Micheál Martin (Cork South-Central, Fianna Fail)
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I attended a meeting of the European Council on 26 June in Brussels. The substantial items on the agenda included support for Ukraine, the situation in the Middle East, European security and defence and the preparation of upcoming EU summits with third country partners and regions. The Council also returned to enhancing Europe’s competitiveness in the context of global economic developments, not least the ongoing EU-US trade negotiations. Other items covered were migration, support for the Republic of Moldova, the situation in the western Balkans, the EU’s internal security and crisis preparedness. Other discussions included external relations with Libya and the Sahel. I will deal with Ukraine, the Middle East, in particular the humanitarian situation in Gaza, European security and defence, competitiveness and trade. The Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, will later speak to all other issues.

Support for Ukraine following Russia’s illegal war of aggression continues to be a top priority for the European Union. President Zelenskyy briefed us on the current situation and recent developments, including Russia’s escalation in strikes on civilians and civilian infrastructure. Together with my fellow leaders, we reconfirmed the EU’s unwavering commitment to providing continued political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people for as long as it takes and as intensely as needed. The EU has provided substantial military support to Ukraine to enable it to defend itself against Russia’s ongoing aggression, but Ukraine requires our help now even more urgently. Ireland will continue to explore how we can provide non-lethal military support, building on the €100 million package of support agreed by our Government earlier this year.

As Russia continues to launch strikes on Ukraine, it is clear that it is not engaging in peace talks in good faith, while it continues to maintain its maximalist demands. Against this background it is more important than ever that we bolster support for Ukraine across all work strands. Leaders discussed how the EU can step up military support for Ukraine, play a constructive role in any potential peace process and contribute to security guarantees as part of a peace agreement. We also discussed how the EU can apply more pressure on Russia to agree to an unconditional ceasefire and engage seriously in peace efforts. It was agreed that strengthening sanctions against Russia is key to this effort. The European Council therefore agreed to the roll-over of existing sanctions on Russia for a further six months and welcomed agreement on the European Union's 17th package of sanctions. More is required, however, and that is why it is important that we reach agreement on an 18th package of sanctions as quickly as possible. Ireland will continue to support strong sanctions against Russia.

Ireland is also engaged in discussions at EU level around short-term recovery efforts and preparations for a successful longer term reconstruction effort for Ukraine. Reconstruction cannot be limited to rebuilding what was destroyed during the war but must look to reform, recovery and modernisation. Raising awareness of this and mobilising support for it will be the focus of the fourth Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome on 10 and 11 July. Investments aligned with the EU reform agenda will be also key to supporting Ukraine's future European Union accession. Ireland has always been a strong supporter of Ukraine’s EU perspective, and I continue to advocate at European Union level for substantial progress on Ukraine’s EU accession. I believe that EU membership is an important part of the security guarantees for Ukraine, and I underlined at the Council that it is essential to maintain momentum in Ukraine’s enlargement process and to move forward on the next steps without delay. I regret that one member state, Hungary, is holding this up.

A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, the European Council met against a deeply troubling and shocking backdrop in the Middle East. I again emphasised and strongly contributed on the need not to lose sight of the catastrophic situation in Gaza. European Union leaders recalled the importance of unimpeded access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale into and throughout Gaza, and to enable the United Nations and its agencies and humanitarian organisations to work independently and impartially to save lives and reduce suffering. Ireland has consistently called on Israel to immediately lift its blockade of humanitarian and commercial supplies for Gaza and allow the full resumption of unimpeded humanitarian aid, in line with humanitarian principles.

An important element of our discussions at the European Council was the review of Israel’s compliance with Article 2 of the association agreement. It is clear from the review that Israel is in breach of its human rights obligations. This is a significant finding and one that the EU must now act upon. The European Union’s credibility depends on this. In this context, I welcome that the EU High Representative will bring an inventory of options for follow-up action for consideration by member states to the July meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council. Ireland has consistently said that all options must be considered, up to and including suspension of the association agreement. This is about holding Israel to account and using all the tools at our disposal to apply pressure on Israel to respect its obligations under international humanitarian law. We must use all available levers to bring this awful conflict to an end. There must be a ceasefire leading to a permanent end to the conflict. All remaining hostages must be released. The people of Gaza and the loved ones of those held hostage by Hamas have suffered for far too long.

The European Council also recalled its commitment to a lasting and sustainable peace based on the two-state solution. Ireland has been clear that unprecedented levels of violence, large-scale displacement of the Palestinian population, and record levels of settlement construction erode work to achieve the two-state solution. It is important that the postponed UN conference for the peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine and the implementation of the two-state solution goes ahead as soon as conditions allow. I understand that may be next week, on Tuesday.

The European Council welcomed the ceasefire between Israel and Iran and called for this ceasefire to be underpinned by diplomacy for lasting peace for the region. The conclusions state clearly that a lasting solution to the Iran nuclear issue can only be achieved through negotiations. We hope that these negotiations can recommence imminently. The EU will continue to urge all parties to the recent conflict to abide by international law and work towards establishing sustained regional stability at this crucial time. We also look towards and will try to support a peaceful and inclusive transition for Syria. On Lebanon, we value that the European Council called for all parties to uphold the ceasefire agreement and recognised the stabilising role of UNIFIL in the region, a role to which Irish troops are bravely contributing.

The European Council discussed implementation of commitments made earlier this year to enhance Europe’s defence capabilities and readiness within the next five years. The international security environment continues to deteriorate, and to be contested, dynamic and volatile. The EU is acting with greater decisiveness, ambition and speed to tackle the threats we face. Ireland must be a part of this process because we are part of the European Union, and because such threats are existential for the way in which we live our lives across the European Union. We believe that the White Paper on the future of European defence presents Ireland with a unique opportunity to join with other EU member states to enhance our individual and collective preparedness and capabilities across all areas of security and defence. Ireland will consider joining projects in areas where capabilities and needs have been identified by our Defence Forces and the Department of Defence. Other member states may have wider interests, but it has been made clear in the White Paper that the positions of all member states will be respected, including those like Ireland that are militarily neutral. Member states remain in the driving seat in determining the capabilities they require nationally, and it remains a national prerogative to decide how to use capabilities developed jointly.

I welcome the adoption by the Council of the security action for Europe, SAFE, regulation, which will provide member states with a financing mechanism to support their investment in defence. However, I would stress that decisions on defence spending remain a matter for individual member states. We are focused on developing our national defence capabilities and transforming our Defence Forces, and we will leverage the common procurement opportunities offered under the SAFE regulation as much as possible to progress delivery of Ireland’s defence capabilities and needs as quickly as possible. We look forward to continuing this work and to complementing this by working with other member states on common projects to the benefit of us all.

Leaders returned to competitiveness issues, having agreed in March that 2025 would mark a step change in our collective action to strengthen the EU’s Single Market. It is clear that geopolitical developments and the pace of technological advances are posing new challenges to Europe’s economic dynamism, which remains constrained by fragmented market rules in fast-evolving services sectors. Last year’s Draghi report highlighted, in particular, the key performance gap with the United States in terms of scaling fast-growing young firms at the technological frontier. There is much we can do to simplify regulatory frameworks and reduce administrative burdens on firms. We must also remove barriers within the Single Market, particularly for services. Recent work by the IMF suggests that remaining Single Market barriers are equivalent on average to a 44% tariff on goods and a 110% tariff on services, so there is a lot we can do ourselves in respect of removing barriers and making ourselves more competitive within the Single Market. Leaders welcomed in this context the detailed Single Market and startup and scale-up strategies presented by the Commission in May and called for work on their implementation to begin without delay. I made clear my own view that we must make Europe the best place in which to start and grow a business, including through a completely modernised digital environment and strong investment in research and innovation. I strongly welcome the broad-based agreement we have established that this will remain a crucially important political focus for the period ahead.

The European Council also endorsed the Commission’s proposal that Bulgaria adopt the euro on 1 January 2026, having fulfilled all the convergence criteria set out in the treaty. I take this opportunity to congratulate Bulgaria on reaching this important milestone towards becoming the 21st member of the single currency area from the beginning of next year.

In the context of strengthening our competitiveness, European leaders reflected on the European Union’s place in the world. This takes in a number of perspectives, including our trade relations. This is not just about current negotiations with the United States but also how the European Union can focus on market diversification via an expanded set of EU free trade agreements and work with other like-minded regions and groupings.

While European Union-US trade negotiations were not a formal agenda item, they were naturally a topic of interest and discussion among leaders. During the summit, Commission President von der Leyen provided an update on the current state of trade negotiations with the United States. There was a strong view among EU leaders that the Commission should have a mandate to continue to negotiate a deal with the US. Leaders also agreed that while a successful outcome to the negotiations and an agreement that works for both side remains the objective, the work on potential countermeasures that protect EU businesses and consumers must also continue. As the House will be aware, the deadline to reach agreement or to end the US pause on higher tariff rates has now been extended to 1 August. It is increasingly clear that any deal is likely to include a baseline tariff. It is very important therefore that the EU seeks to achieve a zero-for-zero approach for as many sectors as possible. The Government has been engaging actively with the Commission to ensure that they understand Ireland’s position and concern in areas such as pharmaceuticals, medtech and agrifood. I spoke again with President von der Leyen on Monday, when she updated me on the latest situation. I wished her, Commissioner Šefčovič and their team in the Commission well in their efforts to secure the best possible deal for the EU. In spite of recent turbulence, the European Union is in prime position when it comes to global trade. The openness of our trade regime has meant that the European Union is the biggest player on the global trading scene. This is worth defending.

