We want to see peace come about. We all know that peace can come about only if the aggressor accepts that peace should prevail. It is certainly the view of most people that until Vladimir Putin feels strong economic pressure, he will not relent. That pressure must come from all countries, not only those in Europe. They must stop buying Russian oil and exert maximum sanctions to ensure Russia is brought to heel and to the negotiating table to work out a settlement that will give Ukraine back its territory and ensure a full and final peace settlement. There cannot be a settlement if Ukrainian representatives are outside the door. It is vital that they be part of it.

I am glad to be here to address this issue. Ultimately, the Irish are very clear that they want to see peace everywhere in the world. They want the many Ukrainian friends they have made to have a happy and peaceful place to go back to.

Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak on these statements today. Some may believe the situation in Ukraine has gone away, calmed down or settled. Nothing could be further from the truth. This war is becoming more fraught by the day. Despite the invasion and aggression by Russia, the Ukrainian people continue to display immense bravery and dedication to their nation. We are now nearly four years into this war, a war that has shattered lives, displaced families and fundamentally changed the landscape in Europe.

The stakes for Europe are very high. We need to be clear that Russia will not stop in Ukraine. This is what our friends and allies in the Baltics believe to be true, and it is what we see in Russia’s interference in other parts of Europe through its hybrid tactics. We have a moral duty to stand with our allies in Europe, including Ukraine. We must also push back against those who say Europe should not continue to support Ukraine.

Yesterday, Viktor Orbán pushed, not for the first time, the idea that Ukraine should not receive any more help from Europe. He went as far as to say that giving more aid to Ukraine is a bit like trying to help an alcoholic by sending them another crate of vodka. This is the Head of Government of a state within the EU. It is disgraceful and deeply offensive. Our Government, including our new Minister for foreign affairs, must do everything in her power to push back against the Hungarian Government and ensure the Ukrainian people can continue to rely on Europe as a whole. If the past weekend has shown us anything, it is that the Irish certainly know how to put pressure on the Hungarians.

The truth of the matter is that things are not getting better in or for Ukraine. The Russian military’s rapid advance in the Zaporizhzhia region, where it has reportedly taken two more villages, is of great concern. Russia’s attacks on the energy grid continue to ramp up as it attempts to squeeze the country during the winter. The statistics on this are very worrying. Sixty four percent of Ukraine’s 25 GW generating capacity has been either destroyed or occupied since 2024. Ukraine has lost 80% of its thermal capacity since 2024. As of autumn of this year, its energy infrastructure has been operating at only about one third of its pre-invasion generation capacity. As of October 2025, Russia has destroyed 60% of Ukraine’s gas production capacity. This points to an area of aid that Ireland can provide. It can provide tools to help to rebuild the grid and emergency generators. The Irish Government needs to continue to offer support in this regard. We are blessed by our geographic location, which in modern times has left us far away from bad actors such as Russia, which wishes to do us and our allies harm, but we should never take our location for granted, nor should we use our geography to wash our hands of our responsibility to stand in solidarity with our allied nations.

Occupation is something this island knows well. However, the scale of violence due to Russia’s illegal war is something beyond even our knowledge of occupation. Ukraine has had 400,000 members of its military killed or injured, with a further 35,000 missing as of January 2025. Over 14,000 Ukrainian civilians have also been killed. This is a nation and people scarred who are now also spread out all across the world. Over 9.5 million Ukrainians have been displaced by this war, which is 22% of the country’s population.

Imagine for a second that was you and your family who had to flee from your home. No matter how welcoming the host country and family were, it is not where you would truly want to be. Now imagine that political parties in the country to which you fled are deciding to use you for political point scoring. In an Independent Ireland statement last night, Deputy O’Flynn stated, "We cannot go on handing out medical cards to anyone who happens to arrive here bearing a Ukrainian passport". That is the view of Deputy O’Flynn and Independent Ireland. They should be ashamed of themselves. We all know the pitch at which Independent Ireland’s whistle is being set with its Ireland-first policy. It is the party of statements and blusters. We in the Labour Party will not throw Ukrainian people under the bus for a headline. Indeed, our housing spokesperson, Deputy Conor Sheehan, rightly called out the Government this month for the huge lack of clarity it gave the Ukrainian people living in Ireland over its commitment to change entitlements. Without a real plan, the Government risks causing mass homelessness for people who we have rightly supported to this point and still claim to support. The Government should show us it supports them, rather than simply telling us it does.

The attack yesterday on a Polish railway that was key for delivering supplies into Ukraine should be a stark reminder that Russia is a dangerous aggressor to all of Europe. Indeed, a Romanian village has also had to be evacuated yesterday due to a Russian attack near its border. I worry when I see certain politicians try to downplay what Russia is and what it is doing. It is using a hybrid war across the Continent, make no mistake about that. We simply cannot keep our heads in the sand about this. Hybrid warfare is being waged on continental Europe, of which Ireland has been a victim through the HSE attack. We also see worrying activity in our waters and the vulnerability of our undersea cables.

I welcome the increased investment in the national cybersecurity centre in this budget. As our party’s spokesperson on defence, I have met experts and, to be frank, I am greatly concerned with the reactive state of our cybersecurity. The HSE cyberattack, which was instigated by a Russian group, is a warning sign for just how vulnerable we are. With speed and overdue urgency, we need to move to a more proactive space on cyber.

From reports, it seems that President Zelenskyy will be travelling to Ireland in December. What will this Government tell him when he lands? Will it be news that it plans to provide greater support to the people of Ukraine or that the amount of time Ukrainian refugees are housed in State accommodation is to be examined and potentially reduced from 90 to 30 days? I fear we, like others in Europe, are slipping into a place of complacency and acceptance that a Russian victory is inevitable. It is not just here but around Europe governments are talking about cuts to refugees from this war. Statements from Prime Minister Tusk this week fuel those fears. The Prime Minister’s statement that, “Enthusiasm for supporting Ukraine has weakened in Poland and abroad. People are tired of the war and its costs, so maintaining support is harder”, is not helpful to the morale of the Ukrainian people. They cannot be allowed to feel abandoned. Indeed, they cannot be abandoned. This is not a war they wanted or sought. Rather, it is a war that was thrust upon them by an illegal invasion. No one is more tired of this war and its costs than the people of Ukraine. We cannot let apathy take hold. We cannot let the Ukrainian people become a political football and we cannot stop our support for a free, sovereign and democratic Ukraine. Like with Palestine, the history books will remember not just those who stood on the right side of history with this conflict but those who supported the Ukrainian people.

I am proud of what we have done so far as a nation. The effort of the Irish people to support the Ukrainian people who have arrived and settled here has been immense. They are our friends and neighbours and an important part of so many communities. Let us continue our support for the people of Ukraine so when President Zelenskyy arrives in Ireland, we can look him in the eye and tell him Ireland does now and will always support a free and democratic Ukraine.

Malcolm Byrne (Wicklow-Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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Notwithstanding other matters that may have happened today, I believe this is the most important debate to be happening in this House. It is not just about Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine but, rather, a question around the war in Europe and, indeed, a war on Europe by an increasingly aggressive Russia. I have to express my disappointment that while every other parliament in Europe has been debating and exploring this issue, this is the first time since the summer we have had the opportunity to have statements on this matter, even though I have requested it every week since we came back after the summer. It also reflects a lack of media coverage of the ongoing war in Ukraine. With some notable exceptions, we do not get the level of attention paid to what is happening. In many other countries in Europe, there is an exploration of what this means for those countries and Europe more widely. I criticise The Irish Times in particular, which decided to publish an opinion piece this week in which other European countries were criticised for deciding to invest in defence but yet not once in that opinion piece was the reason mentioned, that is, their fear of the threat coming from Russia.

I welcome the fact that President Zelenskyy is likely to come to Ireland in December. I called previously for him to be invited to address the joint Houses in person, as he previously did online. It would be welcome both to show our solidarity in these Houses and also to recognise the enormous contribution of those Ukrainians who came here, both before and after the war, and how they are contributing to all of our communities.