This was yet another busy and important meeting of the European Council. It was clear from our discussions that we face many challenges, and it is important now that there is effective follow-up to the conclusions of the meeting across a range of areas. Leaders will return to many of these issues to assess progress and discuss further actions at the next formal meeting of the European Council in October.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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The most recent meeting of the European Council placed a heavy focus on the ramping-up of EU defence readiness. Of course, under the Commission Presidency of Ursula von der Leyen, the term "defence readiness" is simply code for the acceleration of a militarisation agenda, an agenda that pushes Europe into a new arms race, an agenda that will see the European Union spend an unprecedented €800 billion on arms. These are all signs of a European Union going in the wrong direction. Russia's criminal invasion of Ukraine, Israel's brutal genocide against the people of Gaza and its unprovoked attack on Iran, the potential for the expansion of conflict in the region and the destabilising impact on the entire Middle East all speak to a heightened sense of danger, violence and a lurch towards war in today's world. However, we cannot hope to turn the tide of militarisation by adding to it. We cannot prevent and resolve conflict by sending signals of European readiness to partake in them. When fear and warmongering become the driving force behind policy decisions, then militarisation becomes a dangerous, self-fulfilling prophecy, an unstoppable quicksand that drags the world in only one direction, down. It has never been more important for those of us who believe in a better vision of the future, for military-neutral states, to stand up and be counted; for those who believe in peace, diplomacy, dialogue and the primacy of international law to stand out ground and champion a world in which peace may be hard-won, but in which war is not inevitable. We will not get there if we are governed by a might-is-right philosophy that does not whisper, but screams in the ear of the powerful to arm up. Militarisation is a zero-sum game in which the only winners are the arms corporations that profit from conflict while so many face poverty and deprivation every day. The real story of descent into militarisation is told by the headstones of young, working-class men and women, sons and daughters of ordinary mams and dads, sent off to die in rich men's wars. History warns us of this time and again and those who ignore the lessons of history are doomed to repeat them. It is not lost on anybody that this intensification of the EU militarisation agenda comes at the exact time that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael move to demolish Ireland's cherished neutrality, the attempt to dismantle the triple lock being the first shameful attempt. That move would allow the Government to deploy Irish troops to EU-led and NATO-led military misadventures and imperialist conflicts without any UN mandate anywhere in the world.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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This is just terrible stuff.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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Indeed, the Tánaiste's plan to align Ireland with the von der Leyen Commission's new EU militarisation instrument, security action for Europe, shows exactly why our neutrality must be defended to the hilt. We are talking about a proposal that would raid the coffers of EU social funds for €150 billion and redirect that money to military purposes.

Micheál Martin (Cork South-Central, Fianna Fail)
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It is a loan facility.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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The ordinary people of Ireland will not surrender our neutrality just so Micheál Martin or Simon Harris can get a pat on the head from the high and mighty at the European Commission. The mothers and fathers of Ireland did not raise their sons and daughters to be sent off and die-----

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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This is terrible stuff. This is shocking.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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-----in imperialist wars of aggression, in conflicts that have nothing to do with this country because, make no mistake, that is where the plan of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to demolish our neutrality leads us. That is where von der Leyen's turbo-charged militarisation leads us. So, with everything we have got, we are going to stand up and defend out neutrality and in doing so, we will safeguard the future for our people, a future of hope over fear, a future of diplomacy over conflict, a future of peace over war.

I have said it before and I will say it again today that if the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste and the entire Government are so confident in that their plan to undermine and demolish Ireland's neutrality and dismantle the triple lock has the support of the Irish public, then they should put that proposition to the people by way of referendum. Give the people their say, and I believe the Taoiseach will get his answer loudly.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Rachaidh mé tríd na hábhair faoi mar a bhí siad i ráiteas an Taoisigh. In the first instance, I will say again that we abhor the Russian Federation's criminal invasion of Ukraine. It is a war of aggression that has caused untold human suffering. It is very clear from the events of recent weeks that Vladmir Putin has no interest in peace and that he is using opportunities of discussion to stall and delay, all the while trying to strengthen his own position and that of Russia. In such a context, it is important that international pressure come to bear on Russia. Ireland must use its voice at diplomatic levels and in terms of humanitarian support to advocate on behalf of Ukraine and against Russian aggression, and in support of sanctions where appropriate and necessary.

A number of Deputies across all sides of the House have reflected on the role of the EU in what is going on in the Middle East. It is an extraordinary situation. The EU's response to what is happening in the Middle East is undoubtedly one of the darkest chapters in its 50-odd year history. It is an absolute blot upon it. It has been trying for years to negotiate the EU-Israel association agreement clause 2, which makes it clear that human rights have to be complied with. There is no doubt that clause 2 has been broken thousands of times over the last number of years and yet the EU's pathetic response is to delay a decision for a further month. It is simply not good enough, and it reflects a profound lack of leadership, including from von der Leyen. It is right and appropriate that there are questions over her leadership at this point. She has shown no moral character in how she has responded to what is happening in Gaza, from the genocide and human suffering to the potential famine situation it is facing it and, indeed, with regard to the aid situation. Some 80% of people who have been killed in Gaza in recent weeks died while they were queuing for food and aid. Kaja Kallas has given cover in the past to the Israeli Government for the demonisation of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA, and given political cover for it being excluded from the distribution of aid. That was used quite deliberately and consciously by the Israeli Government and the US in bringing forward this Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, GHF, model, which is leading to chaos. It is not by any manner or means ensuring aid is being reached by people and it is leading to death because of the chaos that is involved.

The Taoiseach referenced the two-state solution conference, which is vital. I would also identify the ministerial conference in Bogotá next week, which is a conference in defence of international law. In the context of what is happening in the Middle East, it is vital that the Irish Government be represented there. Portugal will be there, and a number of other European countries are potentially going to be there. It is a crucially important conference, and I urge the Department to be in attendance.

We have seen headlines in the last couple of days with regard to tariffs, and yet more pronouncements by President Trump in relation to maybe 200% on pharmaceuticals. It is impossible to know where that situation will end up. It is impossible to know what President Trump will say next. What is clear, however, is that the direction of travel is towards tariffs. It is potentially towards at least a base tariff across the board for EU countries. From an Irish point of view, that leads to a number of questions. I believe Ireland has been left uniquely vulnerable by the policies of recent Governments and by their failure to invest in infrastructure, their over-reliance on tax incentives and their failure to diversify on who Irish businesses are doing business with. That needs to be addressed.

In our view, what are the priorities? The first has to be dealing with the issue of tariff distortions. We are potentially in a very particular situation because of the North-South economy. That needs to be a priority for the Irish Government. We need to use our voice at European level in defence of key Irish sectors, such as pharmaceuticals and life sciences but also some of the areas that would be most quickly affected, such as food and drink like whiskey and dairy products. They need to be right at the heart of the approach, as does preparation for supports. We have heard very little from the Government about what it is going to do to support businesses on the ground if this comes to pass.

Finally, infrastructure is one of the key things businesses up and down the country are highlighting with regard to the fact that the opportunity was not taken. Our infrastructure is too poor in terms of energy, transport, healthcare and housing, and that is one of the key reasons we are uniquely vulnerable. The Government needs to address that, whatever the outcome from negotiations on President Trump's plans.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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I thank the Taoiseach for the update on his attendance at the European Council. I attended the Party of European Socialists leaders' summit on the morning of the European Council in Brussels on 26 June. As the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, knows, there is a group leaders' summit in advance of Council meetings. We in the Labour Party are proud affiliates of the Party of European Socialists and, of course, our MEP in the Socialists and Democrats group is Aodhán Ó Ríordáin. I think I can say that it is good for Ireland that we now have an MEP in the S and D group in the European Parliament. It is the second largest group in the Parliament and, of course, it has a good deal of influence and impact on European decision-making. Others in attendance with me at that pre-summit meeting were obviously party leaders from socialist parties across Europe, including the Spanish Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, and some socialist Commissioners too, including Teresa Ribera, the Spanish Commissioner, with whom I engaged directly.

I want to address a number of issues the Taoiseach raised. First, I will speak about Ukraine. I am really glad to hear the Taoiseach's reaffirmation of our strong solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of Russia's brutal and illegal invasion and aggression. I am glad we are supporting the strong sanctions the EU is to take against Russia. Indeed, I hope we will see strengthened sanctions against Russia. I hope we will also see greater progress on EU accession. European Union membership for Ukraine is a vital component for the future of Ukraine.

I ask that the Minister of State bring back, particularly to the Tánaiste, the question as to why a Russian ship was moored off Killiney Bay over recent days. I know they have moved on, but it is a cause of serious alarm to see them come so close to our shore when Russia is facing such strong sanctions. I note that Government representatives have been asking this question too.

Second, on Gaza, clearly this is of the utmost and pressing importance at EU level and it is good to know it was discussed at Council, but it is hugely disappointing to see the lack of unity and lack of solidarity from the EU collectively with the people of Gaza as they endure Israel's appalling genocide. In Ireland, clearly, we have very strong views. Across this House, there are such strong views and there is such strong distress at the appalling and ongoing brutality that is being inflicted upon the people of Gaza, upon civilians and upon children. In advance of my journey to Brussels, the Tánaiste and I spoke about how Ireland could press collectively, from both Government and Opposition side, for stronger action on Gaza and stronger action against Israel at EU level. I am glad to say I did engage directly with socialist leaders from Spain and other countries about the need to go further and, in particular, the need to suspend the association agreement. Again, it is a matter of regret that did not come out as a strong call from the Council meeting. I hope at the next level of engagement we will see a decision taken to suspend immediately that association agreement with Israel. It is appalling that association agreement is still in place.

I also engaged on the need for other states to adopt Ireland's approach and bring in occupied territories legislation. I am conscious that we in opposition are pressing hard to ensure that the occupied territories Bill will include goods and services, crucially, but we also want to see similar legislation being brought forward in other member states, particularly states like Spain and Belgium, which have taken a strong stance in support of the people of Gaza. Spain, of course, has recognised the Palestinian state along with us. It is regrettable to see a block on stronger action against Israel from states like Hungary and again, I urge the Minister of State to please go further. Here at home, we need to see much stronger action, in particular on bringing children out of Gaza for humanitarian purposes. I listened earlier to the Taoiseach's response and it was unsatisfactory. I have met with Gazan families in my constituency. They are living in Merrion in the Sandymount area, and they are absolutely desperate because family members are being killed in Gaza while they await the visas and wait for the red tape to be cut through so they can bring over these desperately injured children and their siblings. I am appealing to the Minister of State again. I have spoken directly to the Ministers for health, justice and foreign affairs, but we need to do more on this.

On the matters raised relating to EU security and defence, it is welcome to see strong recognition of Ireland's military neutrality. We are strong believers in the triple lock but we also believe in investing in the Defence Forces. Neutrality is not a cheap option and we need to see our Defence Forces properly supported and sustained.

Regarding trade, I welcome the extension of the deadline for Trump's tariffs to 1 August. I agree on the point of zero-for-zero but, undoubtedly, there is immense uncertainty now for business across the country. I ask the Tánaiste to continue to provide briefings for Opposition leaders and spokespersons on progress made with tariff talks. It is extremely helpful for us to be kept informed of what is going on.

Finally, I express my deep concern at the growth of the far right across the European Union. We are seeing it take control in certain governments and having a strong impact on policies in different member states. I appeal to the Minister of State to use every lever in his power and that of the Government to hold off that threat of the far right-----

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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From this side.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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-----here in Ireland.

Malcolm Byrne (Wicklow-Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the Minister of State's strong commitment to the European Union. In this time of global turbulence, it is more important than ever that we talk about why the European Union is in place. It is the world's greatest peace and prosperity project. It is not perfect and there are lots of reasons we can criticise the European Union, but if we think about what the EU has achieved, not just for Ireland but also for this Continent and the world, it is more important than ever that we start talking about European values regarding human rights, the rule of law and respect for democracy. This needs to be applied both inside the European Union and when we talk about it globally. In particular, I reference the ongoing concern, which I know the Minister of State has expressed, about what has been happening with the repression of rights in Hungary, particularly with regard to LGBT rights. We need to communicate effectively, both internally within the Union and more widely, why those values are so important, especially given this Continent's history.

In that regard, I was very happy to hear the Taoiseach again emphasise Ireland's and the European Union's support for and solidarity with Ukraine and the work being carried out by President Zelenskyy. Day after day, we see the continued bombing and destruction of infrastructure. We have seen children abducted from Ukraine and taken into Russia and Belarus. I am glad it remains on the European agenda but I am concerned it does not get discussed as often as it should on the political agenda here. We have war in Europe and we have had only one opportunity for statements on the issue within this House. Within the media, with the honourable exception of the Irish Independent, coverage of Ukraine has often dropped off the agenda. As Deputy Bacik mentioned, Russia is engaging in hybrid warfare against the Ukrainian state and this is not being taken sufficiently seriously. We see soft interviews on "Morning Ireland" regarding issues relating to Russia. Ukraine is not getting the level of attention it deserves. I encourage the Minister of State, as I know he has been doing, to continue to keep this at the heart of the European agenda.

I also want to raise the forthcoming EU-China summit. The Minister of State might indicate in his response who will be representing Ireland at that summit. I welcome Ursula von der Leyen questioning China's continued support of Russia in its war on Ukraine. That has to be central to any engagement between the EU and China. While we do want to do business with China, and I have huge respect for China and the Chinese people, its continued sabre-rattling against Taiwan, its oppression of minorities in Xinjiang and Tibet and what has been going on Hong Kong are not acceptable. I ask for this to be a priority at the forthcoming summit.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Smyth's, indication that we will have a major AI summit next year. Before our AI committee yesterday, I was glad to hear her officials confirm they will be working towards an AI summit. I would like artificial intelligence to be a key aspect of the Ireland's EU Presidency agenda.

The Taoiseach mentioned the competitiveness agenda and I know the Minister of State is very committed to it as well. It remains crucial. We have to keep a focus on what was raised within the Draghi report. It is essential we move on the development of a capital markets union. I hope the Minister of State, in his response, will be able to address those issues.

Joe Neville (Kildare North, Fine Gael)
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The issues I wish to raise relate specifically to our competitiveness across the EU, especially with the technological hat we have on as a country. I can see it especially in my own constituency with Intel in north Kildare. We are in a very lucky position as a country to be at the forefront of speaking at these EU summits. It is something we should not take for granted. Many people from this country over many years have contributed well and our standing across the EU is in high regard because of them. Indeed, they have a level of trust in what we speak and stand for as a country. Historically, we as a country have been beneficiaries of the EU, both financially and technologically. Now, we are probably at a slightly different stage in that journey whereby we are helping others, which is positive. That being said, there are other wider benefits we continue to see in all discussions and in our standing within the EU.

As I said, the area I wish to focus on is EU competitiveness. This needs to be strengthened through innovation and promoting EU technological leadership. As we know, Europe has been behind the US and China in its technological growth, which is something we need to resolve and fix. Fortunately for us, Ireland has seen the benefit of the level of foreign direct investment, abilities and knowledge we are accumulating in our own country, but we have been at the forefront. This leads to my key point: we need to ensure we are at the forefront and that the EU also gets there. We need to ensure we can support the companies here, such as Intel, which is based in Leixlip.

The European Chips Act, which was adapted in July 2023, addresses some of the key challenges facing the semiconductor industry but we know those challenges will only get tougher. There are key challenges coming from not just China but also Taiwan with TSMC, and there is Nvidia in the US. We are seeing the development of companies on their side and we need to ensure we have that strong knowledge within the EU. These industries are the industries of the future and Europe needs to have a key share of it. The EU's market share of the semiconductor industry represented only 12.7% of the global market. We need to ensure this is supported and grows in order that Irish manufacturers will be once again at the forefront of that. That is key and it is why it is important we speak about it not only here but also at the highest level.

At the EU summit, there were key discussions around what is happening in Gaza. Ireland as a country has shown great leadership in Europe in this regard. I heard previous Deputies complain, give out and say the EU was not strong enough. They might be right in some of that but, at the same time, where Ireland has led, many other countries in the EU have followed. Countries like Spain may have been with us at the start but we are generally seeing the people's view moving towards that of Ireland. We have all been questioned about whether we could do more but, as I said, this Irish Government has been at the forefront of speaking for Gaza. That might not be acknowledged on the Opposition benches but it has been acknowledged in Europe and Palestine. This Government has been at the forefront of speaking for the people of Gaza and Palestine. This was reflected over the previous couple of weeks and continues to be reflected as Ireland shows leadership in that way. I commend the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste on their efforts in this regard and, indeed, the whole diplomatic team.

There have been many references to the EU and what is happening in Ukraine. The EU has strongly supported Ukraine and we know the damage being done there. As Deputy Byrne said, we need to keep this at the top of the agenda and if we have the opportunity to do so, we must continue to do that.

Deputy Bacik referenced the growth of the far right but there is also the growth of the far left. It has caused significant damage across Europe and different parts of the world for many generations. We saw the damage done in Eastern Europe. As much as we discuss the far right, we also have to look at the far left. The centre must always hold. We as a Government have been fortunate to be in a country where the centre has held and we have been lucky in many ways.

I, for one, would like to be part of a Europe where the centre holds. It is not about the far left or the far right. It is important that we play a key role in the leadership we are showing and will continue to show.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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Europe is becoming obsessed with spending on greater security and militarisation. We are so wrapped up in creating a fortress Europe that we are neglecting the fundamental concerns of conflict prevention and resolution. Surely it would be better to prevent a conflict in the first place than build walls and manufacture weapons of war. I spoke at the OSCE annual parliamentary assembly last week where I made the point that fewer and fewer countries are participating in conflict resolution and peacekeeping in an increasingly fractious and dangerous world. The international community seems increasingly unwilling or unable to uphold the core Helsinki principles of respect for human rights and peaceful resolution of disputes. States that once championed the Helsinki principles now often ignore them in pursuit of their own selfish interests. They turn their backs on conflicts because their supposed friends are involved. Trade partners are an exception to outrage when it comes to crimes against humanity. As long as there are acceptable exceptions to the rule of international law, as long as those selfish interests come first, the spirit of multilateral co-operation will continue to diminish. Once that co-operation is gone, we are left isolated and scared.

I do not believe security action for Europe is the answer. It is little more than a bankrolling of the European arms manufacturing industry. Hard-learned lessons from the financial crisis are being thrown aside so that massive deficits will be allowed as long as the money goes into arms.

We should, of course, do what we can to help Ukraine repel the Russian invaders and then work towards rebuilding the country so life can resume and it can apply for EU membership. What we should also do is not use Russia as a bogeyman while we become a paranoid, inward-looking bloc. There are more economic levers we can use against Russia and sanctions that will hurt it more than any loss on the battlefield. While we have reduced the volume of Russian gas in the European energy mix, it still represents a substantial proportion of gas imports at 20%. We still buy its gas and uranium, and its shadow fleet of oil tankers still evades sanctions. Greater investment in renewable energy is needed if we want to cut this dependency on Russia and really hurt it as an energy exporter. In Ireland and across Europe, renewable energy should be considered as the first line of defence. Clean energy is secure energy.

It is far too late for the European Council to think that its condemnation of settler violence in the West Bank will make the slightest difference. The Israeli Government has decided there will be no peace and no let-up from the destruction that rains down on children's heads. The same Israeli Government has heard all this before and has seen that nothing ever comes of it. The only thing that will make the Israelis sit up and pay attention is economic sanctions. As long as the violence in Gaza and the West Bank continues, the empty words of the European Council, while welcome, carry little weight with the Israeli war cabinet. There must be a revocation of the EU-Israel association agreement, not endless talk of reviews. The evidence is plain to see. It is the bodies of over 50,000 dead children and 134,000 injured in Palestine.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I thank the Government for the briefing on the European Council. I particularly welcome the update on the work done on Ukraine and encourage more of that. I agree with the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne's comments that we need to make sure it does not fade from view in the media and in our discussions.