Next year, Ireland will hold the Presidency of the European Council of the European Union. It is at a critical period. We have always had a very proud record in support of enlargement. We need to use that period of our Presidency to do what we can to further Ukraine’s future membership of the European Union. In the same way in 1990, when Charles Haughey was Taoiseach, we held the Presidency and we supported a unified Germany becoming a member of the EU. In 2004, when Bertie Ahern was Taoiseach during that EU Presidency, we supported the largest ever accession when ten countries, including eight from central and eastern Europe, joined the EU. We should do whatever we can to support the accession of Ukraine and, indeed, other countries at that time.

I commend those members of the European Parliament - I note Barry Andrews, for instance, is currently in Ukraine - who have continued to ensure at a European level that all European countries, including Ireland, continue to show solidarity with Ukraine. Indeed, questions should be asked of some of our MEPs who have failed to show that solidarity over the last number of years.

We know about the horrors of the impact of the war in Ukraine. Yet, as I said, they are not sufficiently debated in this House. It is horrific that there are now an estimated 20,000 Ukrainian children who have been forcibly transferred to areas under Russian control by the Russian defence forces. Think about that number - 20,000 children - and the impact that has on their families and, more importantly, the long-term trauma of those children. We know that Putin has no regard for the rights of those children. Yet, why is it that we are not doing enough to ensure that they are reunited with their families?

I wish to touch on a number of questions that we as a country need to address in our own context with regard to security and defence. I will start by referencing the Russian shadow fleet. RTÉ has previously reported that, based on intelligence, 245 shadow fleet vessels have passed through Irish waters more than 450 times in the first seven months of this year. A total of 72 of those vessels were named by intelligence as already being on sanctions lists and many of those were part of the Russian shadow fleet.

I find it bizarre that we are not calling this out in this House the whole time. We can be absolutely certain that if an American vessel was in Irish waters without permission, people in this House would rightly be criticising it and screaming and shouting. If an Israeli vessel was unlawfully in Irish waters, we would be having debates nearly every week about the issue. The Russian shadow fleet, though, is passing through without debate in this House and, quite frankly, without sufficient action being taken. I welcome the fact that Canada, which is at the other side of the exclusive economic zone and shares responsibility for much of the Atlantic, is now stepping up pressure against the Russian shadow fleet. In terms of our responsibility, particularly if we really are a neutral country, then we do need to take action, not only because this shadow fleet is engaged in sanction-busting but because many of these vessels are, for want of a better description, rust buckets. If any of them are in any way damaged or are transferring oil in the Atlantic or other parts of the world, there is a huge environmental risk and this will impact Irish waters. Yet, we have never had a debate about the Russian shadow fleet operating within our waters.

When we look at cyber infrastructure, again, people here know only too well about the HSE attack, which Deputy Duncan Smith referred to. Ultimately, it will have cost the State in excess of €500 million, but more importantly, lives were lost as a result of it. We are seeing increasing numbers of cyberattacks by Russia on Ireland and on other European states. This is because Russia does not respect Ireland's neutrality when it comes to cyberspace. It is determined to do anything to undermine states that believe in democracy, human rights and the rule of law. We can see this too if we look at the attempts by Russia to influence Romania and Moldova in their elections. I have no doubt that we will see Russian bots trying to influence elections here in Ireland in the future and we need to be prepared for that.

I make no apologies for saying we need to stand in solidarity with our European partners and neighbours, in the same way they showed great solidarity with us when we faced the threats of Brexit. If we look at what has happened to our fellow European states, the Estonians, the Lithuanians and the Latvians can tell us plenty in terms of the cyberattacks over the last number of years, but it is not just about what has happened in recent years. Let us look at even just the last few months. In September alone, Members will be aware that 19 unarmed Russian drones landed in Poland. That was no accident. In Denmark, when European leaders, including the Taoiseach, were gathering, drone attacks led to the closure of the airports around Copenhagen. At the same time, three Russian MiG-31 jets violated Estonian airspace. We know, therefore, that Russia is showing increased aggression, not just to Ukraine but to other European countries. Indeed, Boris Pistorius, the German defence minister, who is an SPD politician, a social democrat, has warned that he is now expecting increasing Russian escalation and has said that this past summer may have been the last summer Europe is at peace.

We should not, therefore, underestimate the threat being posed to Europe. This is no longer a conflict purely about Ukraine. This is about a war on Europe by an increasingly hostile Russian regime. I am someone who deeply believes in multilateralism and I am strongly committed to the UN Charter. Yet, there are those who believe that in this country we should not be preparing to deal with the potential threat of increased Russian aggression, and who believe that Russia will have no interest, somehow, in Ireland. I say we should be listening to our friends in the Baltics and in central and eastern Europe because they know from their experience exactly what is going on. Anybody in this House who expects Vladimir Putin to respect the UN Charter is clearly deluded. There is absolutely no hope of Putin respecting it.

It is really important that we continue to focus on providing whatever support we can - non-military support - to Ukraine. We need to continue to call out Russia at every international forum, whether it is for the cyberattacks, its brutal war against Ukraine, the abduction of children or the undermining of the UN Charter. This issue is incredibly important. I cannot figure out why, when we have Russian vessels operating in our waters, we are not debating this issue every week. Why are we not debating this issue when the key aspects of digital and energy infrastructure are under threat from Russian vessels and the shadow fleet operating in Irish waters? People say the Russians are not going to touch us. Well, they already are. Why do we think the Russian fleet and the shadow fleet are operating in Irish waters? Anybody in this House who has any doubts should talk to states like Finland and Sweden, states that share our perspective on the world, and they will tell them exactly about the threats we face. I believe that in this House and in many of the public debates, we have been naive and gullible about the threat being faced in Europe by Russia. We really need to finally face up to it.

I welcome the fact we are having a debate today. This has to be the top priority for our new Minister for foreign affairs. I wish her well in that role. We should have no doubt that in our Presidency of the EU Council next year, this will be an even bigger issue. The threat will be even more significant. When it comes to cybersecurity and protecting our waters, we are going to have to face up to it. We need to continue to show our support for Ukraine, but equally, we need to make sure this country and the rest of Europe are prepared for what is happening. I hope the Minister of State will bring this topic to her colleagues in the Government. I have been disappointed so far in that I do not believe this matter has received sufficient attention either in this House or by the Government, but by God, we are going to need to address it.

In the meantime, to the many people from Ukraine who have found their home here and found refuge, I continue to say "slava Ukraini". We will continue to support those people. You are welcome here. Thank you for your contribution. For however long it takes in your battle to uphold the principles of democracy, the rule of law and human rights, we will stand by you.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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On behalf of Deputy Heneghan, I welcome Gavin, Myles, Joan and David Flood to the Public Gallery. They are all very welcome. I hope they enjoy the debate and their time here in the Leinster House. I call on Deputy Rory Hearne.

Rory Hearne (Dublin North-West, Social Democrats)
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Go raibh míle maith agat. I start by expressing the Social Democrats' warm welcome for President Zelenskyy's upcoming visit and our absolute, unreserved condemnation of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which is an imperial war that has caused massive loss of life. We talk about the war in Ukraine and Russia's attack and sometimes I think there has not been enough focus on the number of people killed in that war, and particularly military - the soldiers on either side. We do not know the exact figures, but from what we do know they are absolutely shocking.

There are potentially 250,000 Russian soldiers dead with up to 1 million casualties, including wounded. In Ukraine, the figures are between 60,000 and 100,000 soldiers killed. That is at least 350,000 people, many of them soldiers, killed in that war. These are human beings whose lives have been wiped out by that war. Up to 1.5 million people are casualties of the Russian invasion, an illegal invasion, with many war crimes as part of that.

When we talk about the war in Ukraine and European defence, we need to keep those numbers in mind. The question that comes to my mind is how many more tens or hundreds of thousands of people are going to be killed in the Russian invasion and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war? When we talk about building European defence and this move to war and war preparedness in Europe, we really need to question how many Europeans are going to get killed in the ongoing war and how many people are going to lose their lives.

I reiterate our firm support for Ukraine's sovereignty and its territorial integrity. We call for and want to see further strengthening of economic sanctions on Russia. We believe the European Union and Ireland could be doing more to implement those sanctions. The use of military force is not the only way to challenge aggressors like Russia. The economic sanctions are also very important and the European Union and Ireland should be pushing harder on this by increasing the sanctions that are there.

In this debate, I want to talk about our concerns around the undermining of Ireland's neutrality, the push to war that is happening at a European level, and that greater European involvement in war and defence being termed as increasing the European Union's security and defence. I am deeply concerned about the direction the European Union is going in. Of course we have to stop the Ukraine-Russia war and that Russian invasion but war is not the only way to do it. We have to find peaceful ways to resolve this war.

I want to speak in short about and quote Ms Kaja Kallas, the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission. Her comments deeply worried me when I saw them. This is from last week. Her role is to lead a more strategic and assertive foreign and security policy at EU level. She is responsible for strengthening Europe's security and defence. She points out that she is ensuring Europe stands with Ukraine and co-ordinating the work to build a European defence union. She said: "Wars are lost by whoever runs out of money or soldiers first." I want to repeat that statement. She said: "Wars are lost by whoever runs out of money or soldiers first." Wars are not just lost or ended by whoever runs out of money or soldiers. They are ended by interventions by states through the United Nations, different mechanisms, diplomatic measures and peace negotiations. I am deeply disturbed by that statement.

What is the future for ending the Ukraine war? Is it constantly pumping in more money and soldiers with more deaths? How many deaths are we going to reach? Will it be 500,000 or 1 million people who will die in that war? Ireland needs to play a role of peacemaker and call out that the only way to end wars is not just by pumping money into weapons or killing more and more people, where whoever loses decides they have lost the most amount, but by diplomacy, intervention and a human rights framework that we have signed up to as a country and are part of. I again urge our Government to pursue paths of peace, diplomacy, pressure and economic sanctions rather than just this drive to a deeper pumping of billions into war and this war machine that is being built up.

It is deeply disappointing that the European Union is suspending its fiscal rules and basically saying to countries that they should spend whatever they need to pump up defence spending. Yet when we see a housing crisis across the European Union and millions who are without a proper home, there is no such suspension of the fiscal rules to enable social spending for that. When we look at issues around the cost of living and basic services for disability around the European Union and when we look at poverty, there is no such relaxing of fiscal rules. I question why we are suspending fiscal rules for defence and pumping billions in and yet we are not doing that for people's basic standards of living. When we talk about the safety and security of our people, their welfare is the basic foundation block of building safety and security. I am deeply concerned that we are marching as part of a European drumbeat to a war. Ms Kallas said:

Next week ... [she] will present ... with the [European] Commission, a plan to improve military mobility [in Europe] ... this will include proposals to make our roads, bridges, tunnels, train lines, airports and other infrastructure projects able to cope with large scale military movements ...

We are preparing our European infrastructure for large scale military movements but we do not prepare for or invest in our European infrastructure to ensure our people have housing, healthcare, decent quality of services or even transport. It has to be worrying to see our European Commission talk about preparing our European infrastructure for large-scale military movements. Where are the large-scale military movements going to? What war are we going to be part of? What are we talking about here and where is Europe bringing us? It is absolutely a legitimate position to take that we are completely supportive of the European project, the European Union, cohesion, commonality and working together in a common infrastructure and institutions but also to hold a critical position on militarisation and, as I will argue when we look at the evidence, preparation for war in Europe and for an increased involvement of the European Union in that. We know throughout history that when the drums are banged for war and the talk is about war, a war inevitably happens. If we want to talk about peace and make peace happen, we need to invest in that as well.

In my remaining time, I want to talk about neutrality, the importance of Irish neutrality and of us being a country that questions the drive to war and - to quote Catherine Connolly, who was elected President - the "military-industrial complex" at a European level. A lot of people threw that phrase around as if it was some kind of joke or something that was not serious. This is very serious. I have set it out there. Billions are going into military but what is going into social services? The reason President Catherine Connolly made those points was that we have seen in the US an imperial war machine being built up over time. A point Noam Chomsky has made over and over is that if you create a military industrial complex where the economy is built around investment weapons, you have to use those weapons. They have to be used somewhere. The investment in weapons creates a necessity for the creation of a war and for those weapons to be used because otherwise, why are you investing in them? Why are you creating them? Why are you putting billions in? We need to question this, question where we are going and what war is Europe and Ireland in particular going to be part of on an active basis. We need to protect our neutrality and, in particular, the triple lock.

To finish, I want to talk about the issue of our welcome for the people of Ukraine and those fleeing the ongoing war.

It was deeply disappointing to see the cut in support for the hosts of Ukrainian refugees - the accommodation recognition payment, ARP, funding. We need to correct the idea that Ukrainians are coming to Ireland to scam the system. When we look at what happened, we see that Ukrainians are coming to seek refuge from a war where up to 100,000 of their fellow citizens have been killed. Looking at those refugees coming here from Ukraine, the majority are women and children. Almost 30% of Ukrainian refugees are children. They are in schools across the country and have become part of our communities. People have welcomed them and massive work has been done in schools and communities to welcome the people of Ukraine and their children and to integrate their children. It does require resources and the Government has to a certain extent put those in, but it is not sufficient. We do see positive stories across the country of people welcoming refugees and doing that positive community and integration work. It is a another side to the anti-immigrant sentiment we are also seeing. There is a quiet majority in Ireland who are absolutely supportive of us being a welcoming country and giving care and support. Indeed, they are a very active group.

However, our Government cut that payment and, unfortunately, it will worsen the housing crisis. Some have claimed that the payment is adding to the housing crisis. In fact, cutting it will add to the housing crisis. Where will the 35,000 Ukrainians who were hosted go if the funding to host is cut?

Irish Red Cross research on hosts has shown that over half of hosts said the recognition payment was a key factor in them being able to continue their host placement. The research also showed the reason the majority of hosts were motivated to do so was due to solidarity with displaced Ukrainians. Significantly, 91% of the hosts had a positive experience, 83% of them said they had played a role in helping their guests to integrate, and 70% of the hosts said their guests had successfully integrated into the community. However, half of the hosts said they were struggling with financial costs and many of them also said the hosting they were doing was in their home or was not in a property that would be rented out, so hosting is not taking from the rental market. The Irish Red Cross has called on the Government not to cut the payment but to explore the expansion of the ARP to provide accommodation for other displaced groups because it provides accommodation that would not necessarily be available otherwise because it is people taking others into their homes on the basis of solidarity. I also think that the cut in the accommodation period will lead to Ukrainian people being made homeless, as a result of the Government's shift to be seen as hard on immigration. There has been a lot of discussion on this and we have called out the Government, including Simon Harris, Micheál Martin and others, for taking this anti-immigrant shift. It is not just playing into the far right; it is also playing into and feeding a rising racism by suggesting that, somehow, immigrants are to blame for the housing situation and other issues when they are absolutely not and it is the Government deflecting from its responsibility.

Shane Moynihan (Dublin Mid West, Fianna Fail)
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I am very grateful for the opportunity to speak about the very worrying spectre and instance of there being war in Europe for the first time in decades. It is important to take a moment to check and remind ourselves of the sheer significance and impact of that statement, that there is war on the Continent of Europe, a plane flight away from where we are at the moment. It becomes very real when you go to Brussels or speak to colleagues from countries that are in the eastern part of the European Union or border Russia and have in their lines of sight drones being flown into their airspace. There is a very real sense among our friends and partners in the European Union that there is a very live threat on the Continent of Europe. In Ireland, we cannot afford to put our heads in the sand and ignore the fact that threat exists.

We have to be careful that we create a space to discuss the existence of this threat and that we do not instantly march or rush towards the fact that this is increasing militarisation or is instantly a threat to our neutrality. It is a recognition of the same threats and fears the people in Estonia, Sweden, Finland, Latvia and Lithuania feel about the potential aggression of the Russian Federation, in the same way we spoke to our European partners about standing in solidarity with us during the Brexit negotiations or the economic crisis. It is not unreasonable or ungenerous of them to request of us in this country or of our Government to stand in solidarity and listen to the fears of our partners about the threat they very much feel on their borders.