I want to focus my comments on concerns I have around three specific topics: European defence, Gaza and the omnibus. First, with regard to defence, I want to highlight in particular the words of the European Council President, António Costa, immediately after the European Council. The emphasis was not just on defence but on the EU as a defence alliance. The Council President celebrated how the EU is tying our actions on defence to the decisions and work of NATO as two sides of the same coin. We are framing the funding of arms manufacturers and research on how best to kill people as key to European prosperity. We hear from the most senior figures of the EU that what the European Union wants is a "common European defence system".

I have heard empty assurances these past few months about the love that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have for our neutrality. This is cold comfort when the most powerful people in the EU are attempting to turn the European Union into a defence union. What has Ireland done to push back and to protect our sovereignty and neutrality within this context? Not only that, but last week, we heard at the defence committee that the EU will classify defence spending, that is spending on bombs, guns and missiles, as "sustainable finance". This is pitting the companies that are fighting climate change, poverty and hunger directly against arms companies, including ones that are directly supplying Israel in its genocide in Gaza. What has Ireland done to push back against this subversion of truth and twisting of reality? Is it that bombs are sustainable, that guns and bullets are a green investment or that war will bring peace?

I despair at the fact that while we have continued and increasingly strong words from the Government on Gaza, we have yet to see tangible actions. We have been told when we raise this issue that the Government strategy is to keep in step with Europe entirely and then to refuse to lead as a country. As I have repeatedly pointed out, this is unacceptable when we consider the very unique solidarity of the Irish people with this cause. We alone in Europe have a clear mandate from our population. It is clear from the report on the EU-Israel association agreement that Israel is in breach of its obligations. This is something the European Council has said, yet we, as a Union, have done nothing. In black and white, we now see the human rights requirements of EU trade agreements are not worth the paper they are written on. It is clear that Europe has failed the test of moral courage that will define these times, so what are we waiting for? Why can Ireland not be brave and take that first step?

There is one other thing that I have repeatedly said and that I want to keep reminding people of. Even when we go as far as suspending the EU-Israel association agreement, and the words of the Taoiseach in his opening comments were that Ireland has consistently said that all options must be considered up to and including suspension of the association agreement, that is simply the revocation of a privilege. It does not even amount to sanctions. All it does is level the playing field with our other trading partners. The fact that we would even consider capping it at the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement and not seek to go further with sanctions against Israel that mirror the sanctions imposed on Russia by European Union is galling.

Regarding the omnibus, we hear frequently from the Government of the importance of simplification and how competitiveness trumps all. It appears that our competitiveness is apparently more important than human rights, employment rights and social spending. We in the Social Democrats are not against making compliance as simple as possible for small businesses. However, we are against deregulation that results in the continuation of slavery and human rights violations in our supply chains. I have been struggling for months to get a straight answer from the Government on whether the CSDDD will be protected. The assurances I got were minimal and swept away by an omnibus package being approved by the Council that Human Rights Watch said turned this supply chain law into window dressing at best. Under current proposals, fewer than 1,000 companies will be bound by the directive, most supply chains will be out of scope and there is no requirement to implement climate action plans at all. How can we stand over this package? What has Ireland done to push back against this deregulation package?

I look forward to answers to those questions from the Minister of State.

Naoise Ó Cearúil (Kildare North, Fianna Fail)
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I commend Deputy Byrne on the work he has been doing as Minister of State with responsibility for foreign affairs and, in particular, European affairs. There are two areas that I would like to cover following the European Council meeting: Ukraine and the Middle East.

It is critical that Ukraine remains at the forefront of our minds and that we continue to call out the illegal aggression of Russia as it continues to bombard the country. I urge the Government to push as much as possible to ensure that Ukraine can acquire full EU membership.

This is tantamount to ensuring the safety and future of the Ukrainian people and, indeed, the Ukrainian state, and I appreciate the efforts that the Minister has been making in this regard.

On the Middle East, and Gaza in particular, we are constantly hearing from the Opposition that the Government is not doing enough. They fail to mention the recognition of the State of Palestine by the Government, the progress with the occupied territories Bill, the funding of UNWRA and the work on the International Criminal Court, ICC, case, among many other measures.

Earlier on Leaders' Questions, the leader of the Opposition criticised the Taoiseach and the Government in relation to children coming to this country from Gaza to seek medical assistance. There have been concerted efforts by the Government to help children as much as possible travel here safely to ensure that they get the medical attention that they require in keeping with the WHO initiative that other member states are working on as well and what frustrates me is the politicisation of this. Here we have sick children, the State is doing its utmost to help them and we are not seeing any recognition. It is merely trying to politicise it, time and again. If someone genuinely has concerns or questions about issues such as this, sometimes that type of work is better done behind the scenes rather than trying to politicise it. I commend the Taoiseach and, indeed, the Minister, on the amount of work that they are doing to ensure that those families and individuals can come here. The Minister for Health is bringing a memorandum to Cabinet that will allow not only a parent or a carer to come, but, indeed, siblings and a second parent or second carer.

I called in this House last week for the refugee status that we granted to Ukrainians coming to the State, particularly throughout the war in Ukraine, to be extended to the people of Palestine because there are a lot of Irish families helping Palestinian families. Irish families are funding Palestinian families to try to help them buy food, such as flour, etc., but it would be great to see an initiative like that. Not everybody will want to come here from Gaza or from the West Bank, but for those individuals and families who do want to come here, at least we can provide that opportunity. It is impossible for them to get the required documentation because they are in a war zone that most refugees will pass through. Exceptions need to be made, particularly for people from Gaza, because as many people rightly have said here, there is a particular affinity between the Irish people and the Palestinian people. I will send the Minister of State an email on this and see if it is something that the Department or, indeed, the Minister for Justice could look at in more detail. I had contacted the Minister. We stand with the people of Palestine.

Martin Daly (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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Following the 26 June post-Council European statement, I note the EU position on Gaza, Iran, Ukraine and Syria. Ireland has led the EU in advocating for the beleaguered Palestinian people in Gaza and in the West Bank. The Taoiseach has called it genocide and forcefully decried the lack of action on the part of the European Union. There has been formal recognition at EU level, driven by Ireland, of the human rights abuses and a promised review of the Israel-EU association agreement. There is tentative hope that a ceasefire brokered by the US will supersede this and allow a massive humanitarian aid programme to begin. Ireland should continue to campaign for a ceasefire that allows the release of the hostages, relief of the Palestinian people and a permanent political solution based on the two-state principle. The affirmation of the EU commitment to the security of Ukraine and ensuring that Russia does not prevail in creating a potential threat to the Baltic States is also welcome.

I have made statements on those two issues previously, most recently on the Middle East last week, and would like to focus on the EU's recommitment to competitiveness that was enunciated in the Draghi report. We are living through an era of extraordinary global uncertainty. Geopolitical tensions are deepening, markets are fragmenting, and with the return of aggressive tariff policies under President Trump, the rules of international trade that once brought stability and predictability are being rewritten. In this context, one question that should focus all our minds is: how do we ensure that Europe and Ireland remain competitive in a world that is increasingly volatile, protectionist and unpredictable? Competitiveness today is not only about low costs or access to markets. It is about resilience, innovation, the ability to attract talent, to develop new industries and to lead in the technologies that will shape the future. If we want to succeed, we cannot stand still and we cannot rely on the old assumptions.

At the same time, we are witnessing a profound shift across the Atlantic. In the United States, long regarded as a powerhouse for innovation, the environment for research and development has become more uncertain. Universities, research institutions and tech industries are grappling with the unstable funding, political interference and growing barriers to collaboration. That creates a strategic opening for Europe in Ireland. We have the opportunity, not only to compete but to lead. We can be a place where researchers, innovators and entrepreneurs can find a stable, ambitious and forward-looking environment in which to thrive. Thankfully, we are already taking steps in that direction. We are investing in innovation hubs, advanced manufacturing clusters, digital technologies and green energy solutions. We are supporting our universities and research centres to collaborate with industry and to attract the brightest minds from across the globe.

The European Union is also playing its part, with the Horizon Europe programme, the European Chips Act, and a new push to cut administrative burdens on small businesses and start-ups. The message is clear. We want Europe to be the home of the industries and jobs of the future. However, we must go further. Competitiveness is not only about policy papers; it is about delivery. It means removing the obstacles that hold back growth. It means speeding up planning, strengthening digital infrastructure, supporting education and skills and ensuring that we are not only catching up with global trends, but setting them.

Ireland has every reason to be confident. We are an open outward-looking economy with a strong track record of innovation and resilience, but confidence must be matched with action. In the face of global instability, Ireland can be a magnet for investment, a centre of innovation and a leader in shaping Europe's competitive future. That is the ambition we must hold and it is the action we must take.

Mairéad Farrell (Galway West, Sinn Fein)
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Ursula von der Leyen has been one of the staunchest defenders of the current Israeli regime. She has consistently provided cover for them, going for photo opportunities at every possible moment.

She talks about human rights and international law but it is clear for all to see how unequally she applies this. She will talk about Russian war crimes but she will not talk about Israeli war crimes. She will talk about the need to defend Ukrainian lives but she is silent on the need to protect Palestinian lives. She is proud of the 18th sanctions package against Russia but she has not mentioned a single sanctions package against Israel. She has pushed ahead with her poorly titled SAFE, Security Action For Europe, programme. This is a programme of militarisation which will make us less safe. She has ridden roughshod over the EU Parliament, so much so that the President of the Parliament has threatened legal action.