While the war in Ukraine and the aggression by Russia are entirely illegal and undermine international law, in many ways they show that we need to stand for the sovereignty of the nation state, and not only for the sovereignty of the nation state but for the integrity of its borders and territory as well. If we fail to do that, then we very much fail to uphold the principle underpinning the European Union and the modern concept of the nation state, namely, that it has inviolable borders and that that is a principle worth recognition and acknowledgement in and of itself.

That is why is it important, not only in recognising the immediate threat Russia poses to countries in the Baltics, for example, or in Scandinavia, that the European Union is also seen to take a stand on the need for the championing of democracy, the need for the integrity of borders, the need for the integrity of the nation state and ultimately, the respect of self-determination for people in respect of where they want to go and how they want to govern themselves, which has been violated by the invasion of Ukraine by Russia.

We have led a very humanitarian response in this country. Over 100,000 people have come to our country seeking temporary protection as a result of the war. That is something I have seen in my own constituency. I pay tribute to all communities and households who have welcomed Ukrainian people into their families, communities and schools. Fundamentally, our schools very quickly pivoted, reacted and embraced the Ukrainian children who came into their schools and made them part of our society and community and integrated them fully. Great credit is due to all of the schools around the country that undertook this act. I give particular credit to the teachers and parents involved in each instance.

It does now force us in Ireland to hold a mirror to ourselves in terms of how we would respond to any form of aggression that might be part of this. This is not just in terms of conventional military warfare. We saw the devastating impact of the cyberattack on the HSE a number of months ago and how that crippled its IT system. It is important that we recognise the very real threats that exist in regard to cyber warfare and the incursion of drones into our airspace. I am very proud that Baldonnel aerodrome is in my constituency and I encourage the new Minister for Defence to continue the rapid programme of investment in giving us radar capability to understand what is in our skies and to be able to respond accordingly. Again, that is not increasing militarisation; it is prudent safeguarding of the security of the country. It is important that we create a discussion where we look at other neutral countries that are not members of military alliances and the investment they make in their defence forces to ensure they can secure their neutrality and protect their borders in a balanced and reasonable way.

To go back to my fundamental point, we cannot ignore the fact the war on European soil has brought into focus the very real threat that countries that are our European partners feel around the possibility of Russian aggression. We need to create a responsible space in this country to discuss this. It is a grey area and anyone on any side of this debate needs to accept there will be ambiguity in some of the terminology and some of the definitions we use. However, we need to open the conversation about how we safeguard our neutrality, how we stand in solidarity with our European allies and how we make sure our Defence Forces, of which we are all very proud and which have a proud legacy of peacekeeping, are equipped properly and that we have the equipment to keep Ireland safe, be it on land, air, sea or from cyber attacks. We must recognise that Ireland now is a very strategic economic, communications and digital location for not only companies but also our Government and our European partners. We must show that we are able to protect what we have, what we hold dear, and the European Union must show that it stands in solidarity with those countries that do feel that fear.

That, ultimately, is a success of the European Union project. It shows the ability of smaller member states to be protected by others but also to allow them to punch above their weight in their influence in global affairs. It is important that we acknowledge this.

Finally, I want to talk about peace in Ukraine. All of us across the European Union and across the world want peace in Ukraine, but we want a just peace. We do not want a peace that is forced by the might of larger countries because they have demonstrated military aggression. There is a role for the EU in safeguarding that peace and honouring that peace. It needs to be a fair peace, it needs a balanced approach to that peace and it needs to respect the fundamental principles at the heart of European liberal democracies, which are the integrity of the nation state, the ability of a state to protect its borders and, fundamentally, the right to self-determination for a country.

If I have any last call to action it is: that we create a space in this country where we can have the discussion about security and defence policy without instantly running to the ramparts and saying, "Neutrality is under threat"; that we actually take account of the fact that the same people stood by us when we asked them for help 20 or 30 years ago or even ten years ago and that we show that same level of solidarity and we do not dismiss their concerns; that we make sure that the public debate in this country reflects the very real fear that is being felt in countries around the world; that we act as a Government and as a Dáil to ensure that our Defence Forces are well equipped to protect our country; and, ultimately, that we are seen as European partners who stand in solidarity, whatever form that may be, while also respecting our traditional military neutrality in this country.

Erin McGreehan (Louth, Fianna Fail)
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I wish to speak to the gravity of what is happening on our Continent with the war in Ukraine. It continues to inflict devastating human and societal geopolitical damage and change. According to one of the latest briefings, the scale of the suffering is humongous. The bombardment of cities, with its civilian casualties and with its infrastructure under relentless attack, is severe and it must not be ignored. It is not at the top of the headlines in the news anymore but the war is happening still for those citizens of Ukraine. It is over three years since the full-scale and unprovoked invasion by Russia of Ukraine. The conflict stretches back years to the illegal annexation of Crimea. Let us make no mistake: this is not a war of defence by Russia, it is aggression. The enemy of peace is taking aim at civilians and the civilian infrastructure on which all modern life depends, including educational and health institutions. This is what we are witnessing in Ukraine. It is done unto them by Russia.

When international borders can be changed by force and when international law becomes optional, the very underpinnings of our global orders are at risk. At the recent fifth Summit of the International Crimea Platform, the Taoiseach stated: "We cannot allow force to be the means by which international borders are defined." As Europeans, we must continue to stand with Ukraine, not just with words but also with deeds. The people of Ukraine deserve the full support of the international community. Their struggle is our struggle. It is a struggle for respect, for sovereignty and for the rule of law. Ukraine is a sovereign and independent nation and it has to be afforded the fundamental right to peace, security and full respect for its internationally recognised borders. Justice is not just a luxury: it is a foundation of any lasting peace. We have to remember that. It is a matter of principle that we build a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine. We have to sustain our humanitarian, financial and diplomatic support. There is no backing away from that. We have to push our EU and global partners for more sanctions and for more mechanisms to hold Russia to account. We have to insist that peace negotiations must respect Ukraine sovereignty and its territorial integrity. A ceasefire based on occupation, fear or forced surrender is not peace at all.

As previous colleagues said, this is more than just a war on Ukraine, or Ukraine versus Russia: this is a war on Europe. It is a war on our moral compass and what we are used to on this Continent. We have to stand tall against it. Some might argue that as a neutral state, Ireland is compromised by taking such a firm stance on Ukraine but we absolutely are not, in the same way we are not compromised by taking a strong stance on Gaza and the horrific genocide being visited on the people of Gaza. Neutrality is not meant for moral indifference. It is not about standing silent when our larger neighbour tries to erase the smaller one. Our neutrality is a military neutrality, not an ethical or political neutrality, and certainly not a licence for inaction. If anything, I believe that our neutral status places a heavier responsibility upon us. We have to rely on international law, our sovereignty and our multilateral institutions to guarantee our own security and the security of Europe. When those very principles are being shredded by Russia's aggression, Ireland cannot simply watch from the sidelines. We have to make sure that we are not compromised and that we are compelled to act . If we allow a world where borders can be redrawn by force and where the UN Charter is treated as a footnote, small countries like us will be the first to lose. Supporting Ukraine is not a departure from neutrality; it is a defence of the international order that protects our neutral states in the first place. We must protect ourselves, as Deputy Moynihan said, in protecting our neutrality and in protecting our nation. We are under threat by being a very strong economic hub in Europe. We have to wake up to the reality that we have to make sure we can defend ourselves as a neutral state. I will support the new Minister for Defence when she is investing in our Defence Forces and investing in our radar and our capabilities because we must ensure that we protect ourselves.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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As many other speakers have said, Putin's invasion of Ukraine is a bloody, unjustified and criminal endeavour, which has led to absolute carnage. That carnage continues. The scale of human devastation is unknown because both sides do not want to admit to how many people have been killed. Some estimates suggest that more than 1 million people have either lost their lives or have been injured and maimed. Ukraine admits to about 50,000 of its military personnel being killed, although some suggest that the numbers killed could be double that, and hundreds of thousands more have been injured and maimed. In Russia, some estimates suggest there might be 250,000 military personnel dead and hundreds of thousands more maimed and injured. One report I read recently suggested that Russian ministries had distributed more than 200,000 prosthetic limbs because so many soldiers are losing their arms and legs. It is disgusting.