A hard-hitting report from the Bundestag said the SAFE programme may be illegal and now there is a no-confidence motion coming in her. Fine Gael has already stated that it will support her. It is hardly a surprise. I understand that Fianna Fáil MEPs will not support that motion.

This Commission, led by her with her carbon copy, Kaja Kallas, has weakened Europe's standing on the global stage but, obviously, we can only do what is within our powers. We continue to fail to exercise the powers that we have. The occupied territories Bill, without including sanctions, is weak. It is also tokenistic. Israeli war bonds will continue to be facilitated by the Central Bank and we will continue to have lofty statements backed by little meaningful action.

The Irish Strategic Investment Fund could be directed by the Minister to divest from those eight companies identified by The Journal. These companies have operations within the occupied territories.

They are on the UN blacklist. It really pains me to see the way that the UN blacklist and international law is being ignored and destroyed. Only earlier this week, the Prime Minister of Israel, for whom there is international arrest warrant issued, was allowed to fly unperturbed through EU airspace. Of course, it is not only EU airspace, but Irish airspace as well, where a blind eye is turned.

The international system, the foundations of which were initially put in place after 1945, is slowly being dismantled before our eyes and the words that come from the mouths of western leaders have little relationship to reality. We need to do better not only for the Palestinian people, but for all the people.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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The Commissioner of the EU, Ursula von der Leyen, is not just complicit in the genocide in Gaza; she is actively supportive of the Israeli state and what it is doing. She still uses the term, "Israel's right to defend itself", right up until now. Even when Gaza is being starved, children are being killed for sport and doctors are being murdered, Israel has the right to defend itself, according to her. It is absolutely shameful that she is heading up the EU. Tomorrow, the Minister of State's party, Fine Gael, the Labour Party and other parties will have the right to send a message on that because there will be a vote of no confidence in Ursula von der Leyen. Any Irish MEP who votes to support her, given what she has done, should hang his or her head in shame. Such MEPs are not representing the views of the majority of Irish people. We believe that Fine Gael will troop up - it is not fully clear what Fianna Fáil will do - and apparently the Labour Party has also professed its support on the basis that a far-right group is putting the vote. I will tell the Minister of State now-----

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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On vaccines.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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-----you can distinguish your vote-----

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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On vaccines.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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-----when you make a vote, and can come out publicly to explain your stance, but the reality is it is a vote of no confidence. If the parties are not happy about that, they can put one themselves, which should have happened a long time ago.

I will raise another issue. The Minister of State and the Government constantly say how much Ireland is doing. There are two examples of basic care that we could give to people suffering the genocide. Medical evacuation for Palestinian children was raised today. Why are children with the most horrific injuries, who we promised to care for in our health system, being blocked and delayed in Gaza? Is it because their siblings might want to come with them? Is that the reason? Are we that cruel that we would not assign people some family support? How can we justify this? They were promised this care months ago.

I will also raise the matter of the GAA team from Palestine. I received emails from the GAA regarding the Palestinian hurling club. The GAA wants to bring the Moatez Sarsour club over. It is due to visit Croke Park but it is not getting the visas. It is getting conflicting information. Let us allow those children in, as well as other people.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I have two and a half minutes, so I will try to be as focused as I can. I absolutely agree with the comments on Frau von der Leyen. Europe lost its moral compass a long time ago. Frau von der Leyen is telling us that Israel is entitled to defend itself. It is just beyond. If the MEPs from Ireland vote against the motion of no confidence, we are seriously in trouble in Ireland.

On the action from the EU in the context of these discussions, I welcome that we finally have a statement that deplores the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza and the unacceptable level of civilian death. What we have is slaughter. We are still playing with words. I welcome that we got those words, however weak and vague, although it has taken more than 20 or 21 months, but there has been absolutely no action. It is simply unconscionable that it has taken this long. It puts into acute focus the need for leadership from this country, as an independent sovereign state and a republic with a particular history of colonisation and famine, and to lead on this matter. It goes to our credibility. For me, the credibility of the EU has been gone for a very long time, although I am a committed European. I put that in, ar eagla na heagla.

I asked for a review of the trade agreement in a question I tabled as far back as November 2021 because at that stage, what was going on was simply unacceptable. Again, there has been no action on that whatsoever.

Our credibility on Iran is at stake. We have a declaratory statement: "The EU has always been clear that Iran must never be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon." This is despite the fact that the International Atomic Energy Agency stated that the agency had not found any proof of an effort to obtain a nuclear weapon on 17 June. Its director said reports that Iran has not been actively pursuing acquiring a nuclear weapon since 2003 are accurate. US intelligence officials have found no evidence of Iran moving towards a nuclear weapon. We are back to weapons of mass destruction. We are back to Israel, a genocidal regime, invading a sovereign state and all we can talk about is mutual conflict between two countries. If we are to call out Russia, which I absolutely do, we need to call out the genocidal state that is Israel. We have to lead.

Cathy Bennett (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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The Taoiseach correctly described the failure of the European Union to come to a unified position on Gaza as a huge strain on the bloc. He also said that if it fails to do so, Europe will have no credibility. European Union Commissioner, President Ursula von der Leyen, today lacks any credibility on human rights or international humanitarian law. It was Ursula von der Leyen who, at the onset of Israel's onslaught against the civilian population of Gaza, through offering Benjamin Netanyahu unconditional and unqualified support, provided the political cover for the barbarity of the genocidal regime that has unfolded in front of our eyes. It was von der Leyen's Commission that threw red tape and bureaucracy in the way of funds to organisations that work to alleviate the suffering of the people of Gaza on the basis of a baseless Israeli slander. It was von der Leyen's Commission that has taken virtually no meaningful action or sanction against Israel intended to pressure it or to bring an end to the genocide there. It was von der Leyen's Commission that ignored the request from the Irish Government in February of last year to examine Israel's war crimes. Despite this, we know that a leaked internal EU report from the Commission has found that Israel has committed war crimes. Von der Leyen's response has been little to naught. Despite a more substantive review last month, she now sits on her hands for a further month.

In the face of a European Commission bereft of credibility or basic morality, it has become incumbent on the Government to act, to take meaningful action and to sanction Israel for its inhumane crimes. The Government has failed in that regard, nowhere more so than in the terms of the occupied territories Bill. The Tánaiste announced on the eve of the election that Fine Gael would support the Bill and not a watered-down version that excludes services. The Taoiseach and the then Minister for Foreign Affairs had officials cosponsor a UN General Assembly resolution last year, alongside Palestine, on the implementation of the ICJ decision on the consequences of Israel's illegal occupation. This was a resolution that made no distinction between goods and services. I will call it what it is: both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have played politics with the occupied territories Bill. Ursula von der Leyen's credibility on human rights and international humanitarian law is long gone and buried beneath the rubble and ash of Gaza. In choosing whether to include services in the occupied territories Bill, and in picking and choosing when the Government complies with international law, the Tánaiste and the Minister of State should be aware that their credibility is also on the line.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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It is good to have the opportunity to speak about the European Council meeting that took place at the end of June. Even in the past couple of weeks, things have moved on and changed. The next meeting is not until October. I acknowledge that it is a difficult job for the Government, as a member of a very large bloc and a small country, to try to get our views across. There were 12 key headings, including any other business, and more than 50 individual topics for discussion, not all of which related to us because they concerned EU security issues where we have an opt-out under our neutrality.

I will comment on the major issues. There was fairly unanimous agreement among European Union member states on Ukraine. Its position on Iran is a little watered down. We did not see too much on that.

Aside from the condemnation of the bombing of Iran and trying to ensure that Iran does not get its hands on nuclear weapons, it has been very lax in dealing with the regime itself which has been responsible for record numbers of executions since its inception and continues to harass and murder its own population. While I would condemn any US or Israeli bombing of the Iranian population, I hold no love for the Iranian regime, which funds Hezbollah and Hamas and also helps the Russians to bomb Ukraine.

The key issue for Ireland, as a colonially oppressed nation, is the ongoing sympathy we have for the suffering and the genocide taking place in Gaza and our opposition to the continued Israeli settler incursions in the West Bank. The European Council's conclusions state:

The European Council calls for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza... It deplores the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza, the unacceptable number of civilian casualties and the levels of starvation. The European Council calls on Israel to fully lift its blockade on Gaza, to allow immediate, unimpeded access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance...

The European Council recalls the imperative of ensuring the protection of all civilians... It deplores the refusal of Hamas to hand over the remaining hostages.

It is all motherhood and apple pie, except it is not about apple pie, but about actual people. As others have said, the European Union has been morally bankrupt on this issue for a long time. Therefore, it behoves countries like Ireland to show moral leadership.

At the European affairs committee last week we had a presentation from the Danish ambassador. Given that Denmark is a small country that was occupied by the Nazis in the Second World War, one would think it would be to the forefront on this issue. However, going by its history, with Denmark helping Danish Jews to flee the Nazis, it has had a kind of friendship with the Israeli state. I would like to have a friendship with the Israeli state if it was not murdering people. The Danes see the Israelis as their friends. The Israelis see Danes as having played a key role. Obviously, I condemn the fact that Ireland was not really to the forefront in assisting Jewish refugees. We had a very piecemeal approach during the Second World War and we should be condemned for that. However, we can see where the Danes are coming from; they are reluctant to fully condemn the Israelis. Therefore, we have to do it. We should work with Denmark to try to push it further because it is a small country like us.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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Last year the Government sought to introduce censorship laws under the guise of hate speech legislation. The Government essentially sought to assert itself as the arbitrator as to what is and what is not hate. Recently the European Commission warned Ireland that we are outside the laws in terms of hate speech legislation. An Taoiseach, Micheál Martin, recently told an NGO that we will be working on this issue and that we must be within the European framework. This is of great concern to the people across Ireland. The Government was out of step with public opinion last year and was brought kicking and screaming into reducing or sidelining that part of the legislation. Now the European Union seeks to introduce this again. I call on the Government to tell the EU to get stuffed on this issue. We need to ensure that we have civil liberties and freedom of speech. Freedom of speech is important for everyone. Recently in Germany pro-Palestinian protesters were dispersed with water cannons and batons under the guise of spreading hate. In the Netherlands students who were voicing their opposition to what was happening to the poor people of Gaza were labelled as inciting hate. This is not just for the far right or the far left, but for everyone. It is really important that we write back to the European Union and tell it that we will not be introducing censorship laws in Ireland.