Undoubtedly Putin is the instigator of this unjustified and imperialist endeavour. The Taoiseach is absolutely correct to call it imperialism. The people of Ukraine have been absolutely justified in resisting this brutal invasion of their country. The problem I have, and it is why I believe our neutrality is in danger, is that the Government and European Union leaders go from that to say that their main concern in all of this is to defend the international rules-based order and our neutrality and imply that they have a consistent set of principles when it comes to opposing imperialism, brutal invasions and wars. That self-evidently is not true. We have had 19 rounds of sanctions imposed on Russia by the European Union but not a single round of sanctions by the European Union against Israel for the crimes it has committed against the Palestinian people, even when those crimes have reached the level of Israel being in the dock for genocide, and to my mind being undoubtedly guilty of genocide. There has not been a single round of sanctions.

You would believe in here, with the speeches from the Ministers, that when they rightly describe Putin as a brutal imperialist thug that he is the only one in the world. There is barely a mention of the genocidal slaughter being inflicted on the Palestinians. That slaughter could not have happened were it not for another imperialist power, or several of them. The United States has armed Israel to commit the genocide against the Palestinians and is every bit as much an imperialist power as Putin and his regime or, indeed, the more minor players in the European Union, such as Germany, Britain, France and Italy, which have also provided the military means to Israel to continue the slaughter and refuse to impose any sanctions.

If the United States and the European Union actually do not show any serious regard for international law, or for any sort of consistency when it comes to principles, is it a surprise that the signal sent out is that all of it is nonsense and the truth is you take what you can get through military means? I would go further and say that many in the European Union have long wanted to see a European army and to ratchet up military expenditure. By the way, in the European Union this expenditure had dramatically increased before Russia's invasion of Ukraine as part of the ongoing process of militarisation in the European Union and of NATO expansion. Russia spends a shocking 19% of GDP on arms. This is on military expenditure. It is starving and immiserating its own people. It spends $149 billion. Do you know how much NATO spends? It spends $1.5 trillion, which is ten times what Russia spends on arms.

Thousands of billions of euro that should be going into health, housing, education and addressing the cost of living are used to make missiles, weapons, bullets and ammunition, which are then sold on if they are not used in this war and given to Israel, Saudi Arabia, dictatorships and brutal regimes all over the world, which are also guilty of inflicting horror on their populations. If we are serious about trying to stop the slaughter in Ukraine or anywhere else, we have to have consistent principles and we should not be aligning ourselves with any of these powers in the world that are guilty of this imperialist competition and militarism, which will drive this world into a very dangerous and dark place and which would make even Gaza and Ukraine not look like a tea party because it is so horrific. It could bring us to an even worse place.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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It is now three years and nine months since Russia undertook its illegal invasion and occupation of Ukrainian territory. The impact of this war continues to be felt most immediately in Ukraine, where it is estimated around 15,000 civilians and up to 80,000 members of Ukrainian military are dead and the number of wounded in that country runs to hundreds of thousands. Notwithstanding their brutal dictatorial leaders, the Russian people have also suffered as a result of this war, with a death toll in that country estimated as running to hundreds of thousands. When we think of these huge numbers, we have to recognise that each one represents a despair and heartbreak brought to a family, always reminding us of the brutal cost of conflict. The impact of these wars has been huge in terms of disruption of trade and in terms of the undermining of norms of international law. The war has also been key driver in one of the most long-lasting cost-of-living crises that many of us have seen in our lifetime.

Throughout this war Ireland has been steadfast in its support of Ukraine, and the forthcoming visit of President Zelenskyy here will be an opportunity for us as a country and for the Government to reiterate our position on this. As a country, we have provided more than €380 million in financial aid to Ukraine, in the context of humanitarian assistance and in the context of non-lethal military equipment and materials. However, I would argue that probably our most meaningful support provided to Ukraine is in the context of the safety and shelter that Ireland has given to tens of thousands of Ukrainians, which has been offered since the very first days of the illegal Russian invasion. Across three years and nine months more than 114,000 Ukrainians have claimed temporary protection here in Ireland. While estimates vary, it is believed that between 70,000 and 80,000 Ukrainian men, women and children continue to see Ireland as their home today.

It is valuable to reflect on the sheer scale of the humanitarian response that we undertook as a country and how communities working with the Government, civil society and NGOs enabled tens of thousands of people to find homes, schools and basic provisions, and to find a sense of community and solidarity in what was undoubtedly one of the darkest times in many of their lives. As the Minister overseeing the initial accommodation response I met Ukrainians. In the very first weeks of the war I met some who had literally bundled up their families into a car as the war began and drove across Europe to Ireland and to Dublin. I remember in three or four situations people literally arrived at the doorstep of the Department of children on Baggot Street. They spoke to me and officials there and talked about what it was like to see bombs falling on their homes and to see an invading occupying force march down their street with tanks and jeeps. The conversations that I had with these very early arrivals will always stay with me. They will always be for me a strong reminder of why it is so important that countries around the world have provisions in place to make arrangements for those fleeing war and those fleeing conflict.

Our country's response to the needs of Ukrainians was undertaken in an emergency situation. It was not always smooth and it was not always perfect but it did show the generosity of spirit and sense of solidarity that is the basis of so many communities around our country. For example, while there were teething problems with the pledged accommodation scheme undertaken by the Red Cross, it has subsequently been hugely successful. The International Red Cross now cites our pledged accommodation scheme as a model of how such a scheme can work elsewhere. What was really important in supporting it was the accommodation recognition payment. This allows for the independence of Ukrainian families. It allows for better integration with Irish families and communities. It was also far more cost-effective for the State versus hotel or guest house accommodation.

Right now about 24,000 Ukrainians continue to be supported through the recognition payment. This payment was reduced earlier this year. I would be concerned about proposals to either reduce it further or, as has been suggested by some in the House, to remove it entirely. Research undertaken by Helping Irish Hosts and analysis undertaken by the Department of housing indicate the vast majority of accommodation in respect of which the payment is made was never rental property previously. The recognition payment has been hugely successful in opening up accommodation that was previously unused. Of course a payment of this scale should always be examined and kept under review, and if there are issues arising they can be addressed. We should be looking to see how something such as this, which is an incredibly successful model, can benefit other groups who need short-term accommodation. This should be the focus of the Government and not scrapping a scheme that is achieving so much.

Cormac Devlin (Dún Laoghaire, Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the opportunity to contribute to these statements on Ukraine as we approach the fourth winter since Russia launched its full-scale illegal invasion. I again acknowledge the Ukrainian ambassador, H. E. Larysa Gerasko, and community representatives, who are very engaged with all of us in the House. I put on record our solidarity with them, rooted in the principles of the UN Charter and in our own history as a small State whose independence was hard won. In this Chamber in February, I said there can be no agreement on Ukraine without Ukraine. This principle is even more important today. Any peace must be just and sustainable, and must uphold Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within internationally recognised borders.

In August 2022, I travelled to Kyiv as part of a parliamentary delegation from across Europe.

I saw ruined homes, schools, crèches, community centres and businesses that had been deliberately targeted by Russian forces. Since then, missiles and drones have continued to strike apartment blocks, energy networks and water systems, designed to break civilian morale and to weaponise winter. Against that brutality, what has struck me most in my dealings with Ukrainians, be it in Kyiv, my own constituency of Dún Laoghaire or here in Leinster House, is their resilience and their gratitude to Ireland. Earlier this year at a rally for Ukraine in Dublin, the chant of “Thank you, Ireland. Thank you, Ireland” rang out again and again. That is a message to every household that has opened its doors, to every school that has taken in Ukrainian children and to every community that has made space for new neighbours.