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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I will shortly talk about EU expansionism but I feel I need to address some of the comments Deputy Lawless has made about hate speech legislation. I am very much an advocate for free speech. Quite apart from the fact that it is a right under the European Convention, it is a constitutional right in this jurisdiction which must be respected and maintained. However, having a law that says that people cannot use their power and their right to speak freely to incite hatred against certain groups is not a restriction of free speech that is unwarranted. Listening to Deputy Lawless, one would think that-----

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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Does the Deputy support changing the legislation, the legislation he supported last year? I have no difficulty-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Please, Deputy Lawless-----

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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The Deputy can read the comments I made on this in the Seanad. As the Fine Gael justice spokesperson in the Seanad, I spoke for a very long time on many occasions on that Bill. There is no doubt whatsoever about my views on this. The Deputy speaks as if there are no restrictions on free speech and suggests we should tell the EU to go and get stuffed. What kind of a comment is that to make? We were introducing legislation that would protect minorities that are put upon by people because of what they are, not who they are, because of characteristics like their sexual orientation,-----

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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The Irish people said "No" and the Government dropped it.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Please-----

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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-----race and religion. I do not want people like that to be put upon by other people because they choose to speak out against them. The Deputy speaks as if there are no restrictions on free speech, as if it is an absolute thing. Presumably he would throw out the defamation laws as well because-----

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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So the Deputy wants the Israelis to-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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An Teachta Lawless-----

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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-----he believes people should be able to say whatever they want, as is the case in America. He believes people can say whatever they want and it does not matter if they do down someone's good name or incite hatred against them. What an absolute nonsense stance to take. He should be responsible and recognise that no right in our Constitution or any other international instrument we are part of is absolute. Every right comes with a responsibility. While people have free speech, they cannot use that right to do down a group because they have particular characteristics. That was what that law was about. He is quite right that it did not pass in full. It certainly did not pass to the extent I wanted to pass in the previous Oireachtas. I welcome that the Taoiseach has said the Government will work to reintroduce such legislation. As the Deputy has said, we are outside the norms of the European Union because other European Union states actually have the courage to stand up and say they want to protect people who are being put down by people who think that they can use their characteristics to operate against them. That is what that is about. Let us not misrepresent what is actually there.

Let us also recognise that when we look at the progress of European legislation, workers in this country are better off, safer and have better conditions because of European law. We did not tell the European Union to "get stuffed" on that stuff either. The reality is we have benefited time after time from the European Union. By the way, we cannot speak about it as if we are not part of it because our Ministers sit at the European Council table. We have a Commissioner at the Commission table. We are part of that decision-making process. We have benefited from the fact that collectively as the European Union, we have handed down legislation in this country that means we have good health and safety, good employment rights and good employment benefits.

Therefore, if we tell the European Union to go and get stuffed, we are telling ourselves to go and get stuffed because we sit around the table in Brussels as much as any other country. The big change for us in joining the European Union in 1973 was that we went from being in the shadow of a former colonial power to being an equal party at the table. Perhaps the most significant thing when we talk about the European Council statements is that our leader sat at that table, equal to the German Chancellor and equal to the leaders of France, Spain and Italy, which are much bigger countries by population and economy but we have an equal place. When the Deputy says, "Go and get stuffed", he is telling our country to go and get stuffed. He should have a little bit of sense and decorum in relation to what we are actually trying to do with that legislation.

What I actually wanted to talk about are the items on the agenda referring to European enlargement, which is hugely important. It is something that has stalled to a large extent. I have raised this issue on a couple of occasions and I do not do so in any way to undermine the process of enlargement and the process by which countries must meet the Copenhagen criteria before they become members of the European Union. I also do not say it with a view to saying that countries should not have the right to veto a new member, but I do not think any member state should have the right to veto the process through which another country goes to apply for membership and to start the process of joining.

These are issues I have raised at COSAC, which is the European committee where the chairs of the European Union affairs committees of each member state come together twice during each Presidency. I spoke on this in Warsaw last month and in Copenhagen last week. These are important issues. We know that European enlargement is better for the European Union. We are better if we are bigger and have more members. As a bloc, we are much stronger. We know that the countries coming into the European Union are better off when they are inside the European Union because they sign up to adherence to the rule of law and the other instruments that form part of the Copenhagen criteria which make the citizens of those countries better off. If enlargement of European Union is better for those of us who are in and better for those who are coming in, let us make sure it progresses because it feels very much like it has stalled at the moment.

Regarding Moldova, I acknowledge that there was a bilateral summit between Moldova and the European Union, the first such summit, which is very welcome. Moldova is wedged on the edge of Europe and on the edge of Ukraine and is in a very vulnerable position.

The ambassador here, Ms Jana Costachi, will have spoken to many Deputies in this House, I am sure. She is constantly talking to people here about that membership process. Moldova is not alone in that regard. There are countries like Serbia, for example, that are probably further away from being ready for membership. Georgia unfortunately has taken a turn in the opposite direction through the dominance of Georgian Dream in Georgian internal politics. The approach to opposition politicians in Georgia is deeply regrettable and sinister and is something the EU needs to keep an eye on and address. However, I do not think it reflects the attitude of Georgian people, the population of Georgia who have for a long time been progressing towards EU membership but have now been set back by that. Türkiye also has a number of issues that it has to address before it will be ready to meet the Copenhagen criteria. North Macedonia, on the other hand, has taken huge steps forward. It changed its name and flag after it ceased to be known as a former Yugoslav republic. It is now being asked by the EU to make constitutional changes as well. This week I met with the Bulgarian ambassador to Ireland who has specifically spoken about the Bulgarian minority in North Macedonia. That needs to be respected too but the danger with countries like North Macedonia and, indeed, Montenegro, which is probably the readiest of the accession countries, is that if they do not see progress down the road of membership then the people who are opposed to EU membership within those countries will start to point to the EU and say, "Look, we told you. They do not really want us as members. They just want us to keep jumping through hoops and every time we jump through the next hoop, they will produce another one.". That is not what is happening but there is a danger that we allow that to be the narrative within those countries.

Let us recognise the readiness of countries like North Macedonia and Montenegro, the progress made by countries like Albania, and the distance still to be travelled by Bosnia-Herzegovina. Let us recognise the work they are doing. At a European level let us say that we want to welcome these countries in, we want to make progress down that road, to help them to reach the Copenhagen criteria and when they have done that, to make them full members of the EU on an equal footing with Ireland, Germany and all of the other countries that have signed up to those common ideals that are so valuable to us in Ireland.

Somehow, in this Chamber, we still have a few Deputies who will do them down for the sake of scoring their own political points. That is not the way to do it and it is far too easy to say that it is Europe's fault. We are Europe. We make those decisions as well. Let us stand by them and recognise the value they have for the people we represent in this Chamber.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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I am delighted to be able to speak in this debate. I wish the Minister of State the very best in his job. He will know my views from previous debates here when he was previously a Minister of State. It was interesting for me when I was sitting in the Chair for the last few minutes to listen to Deputies Lawless and Ward. We have to have a balanced debate. We have people in Ireland who think their voices are not being listened to and who believe the Government is not representing all of us. I am one of those people who wants to be able to ask questions about Europe's role, how it is behaving and about the EU spending on defence. Of course, that is necessary but we must cut our cloth according to measure. I honestly believe that while we are at the table and are an equal member in Europe, on this and many issues over the last number of years, including the Covid so-called pandemic which I do not believe it was, the EU dictated totally. There are huge questions to be asked about the whole situation regarding doctors here in Ireland who have concerns. They are genuine, qualified people - of course they are.

There are thousands of people out there who have issues with our ongoing and strong efforts to be at the top of the class in Europe. That is the difference between me and Deputy Lawless. I know we cannot tell people to go and get whatever else - it is not a nice thing to say - but we need to be heard. We need to stall the horses a bit here. We are and have always been a neutral country but the triple lock is now under question. The Taoiseach has said that our neutrality is an outdated concept.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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He did not say that. He never said that.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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I do not believe it is and the Irish people will have to have a vote if we want to meddle with the triple lock. It was given as a sop. I am old enough to remember canvassing in favour of Nice I and Nice II. If it was today, I would not be canvassing in favour. Nice II was passed because of concessions, one of which was the triple lock. We need to have our voice heard in Europe and our concerns need to be listened to. More balance is needed, especially from our current Taoiseach and Tánaiste. For them, everything goes. We are top of the class and will do whatever Europe wants. We have seen that with many pieces of legislation as well.

I may be straying from the European Council now, but I also recognise the European Court of Justice has given access to justice to people here when they could not get justice in Ireland. We have seen many cases like that, where the European Court of Justice gives people a hearing when they do not get a fair hearing at home. As regards the post-European Council and our issues there, we are in a very volatile time.

What is going on in Gaza is incomprehensible. Words cannot even describe how people feel but we need to be careful. We need to be an cúramach ar fad. Hopefully, that will end soon. By God, it cannot end soon enough, the slaughter of children and everything else is horrific, but we need not to make too many enemies out there either. Why are other European countries, in spite of the horror they see, being so careful and prudent? Why are they not rushing out? I say this in the context of the clamour here for Senator Black's Bill and all of the emails we get about Gaza. We are the only people making these noises. We have to have a balanced and more nuanced view. We have to accept that we are a small island and while we are part of Europe and need to be an equal player, we do not have to be the best boys in the rang gach lá. Some days we can be the buachaill or cailín dána, assert ourselves and assert the hard-fought freedom we have here as an independent State.

I also canvassed for accession to Europe in 1973. I am probably showing my age now but a lot of things have changed since then, with Ms Merkel and others. There are huge issues, and I am not even talking about immigration. There are huge issues with migration here. There is funding there to support it but I do not even know how we claim that funding, as a partner in Europe. We are entitled to it to pay towards the costs of migration. We cannot have completely open borders. We must be seen and heard at these meetings to be standing up for the voice of an independent, neutral country, not in a cosy cartel, trying to be the best boy in the class. We do not need to be the best buachaill in the class gach uair. That is difficult.

I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's response to the debate. People in Ireland want more of a balance. They do not want us running headlong into every issue in Europe, trying to be at the front line and the centre of it. We need to have balance and we need to have respect for the electorate here in Ireland.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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We will now move on to questions and answers. The Taoiseach or another Minister or Minister of State will take questions and answers for a period not exceeding 20 minutes and the following arrangements will apply. There is no set time for a question or an answer but it is normal for the Chair to ask Members to be concise given the short time period available. Opposition parties and groups will be called in the following order to put a question: Sinn Féin, the Labour Party, the Social Democrats, Independent and Parties Technical Group, Independent Technical Group and Other Members. Owing to the short time available, it is usual to allow all Opposition parties and groups to ask at least one question before going back to any party or group for a second question. I now call on the Minister of State.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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There is always a bit of confusion about this slot. A range of questions have already been asked and I am more than happy to answer them now. However, the ruling from the Chair is that the questions should be fresh in coming forward. I am in the Chair's hands on this.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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I call Sinn Féin.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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How long do I have?

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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The Deputy should be prudent. It depends on how many Members are offering but there are only two Deputies doing so at the moment.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Apologies, I was not anticipating this and am not sure this was a feature during the last statements on-----

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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It is always the way.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Okay.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Is it not good to have it?

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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It is great, yes, outstanding.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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The Deputy can ask me anything.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I will take the opportunity. One of the primary issues I raised was the tariffs. The picture is somewhat uncertain but I ask the Minister of State to give us an update in relation to the feedback the Irish Government is getting on the discussions with the Commission. I am interested not so much in the areas that are most vulnerable because several areas are thus. I am more interested in some of the areas that are most immediately vulnerable, namely agrifood and drink. As they are on the shelf, the impact could be quite sudden in relation to those particular products.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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An bhfuil aon cheist eile ag aon duine?

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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Yes.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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It might be easier if I just quickly answer Deputy Ó Laoghaire's question because it is likely there will be several questions. On tariffs, there were discussions about tariffs and this particular debate on the margins of the European Council meeting. Discussions between the EU and the US are ongoing. As the Taoiseach already said, President von der Leyen spoke to him on Monday. Commissioner Šefčovič, who is lead for the EU, is in constant contact with the Government and with the Tánaiste. I also meet with him in Brussels. Those discussions are at a very advanced stage. I was not updated this morning because I was dealing with other matters but these discussions are ongoing. We know that the US side has announced an extension but we should be under no illusions; the trading position of the EU, and therefore of Ireland, is highly vulnerable. We are in constant contact with the Commission. I am sure the Commission is well able to handle criticism from Members of the Irish Parliament. We are talking to these people every day about the trading position of this country, which is really important for jobs and economic growth. I can think of many industries in the Deputy's constituency, in my own and in everybody else's that will be impacted by the agreements I hope will be reached and the decisions that may be made by one side or the other. We are working as hard as possible to make sure the Irish economy is protected to the greatest extent possible. That work is ongoing as we speak.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I set out a range of questions, which I am happy to go through again, but I also have a fresh one to put to the Minister of State. What is the Government's position on the European Parliament's case against the Commission, which alleges that the Commission overstepped and bypassed the Parliament with regard to the SAFE regulation?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I will get the Deputy an exact answer on that. As I understand it, we are not part of that. The decision was taken by the Council, of which we are part, and our position is generally to facilitate what other member states want to do. As the Taoiseach has said, we are very clear that defence is a national competency. There is no EU army. If Deputy McDonald said what she said today in a presidential debate, people simply would not take her seriously. It was over the top and outrageous. She spoke about the sons and daughters of Irish parents being sent to European wars. I have never heard that before in the Dáil, although we heard it in some of the referendum campaigns. In fact, we were promised it in 2008 and 2002. Nothing could be further from the truth. I will get the exact position on that but my understanding is that our position has been to facilitate what member states want to do.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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Does the Government support the Parliament or the Commission?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We are working very closely with the Commission. The Council has taken its own decision and that is the position we have taken on the matter. I do not accept what the Deputy has said, which is that we are funding arms manufacturers and research on how best to kill people. That is not happening. There is a country called Russia. Deputy Seán Crowe criticised us and told us not to use Russia as a bogeyman. I know Sinn Féin Members recently went to Malta to sign a memorandum of understanding on neutrality but, if they had gone to Finland, they would have heard the far left, the far right and everyone in between say that Russia is not a bogeyman but a serious threat to that country and that it must protect itself. We meet interlocutors in Finland and Lithuania. The Lithuanians will be over tomorrow and I am sure they will meet the Deputy's parliamentary group. They will tell the Deputy exactly the same. They do not want war. They want peace but they are determined to protect themselves. That is all they are looking to do. We certainly support their right to protect themselves, as any democracy does.

Deputy Gibney is very genuine in her point of view but she has said that Ireland, as a country, has refused to lead. However, she went on to quote the report on the EU-Israel association agreement. We led the campaign for that report. It was our diplomacy over a long period to get more countries on board that led to it. Despite what Deputy Bennett said, this is not a leaked report from the Commission. It is a report from Vice-President of the European Commission and High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas. She was mandated to produce this report. It was not a secret report done by the Commission. The member states of the European Union voted for this to happen. We led on making it happen and having this report published. It was published a few weeks ago. The Council conclusions talk about follow-up to this report. Again, we led on this report.

We could all do more. As I said the last time, the Opposition should criticise Government and look for us to do more. However, I could quote a minister from one particular country who is in the middle ground on this issue. He said that he is not like Ireland and Spain. That is the view. The view is that Ireland and Spain are at one end of the spectrum in the European Union. That is because of our diplomacy and our practical support for the people of Gaza. I believe I heard the Deputy looking for sanctions against Israel outside of the occupied territories Bill. Perhaps I did not pick her up correctly on that but I feel she did. Did she ask for sanctions against Israel rather than just the occupied territories? If she did not, it is fine.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I am sorry; I am not-----

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I am raising the issues the Deputy raised when she spoke.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Will an tAire Stáit answer the question? The Deputy can come back in afterwards.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I will come back in.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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An bhfuil aon cheist eile ag an Teachta?

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I am just not sure whether this is a back and forth but, to respond to the Minister of State, what I said was that the EU-Israel association agreement is essentially a privilege. It is a trade advantage to Israel. My point is that, when we talk about sanctions against Israel for committing genocide, which the Minister of State's Government has recognised is happening, people associate that with the EU-Israel association agreement but all that would involve is the revocation of a privilege. The Social Democrats and I support sanctioning Israel at the domestic and EU levels for the genocide it is committing. I am absolutely crystal clear on that. I do not believe the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement does that. I also do not believe the occupied territories Bill, if passed with services included, would do that. All that would do is put in place the measures required by the ICJ ruling. We can dance on the head of a pin as to exactly what sanctions mean and whether removing privileges or meeting our legal obligations comprise sanctions but what I am talking about is the kinds of sanctions we have seen imposed on Russia, which would actually start to hurt Israel's economy. The other example is the Israeli bonds. These are all measures that would actually start to halt the genocide. Anything else is not a sanction.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I will be clear. We have called for follow-up action on the association agreement report. I will attend the Foreign Affairs Council meeting on the issue next week and I will be taking a very strong position that is consistent with what we have done before. The report is brief but it tells you enough about what Israel has done, which is exactly what the Deputy has said. The Government has taken a leadership role in approving the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory Bill. Other countries have come to us directly to seek information on it. We have to be clear on its impact. The Government remains open to including services, subject to legal advice, but, as the Taoiseach said last week, we should be concerned about how the Bill could be misunderstood in the United States. The Taoiseach has highlighted US legislation that is present in many states that could penalise a company perceived to be engaging in a boycott. The Bill is the right thing to do but there is a need for honesty about its impact. The Taoiseach said that last week.

With regard to sanctions on Russia, from day one, we were very clear that we did not want to impose sanctions on Russia that would end up doing more harm to us than to it. We have to take a consistent approach. This country is very dependent on trade. All of us, including Social Democrat TDs, represent constituencies in which there are jobs that are dependent on our trading relationship with basically every country in the world. We should strive very hard for follow-up action at the EU level following the publication of the EU-Israel trade association agreement report, a report we called for and pushed for. Our shared goal has to be the end of this and to have two states living in peace and stability. We can never lose sight of that.

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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Today, I and other members of the Ukraine parliamentary friendship group met with the ambassador, H.E. Larysa Gerasko. One of the concerns she expressed was that she has heard that Ukraine is no longer a priority for Ireland. I have never heard any such statement from any member of my party, of the Minister of State's party or of Government. Will the Minister confirm that Ukraine remains a priority for Ireland as regards the aid and support we can give to help Ukraine resist the Russian invasion?

Following on from that, I ask the Minister of State about the ship, the Shtandart, that was anchored off the coast of my constituency in Killiney Bay this week. It sailed under a Russian flag at the time of the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, subsequently took on the flag of the Cook Islands and is now claiming it is not a Russian ship. Can the Minister of State confirm that it is in fact a Russian ship for the purposes of sanctions?