I also acknowledge the work of colleagues beyond this House. Dublin MEP Barry Andrews was in Ukraine this week, seeing the situation on the ground and reinforcing Ireland’s position at a European level. His visit underlines that this is a cross-party, all-institution effort to keep Ukraine high on the agenda when other crises risk crowding it out. Russia’s war is not just an attack on Ukraine. It is a direct challenge to European security and to the rules-based international order. We have seen drones and missiles crossing into the airspace of EU and NATO states and hybrid attacks on critical infrastructure here and elsewhere. If we allow this to succeed, we send a message that borders can be changed by brute force and that smaller states are fair game. That is why Ireland’s role, though militarily non-aligned, is not as a bystander. We are firmly on the side of international law.

We are contributing to Ukraine’s defence in a way that is consistent with our traditional policy of military neutrality - through non-lethal military assistance, humanitarian and development funding and training initiatives that help Ukraine to clear mines, protect civilians and keep basic services running. We have supported practical measures, such as bomb shelters for schools, so that education can continue under the threat of air raids. This is done in partnership with Lithuania. As a country that has benefited enormously from EU membership, we strongly support Ukraine’s path to the European Union and we want to see accession negotiations unblocked and accelerated.

EU membership must form part of a broader set of security guarantees for Ukraine, alongside military, economic and political support. Russia cannot be allowed a veto over Ukraine’s European future. A critical question for Europe now is how we finance Ukraine’s long-term reconstruction and security needs. The European Union is examining how the profits and cash balances from immobilised Russian sovereign assets can be used to back a substantial reparation loan for Ukraine, alongside grants and other instruments. This principle is simple: Russia should pay for the destruction it has caused. Ireland has already committed significant humanitarian, development and non-lethal military support and our institutions have frozen large sums linked to the Russian regime under the EU’s sanctions regime.

Finally, I welcome the intention of President Zelenskyy to visit the Oireachtas in December. That visit will be an important moment to reaffirm Ireland’s support, to hear directly from Ukraine's leadership about their needs and to demonstrate that the Oireachtas and the Irish people continue to stand with the people of Ukraine in their time of crisis. Our message should be clear and united that there can be no lasting peace built on fear, occupation or eroded rights. Peace will come when Russia ends its aggression and when Ukraine can live in security as a free European democracy, within the family of nations and, we hope, within the European Union.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I very much welcome the opportunity to speak on this today. It is almost four years since the invasion occurred. It is important that we acknowledge in the House the role Ireland has played over the four years. In particular, I commend the Irish citizens and communities who have worked so hard on integrating people from Ukraine and supporting them, right across my constituency and right across Ireland.

What is happening is utterly barbaric and the loss of life is really difficult to comprehend. I spoke to a Ukrainian family the other day and they outlined the horrific situation that is still happening on a weekly basis. Aontú will continue to condemn the unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. As we enter its fourth year, it is really important that we in Ireland and the international community uses every possible lever. We have a very strong and proud tradition of peace and neutrality. I urge the Government to use this competence that we have to initiate dialogue. Every action and communication from the international community should be to de-escalate this situation. I urge the Government to play an active role in that. The priority must be to prevent further loss of innocent life and destruction of infrastructure by actively championing negotiations consistent with Ukrainian sovereignty but the UN Charter as well.

Our stance on Ukraine is intrinsically linked to our policy of neutrality and our commitment to peace. This is currently being challenged by the Government as it proposes to dismantle the triple lock. I urge the Government to remember where the triple lock came from. This was a key commitment in an EU referenda.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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It is from the 1950s.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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That is where it came from.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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It came in during the 1950s.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I urge the Government to remember where this triple lock came from.

Sorca Clarke (Longford-Westmeath, Sinn Fein)
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It is not a back and forth.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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It came from legislation from 1954.

Sorca Clarke (Longford-Westmeath, Sinn Fein)
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The Minister will have an opportunity to wrap up at the end.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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All right.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I will not interrupt the Minister of State and I would appreciate the opportunity to finish. The triple lock is under threat from this Government. That is the case. It is a vital safeguard to protect neutrality. Removing the triple lock would remove the third arm of the lock and would allow the Government, which is effectively the Cabinet, to act. As Deputy John McGuinness said here not so long ago, the Government is increasingly becoming a small number of individuals. It is not simply the Cabinet but the leaders of respective parties. As Deputy McGuinness said, we must be cautious and careful in relation to this. I urge the Government to reconsider. If it is so intent on removing the triple lock, let us put it to the Irish people. Let the Irish people decide.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I can hear you.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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Let the Irish people decide what their view is on the triple lock and neutrality in this country.

Ken O'Flynn (Cork North-Central, Independent Ireland Party)
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Ireland has a long record of goodwill. When families fled the Russian invasion of Ukraine, we opened our doors and we opened our hearts. That was the right thing to do. However, goodwill must behold its shape. It must be fair and it must be sustainable. Across Europe, governments are adjusting their supports as the conflict continues. Germany has applied the same means test to those of its own citizens. The Czech Republic limits free accommodation to 90 days and has set modest monthly allowances. Poland has withdrawn its cash payments to private hosts. Slovakia has reduced its accommodation support by half.

Ireland, one of the few states that has granted full welfare equivalent supports from the start, still gives a full medical card to every Ukrainian passport holder upon arrival, without a means test and without proof of prior residence in Ukraine. In a reply to a recent parliamentary question from me, the HSE confirmed that since 2022, more than €92 million has been spent on medical cards alone, consisting of €14.15 million in 2022, €24.2 million in 2023, €28.96 million in 2024 and €25.03 million in the first nine months of 2025.

At the same time, more than 16,600 Irish citizens, including 5,200 children, live in emergency accommodation or on the streets in many of our cities and towns. Many of our older citizens lose their medical cards because of small pension increases that push them over the threshold and face review after review, year after year. While the State has been able to fund large-scale supports for our new arrivals, our survivors of institutional abuse had to go on hunger strike for over 50 days outside the gates of this very Parliament to secure a modest pension uplift and a basic medical card for roughly 4,000 people.

In recent years, the State has resourced many groups overnight but the survivors of these institutional abuses had to put their health on the line to be heard. That contrast gives rise to a serious question about the priorities of the Irish Government. This is not directed at Ukrainian families, as the Labour Party suggested in this House earlier; it is directed at a Government that treats groups of people differently based solely on political convenience rather than the needs of its own people. Fairness demands one standard. I ask the Government to ensure that we have one standard for everybody in this country.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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I want to address Ireland's position under the EU migration and asylum pact. I have a clear question: can Ireland apply for an exemption? Under the pact, every EU member state must contribute to a solidarity mechanism to assist countries under migratory pressure. This means relocating asylum seekers, paying €20,000 per person not relocated, or providing operational support. There is no blanket opt-out but countries facing significant immigration challenges can apply for partial or full deductions. Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia and Poland are expected to seek such exemptions for 2026. Ireland is not currently on that list although the European Commissioners has flagged us as at risk of migratory pressure.

Let us look at the facts. According to the Central Statistics Office, immigration hit historic highs in the year to April 2024 with 149,200 immigrants, which was the highest number in 17 years. In the year to April 2025, there were 125,300 immigrants, marking the fourth consecutive year above 100,000. In 2024, there was a record 18,560 asylum applications, ranking Ireland third in the EU per capita. The main countries of origin were Nigeria, Jordan, Pakistan, Somalia and Afghanistan. Since March 2022, more than 113,900 Ukrainians have received PPS numbers under temporary protection. About 80,000 still reside in Ireland. These figures clearly show that Ireland is under significant migration pressure, considering the extent of homelessness, the cost-of-living crisis, the waiting lists for basic operations and healthcare, the lack of crèches, the overcrowding in schools and the lack of transport for children attending school, and the lack of accommodation for students. The list goes on. Given this reality, will the Minister confirm whether Ireland intends to apply for an exemption or a deduction under the pact, and if not, why not? This is a critical question for transparency and for ensuring Ireland's interests are properly represented.

Richard O'Donoghue (Limerick County, Independent Ireland Party)
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When people came here from Ukraine, the Irish people opened their houses and their hearts to help them. Many people from Ukraine have actually integrated and are staying here. They are working, contributing and paying tax here. Many people of different nationalities have immigrated into this country from Poland and other countries. They are now part of our workforce. They are now working here. They came here through a process, with documentation and everything, and they are working. They are seeing other nationalities coming in here that are abusing the situation. Due to the hatred that is being put out there, they now feel that people are looking at them as if they are here illegally. They are people who came into this country and are working. We asked them to come here, their lives are here and the next generation is here now. They are being tarred with the one brush. They are very upset with what the Government has done with people who have come here with no documentation, and that documentation has not been looked for. People who came here from other countries and have been working here, providing for people who are vulnerable, are disappointed with the Government for not vetting people coming into this country.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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We need to continue showing solidarity with Ukraine in the face of this unjust war. The systematic targeting by Russia of civilians, medical facilities, maternity hospitals, and schools, along with the mass abduction and indoctrination of Ukrainian children, shows all the hallmarks of genocide. Ukraine is still facing an ongoing existential threat but is bravely fighting back against a much bigger aggressor. Almost four years on from the Russian invasion, we need to continue standing with Ukraine. In this context, like others, I welcome President Zelenskyy's impending visit next month. Hopefully, he will be able to make it over.

On 26 October, the European Council reaffirmed its continued unwavering support for Ukraine's independent sovereignty and territorial integrity. This needs to continue in a tangible way. We in Ireland must maintain our non-lethal military support. We must continue to assist Ukrainian refugees and offer protection and opportunities as a free nation. There are debates, of course, about the levels of support on an individual basis, some of which are valid and some are dog-whistling. However, we must always remember that we have Ukrainian guests with much to offer us, especially at a time when we cannot fill many types of jobs. We must build on the work that has been done to further integrate Ukrainians into the Irish way of life. We must provide supports but also incentives for them to work and improve their language skills further. We should educate them about our culture and our society. The same applies to any group that is genuinely fleeing persecution and war. However, we have a special duty to support Ukraine in different ways as an EU member state given our military neutrality.

That said, we need to upgrade our own defences, for example by investing in cheaper drone technology and other weaponry to defend our sea border and monitor ongoing Russian incursions into our economic zone. We are not immune to Russian aggression, whether in the form of submarines or the so-called shadow fleet, cyberwarfare or troll farms. Until that regime changes, we have to do what we can to protect ourselves, support our fellow EU member states, support Ukraine and realise we are all in this together as Europeans.

Edward Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I want to focus on a number of aspects of the Ukraine war and how it is so important to us here in Ireland. I want to speak first about the massive numbers who have died on both sides of the conflict. It is estimated that between 200,000 and 500,000 people have died on the Russian side and about half that on the Ukrainian side. This is a staggering number. It is happening in a European country that borders several EU countries. For the life of me I cannot understand why it is barely spoken about here nor mentioned in our main media outlets. Are the lives of hundreds of thousands of young men not important?

Second, I want to raise the issue of missing children. Latest reports from experts at Yale University estimate that as many as 35,000 children may be held in Russia and its occupied territories. There is a network of 43 Russian facilities to which Ukrainian children have been moved since February 2022. It is thought that many have been sent to military camps or foster care or even adopted by Russian families. The Yale team has been able to establish the identities of thousands of children. It is likely the largest child abduction in war since the Second World War.

Third, I want to talk about Ireland taking in people from Ukraine. Ireland has taken in more than 100,000 refugees from Ukraine. We have taken in by far the most in western Europe per capita and more in absolute numbers than France. This is commendable. However, I wonder whether we have really helped Ukraine by attracting some people who may have stayed. For example, in Ukraine businesses already crippled by blackouts and Russian missiles are suffering from a severe labour shortage. Most will never return.

Fourth, I want to discuss the financing of Ukraine. Unless something changes, Ukraine is expected to have no money at the end of next February. In February of this year, after Mr. Trump entered the White House, monthly American financial allocations to Ukraine stopped. Ukraine has now borrowed as much as it can. It has an official fiscal deficit of about one fifth of GDP. Public debt has doubled as a share of GDP since before the war to about 110%. Ukraine cannot borrow any more. Its last hope is Europe. The annual war effort requires €100 billion, which is equal to about half of Ukraine's GDP. Europe's NATO members need to step up and fund Ukraine. It would go a long way to ensuring Europe's independence from the US. The alternative would be for Ukraine to lose the war, making Russia an even bigger threat. Spread across all NATO members, this is manageable. Europe has no choice. It also has a chance to speed up Europe's effort to establish its military and financial independence from America.

Europe’s economy is ten times the size of Russia’s. Russia’s initial war boom has now given way to stagflation, with growth at almost zero, labour shortages, inflation of 8% and interest rates of 16.5%. Another few years of this would probably trigger an economic and banking crisis in Russia. If Europe can demonstrate to Russia that it will underwrite the war for at least that long, Russia may think differently. Europe needs to remain united in the face of Russia’s aggression. Ukraine is too big to fail.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I am glad to get the opportunity to talk on this very important matter this evening. I, like everyone else, commiserate with the people of Ukraine who have gone through so much. What is going on is terrible as is the length of time it has been going on.

We have to recognise that Ireland has played a major part in welcoming, as was said previously, up to 120,000 people from Ukraine. Of course, I welcome people who are working here, are in employment here and can stand on their own two feet here. However, when we read the headlines in the newspaper today, we see that Ireland paid over €1 billion last year and several billions for the past three or four years. We come in here day after day asking the Government for different things and pleading for our own needy people, whether the elderly, people in hospitals, children or whatever, and invariably we are told we do not have the money for different things. I cannot see how we can sustain this level of spending. Unless the Government can explain otherwise, that it has a separate fund or whatever, I cannot see how we are going to sustain spending that kind of money.

Of course, we have a housing crisis here. At the start of the war the Government decided to pay towards accommodation for Ukrainians. It started with €800 tax free but it is now €600. I do not mind if the Government does the same for our people who were brought up here, are trying to live here and continue to stay here. However, it steadfastly refuses to give €600 per month to our people. That is not fair. I have to fight for our people too, and I make no bones about it. If the Government can give €600 a month tax free for a Ukrainian family, it should be able to do it for Irish people as well. I know what is happening with the housing list in Kerry and I understand very well the number of people who are left behind. If people's earnings go over a threshold of €37,000, they are thrown off the housing list.

Another thing at stake here is our neutrality. I remember as a young fella hearing Éamon de Valera on the radio chastising Winston Churchill for trying to get us into the Second World War. He gave him his answer. We should keep that neutrality. I was disappointed when the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, said we are training Ukrainians to make soldiers out of them and we must stand with Ukrainians. We must maintain our neutrality whatever happens. We have no army. The Minister of State talked about us winning the war. Those were his words here. The Taoiseach said Russia must be made accountable. We cannot make it accountable.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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Deputy Healy Rae’s time is up. I call Deputy Heneghan.

Barry Heneghan (Dublin Bay North, Independent)
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When we talk about strategy or security policy, we have to begin thinking about the reality of this war. I have friends who have come from Ukraine and friends whose families are still in Ukraine. According to the United Nation’s report, and I am sure the Minister of State is well-aware of this as I have spoken to him about it before, the number of civilian casualties - this is something we are seeing across the world, that is, civilians being drawn into wars they had nothing to do with starting - is devastating. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022, more than 53,000 civilians have been killed or injured. These are families and communities. These are my friends' families. It is difficult to see this and to speak to these people. At least 148 civilians were killed in October. Many players on the rugby team I play for are of Ukrainian descent. It is hitting us close to home as we are EU allies.

The recent attacks in October and November triggered nationwide blackouts. What we are seeing with these targets is that we need to look at our own systems and protection. We should look at what Russia has been doing to Ukraine. That is something I continually pushed for last week with the former Minister for foreign affairs, the now Minister for Finance and the Tánaiste, regarding our offshore cables and how we need to protect them and, hopefully, decentralise our energy systems to prepare for this.

To return to speaking about Ukraine, we have to be honest about this. Russia is engaging in hybrid aggression across the Continent, targeting electricity cables and gas pipelines in the Baltic Sea. Europe’s energy infrastructure has become a priority target. We have seen repeated incidents involving Russian-affiliated vessels interfering with various submarine cables. In December 2024, the Finnish authorities apprehended the Eagle S after it cut the Estlink 2 cable between Finland and Estonia. That ship had military grade detection equipment on its hull. That was not an accident; it was a message.

Are we prepared? Our Defence Forces really needs to look into how we can look after our seas. How can the EU, as a whole, protect our energy? This obviously matters for Ireland as an island that depends almost entirely on undersea cables, although we have a lot onshore, for our connectivity, our banking and our economy. These cables carry all of these transactions and if they were to be damaged, it would be absolutely devastating. We need to have back-up protection. If there was hybrid interference or direct sabotage, the consequences would be immediate and severe. As I am sure the Minister of State is well aware, every European warning and Baltic incident tells us the same thing. We cannot assume we are safe simply because we are offshore or because we are not part of a military alliance. Neutrality without capability is vulnerability.

How do we respond? One part is obvious. Our Defence Forces need the capability to monitor, defend and respond to both cyber and physical threats. As a neutral, sovereign nation, strengthening our defence is very important and a necessity. I go back to private wires in the sense that local energy hubs supporting long-duration storage give communities and critical services back-up in case we are attacked. By decentralising supply and removing single points of failure, we make Ireland far more secure against these hybrid attacks.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Deputies from all sides of the House and Ministers for their contributions today. I will reply to some of the points in order to provide clarification but from the get-go, I welcome the overwhelming, if not total sense of solidarity between this House and the people of Ukraine, particularly from opposition Members who recognise this is an utterly illegal and brutal war by the Russian Federation under the yoke of Vladimir Putin. It was initiated solely by the Russian Federation. The response to this brutal war has been remarkable. We are seeing unparalleled levels of European solidarity, both European Union and broader European solidarity, recognising the absolute need to provide that support for Ukraine.

It is important to clarify a few points and I do so respectfully. The Minister of State, Deputy Canney, did not say we are looking to train Ukrainian soldiers for war.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I am just providing a clarification; I am not looking to get into a debate on it. We send members of the Defence Forces to train in de-mining activities. That is not training people for war; it is removing land mines from potentially targeting civilians. I am not taking issue with the other points the Deputy raised, but that specific one is particularly important.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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You should not be taking sides and that is it. Standing with Ukraine is antagonising the Russians.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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Respectfully, we are not taking sides as a military neutral.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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You said it there. I wrote down what you said.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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Respectfully, I answered the Deputy on one technical point, which is clear. Training people to remove land mines is not taking sides in a war. The national position is that we are not politically neutral; we are militarily neutral. If the Deputy thinks it is taking sides to remove land mines from blowing up women and children, that it is a different interpretation of what we are doing.

Deputy Lawless made the point the triple lock goes back to 2011, when actually it goes back to the 1960 Defence Act. I say that deliberately because it is important to provide clarity.

Deputy Collins managed to make a three-minute contribution to a debate on Ukraine and not mention Ukraine once. This is really important. Other people discussed immigration and tied it to Ukraine. I have no issue with that. People are right to raise issues and points of clarification, as Deputy Healy-Rae did. I respect his right to do so and acknowledge the points he raised, but when people bring up the EU migration pact, which has nothing specifically to do with providing shelter for up to 118,000 Ukrainian refugees, it takes issue with the essence of what we are trying to debate.

Deputy Heneghan raised a number of points requiring a specific response. One was on the need to strengthen our capabilities as a militarily neutral sovereign country. I fully agree with him and that is why the review of the Commission on the Defence Forces laid out three options and the Government is pursuing the second option. There has been a massive increase in resources to our cyberdefence capability. There has been the setting-up of a maritime defence system to make sure those undersea cables can be monitored. We need to acknowledge the requirement for co-operation on defence. That does not mean joining any alliances or anything like that. It is basic common sense that when we talk of cables that serve the entire Continent of Europe from North America, we speak to our neighbours in Europe. That is why we have a memorandum of understanding -----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Saying things like we are standing shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine, we cannot stand with anyone. We could not keep up------

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I only have ten minutes and referred to Deputy Healy-Rae's point five minutes ago. I am referring to Deputy Heneghan's questions. That is why we have a memorandum of understanding on defence with the United Kingdom and why we co-operate in sharing information with the tech companies and the private sector. It is to provide those cables. I acknowledge, first and foremost, that we need to do more.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Ye need to be more careful about what ye are saying-----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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Ah Jesus, Deputy Healy-Rae.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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-----and the way ye are saying it.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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What I mean when I say we need to do more is that we need to resource our Defences Forces more and continue investing in new equipment. Respectfully, I answered one technical query Deputy Healy-Rae asked. I moved on five minutes ago. I am talking about a situation that impacts his constituents as much as it impacts mine. He was given his time; I am given my time to respond for the Government. Respectfully, I will continue without interruption, if that is all right.

When we talk about solidarity with Ukraine and the cost of providing supports to the Ukrainian people, being humanitarian and welcoming people into our homes and homesteads, we also have to ask the cost of not doing that. What is the cost of a Russian victory in Ukraine? Whether we like it or not, or believe in some form of splendid geographic isolation, a Russian victory across Ukraine would have a massive impact on the Continent of Europe and on the European Union, of which we are a member. If Ukraine falls, where is next - the Baltic states, Poland? We have already seen transgressions of drones into European Union airspace, hybrid warfare activity and systems attacked in Estonia. Our own health system was hacked a number of years ago and sent offline by a criminal gang that was operating with impunity in the Russian Federation. We see levels of disinformation and misinformation online throughout the electoral process in countries like the Netherlands, France and Austria. As I have stated before, over 50 Members of this House find themselves sanctioned by the Russian Federation due to the diktat of the ambassador in Orwell Road simply for saying clearly that the Russian war is illegal.

There are tools for accountability. When we talk of sanctions and enter into the 19th round of EU sanctions against Russia, that is accountability. When we talk of freezing Russian assets, that is accountability. The Irish Government's position is clear that there is the ability to use the proceeds of frozen assets to pay for the repair and reconstruction of the Russian damage in Ukraine. That is a policy we are keen on in terms of accountability. When we set up the tribunal at the Council of Europe, that was backed. I travelled to Ukraine and to Lviv for the signing ceremony to which Ireland, with a number of countries from Europe and around the world, were party. There has to be accountability. There has to be work in the international criminal courts because Russia's invasion of Ukraine is illegal. We see consistent reports of Russian activity within Ukrainian territory. The Taoiseach detailed at length the forced kidnapping of children from the Ukrainian territory into Russia. We see attacks on food and energy, which are deemed war crimes. There has to be accountability for that.

The Irish people have made it clear that they stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. They have opened their hearts and homes. The Government has made it clear that we stand with our European friends and colleagues in support of a fellow European nation that has had its sovereignty invaded by an illegal force, whichc has breached repeated international treaties to which it is party, as is Ukraine.

We look to the future and the future has to be clear. We want peace on this Continent because the impacts of the war are being materially felt by Irish people on a daily basis. Our grocery and energy prices are high due to the inflationary process of Russia's war in Ukraine. Ukraine was the breadbasket of Europe in terms of the production of grain. That has been severely hampered by the acts of Russia. Ukraine was a key provider of natural gas and a key facilitator of the travelling of natural gas and other raw minerals across the European Continent. Energy prices have gone up due to Russia's illegal invasion and attacking of pipelines, among other things. This war, as well as being horrific, is taking so many lives.

Deputy Heneghan speaks of the Ukrainian community he represents. I take issue in that I do not think he quite plays at the same level as the Soroka brothers but I know they are members of the same club. We are talking about people seeing their families wiped out and seeing their husbands, sons and fathers being sent to war because they have no choice. If you really want to talk brass tacks, this hurts Irish people in the pocket as well as being a potential existential threat to the future of European safety and security and the freedom and democracy we all cherish in this Republic.

We must continue our support of the Ukrainian people until there is peace in Ukraine that allows for the reconstruction of Ukraine and the reintroduction of Ukraine into the global world order and, equally, until we see Ukraine in due course take its rightful seat as a fellow member of the European Union. That is something Ireland supports. Ireland supports European enlargement more generally, but having Ukraine as part of the European Union would be good for Ukraine, the European Union and, crucially, Ireland. I thank the Deputies from all parties and none who contributed to this debate.