It is not allowed to dock in Irish ports. It has now left Irish waters, but not before it forced itself into Clogherhead in County Louth to resupply, as I understand it, under a false description of an emergency it had had.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Ukraine is a top priority. I told ambassador Gerasko that was the case. I had an article published in the Irish Examiner this week reflecting on my visit there. I certainly encourage Members of the Oireachtas to visit Ukraine if it is safe to do so. It is never 100% safe, but it should be organised at an Oireachtas level. On my impression of the situation in Ukraine, what really struck home to me was the lack of sleep people are having. We are not trying to compare different situations. Each situation is different, but the situation in Ukraine is a top priority. We are to the fore in supporting Ukraine at various levels. Recently we also signed onto what is called a non-paper supporting qualified majority voting at the intermediate steps in the accession process, not at the start or at the end, which is always subject to unanimity and the veto. At the intermediate steps we have supported removing unanimity because some countries, particularly Hungary, are using that to block progress.

On the Shtandart, the Department of Transport became aware of this on Sunday night. The ship would be required to submit a pre-arrival notice. This did not happen. There are restrictions on vessels of this type under EU restrictive measures. The operators would be well aware of this. It may be that they are looking to get a formal response from the authorities. I do not know. The ship has moved. There are derogations from the sanctions. There was no application for derogations. The EU's restrictive measures allow for the refusal of access. The vessel changed its registration from Russia to the Cook Islands in June 2024. The Department has reminded harbourmasters this week of their responsibilities under the EU restrictive measures. Apparently, this vessel has gone to Clogherhead. It has not received any permission to enter Clogherhead port. We think it left Irish waters this morning and we are looking for a report from Louth County Council. That is simply the information I have, and I cannot speak specifically about that vessel. However, there have been other occasions when we have seen hybrid measures by Russia involving this type of activity, designed to confuse and cause chaos, but usually designed to confuse, upset the local system and annoy people. There are various ranges to that but let us see what the outcome is.

Michael Cahill (Kerry, Fianna Fail)
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I again raise the Presidency of the European Union. The Heads of State will be coming to Ireland next year, and I specifically mention Killarney as a destination for meetings and a place to stay. We have the best of hotels. There are 42 hotels in Killarney. We have the best of hotels and the best of restaurants. We have the national park, the Lakes of Killarney, the Ring of Kerry, the Gap of Dunloe-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Teachta, I hate to stop you, but this is not really relevant. I know you have to promote Kerry, but-----

Michael Cahill (Kerry, Fianna Fail)
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It would be a great boost to the local economy as well.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Brostaigh ort.

Michael Cahill (Kerry, Fianna Fail)
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I want to emphasise that.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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It is relevant because we are talking about a meeting of the European Council and there will be an informal meeting of the European Council in Ireland during our Presidency.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Not in Kerry, though.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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The final decisions have not been taken as to where the locations will be.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Good try.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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There are not many places in the country that have the capacity to hold such an event. I have no doubt that whatever decisions are taken, there will be some events in Kerry, and I certainly hope there will be some in Tipperary and Meath.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I have two quick questions the Minister of State might take together. The clauses of the EU-Israel association agreement are clear. Israel is in breach of clause 2, as far as I am concerned. This has demonstrated the difficulty, where international agreements are breached, to bring that to a conclusion. Is the Minister of State concerned, with regard to future potential agreements like Mercosur, for example, where commitments are given, that enacting and enforcing provisions to ensure compliance with the rules might be difficult to achieve in practice? Second, will the Government be represented at the ministerial conference in Bogotá next Thursday relating to the two-state solution and international law?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I do not know the answer about the one in Bogotá, but we were to be heavily involved in the one France and Saudi Arabia were organising in the UN. In fact, the Taoiseach was asked to chair one of the working groups. What Ireland has done in support of the two-state solution goes back to Brian Lenihan as Minister. We think of all the great Irish foreign Ministers. Even in the conclusions this week, the non-proliferation treaty is mentioned with regard to Iran. That was Frank Aiken. Two former foreign Ministers who sat here were heavily influential on global politics even to this day, in terms of the two-state solution and the non-proliferation treaty. I am proud that is the heritage of my party. I do not know. I will get an answer for the Deputy on the Bogotá conference, but we were to be involved in the important UN conference.

I turn to the difficulties with treaties. It is easy for one person to make a decision. It is easy for one person to say "Yes" or "No". We are in a democracy, and there are 174 of us here who make decisions. That is a bit more difficult. It is very difficult to make decisions when there are 27 people representing 27 countries around the table. It was 12 when we joined. Overall, those 27 have made really good decisions, not on every occasion, but overall, they have, and Ireland has benefited disproportionately from the decisions they have taken.

On the issue of Israel, as I said to the committee, I strongly urge that Members talk to MPs, Senators or whoever in countries like Germany, Austria or Hungary and ask them why they have these particular positions. I think we all know the answer to that, but it is good to talk to people and engage with them. The problem is not on the Irish side. The Irish side has been really clear from Government level to the Dáil, but we need to talk to our counterparts across the EU at every level. I have done that at ministerial level. I think everybody could, to find out what the reasons are.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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Before I call on an Teachta Gibney, I want to issue a fíorfháilte to my guests from south Tipperary, who are in the Gallery.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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A question I asked earlier was about the corporate sustainability due diligence directive, the omnibus and simplification. We have heard so much today from Government representatives about simplification and competitiveness. My issue is that too much importance is being placed on competitiveness and too little on the human rights concerns we have about supply chains. It is comparable to the Minister of State's earlier answer to my question about sanctions. He talks about sanctions as if the only thing we need to consider is how it affects us. This is akin to asking how much a life costs. That is what I am hearing from the Minister of State when I hear that response.

Michael Cahill (Kerry, Fianna Fail)
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I ask about visas for siblings of children in Gaza who require urgent surgery. Will the Government do everything possible to expedite the processing of those?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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On the simplification agenda, there is an agenda on reporting requirements that we support. What is happening at European Commission level is that every part of the Commission is coming forward with simplification proposals that have to get discussed in the European Parliament and at the Council of Ministers. The idea is to cut red tape, not to reduce our human rights compliance or environmental credentials but to protect jobs in Europe. What motivates me every day of the week is protecting jobs. We cannot have a strong voice around the world unless we have a strong economy. We will be supporting the simplification agenda, but we will be supporting the environmental and social agenda as well. Indeed, in terms of support to poorer countries with overseas development aid, Ireland is on an upward trajectory when other countries are on a downward trajectory.

John Lahart (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
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On the subject of our contributions, we had the Gates Foundation in yesterday. It was about maternal and child health. Ireland remains up there with just the Nordic countries and the Dutch in retaining that level of support. We are beacons in the ocean of development aid funding, but specifically in that area. The Minister of State may want to comment further.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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The work of the Gates Foundation is very important. I know the Taoiseach recently addressed the summit in Brussels and spoke to Bill Gates.

We are aligned with the work that needs to be done around the world to ensure people have better lives and outcomes.

We have had a range of statements and questions and there were some other items on the European Council agenda, including Moldova, the western Balkans and EU internal security and preparedness. Migration was discussed and President von der Leyen updated the Council on the work being advanced by the Commission, including its engagements with countries of origin and transit.

The Council encouraged an intensification of work with third countries to develop comprehensive partnerships, the implementation of EU legislation such as the migration pact, and efforts to prevent and counter irregular migration and the instrumentalisation of migrants. Leaders took note of ongoing discussions on recent legislative proposals related to returns, the establishment of a list of safe countries of origin at EU level and the application of the safe third country concept.

Earlier the Taoiseach outlined that global economic developments, including trade, were discussed by leaders as part of the EU and the world agenda item. The Council further discussed the EU’s preparations for upcoming summits with third countries and relations with partners, including the first EU-Moldova summit, which took place on 4 July in Chișinãu. At the summit, the EU and the Government of Moldova signed a joint declaration outlining our mutual commitment to Moldova’s European future and to the principles that will guide our future co-operation. European leaders agreed that the summit and the joint declaration send a further strong signal to the Moldovan population of the EU’s steadfast support for their country's European future, especially as it faces continued threats from Russia, including hybrid threats aimed at interfering in its parliamentary elections, which are to be held in the autumn.

The Council also discussed developments in the western Balkans. The President of the Council, António Costa, provided a debrief to European leaders on his recent visit to that region. Ireland will continue to work closely with the countries of the western Balkans and support the reform efforts they are making on their European paths, as well as advancing the gradual integration between the EU and the region in the enlargement process, in a reversible and merit-based manner.

The June European Council conclusions included a first-ever reference to enhancing our preparedness for crises and we welcome that. Ireland is very supportive of the overall all-hazards, whole-of-society and whole-of-government approach to preparedness that the EU is taking. While it is a new approach to most member states, including Ireland, we see the utmost value in ensuring critical capacities and capabilities are in place for the full spectrum of crises we may face. The conclusions also identified serious and organised crime, terrorism, radicalisation and violent extremism as major threats to the Union’s internal security. We condemn all types of hybrid activity against the EU.

Turning to external relations issues, the Council welcomed the outcome of the UN Ocean Conference and looked forward to the fourth international conference on financing for development. EU leaders also welcomed the outcomes of the high-level pledging summit for Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, which I referred to earlier and which the Taoiseach attended on 25 June, the evening before the Council meeting. Deputy Lahart will be interested to hear Ireland has announced it will pledge a further €22 million to Gavi over the next five years, which is an increase on the previous five-year tranche. The Gates Foundation is generous in its support and the British Government has also made an extraordinary pledge to Gavi. The Council also addressed the Black Sea region; the worrying situation in Libya, reaffirming the EU’s support for the UN support mission there; and the deteriorating security situation in the Sahel.

Deputy Paul Lawless asked the Minister for justice to tell the EU Commission "to get stuffed". I do not think he will do that. I know Deputy Lawless got his TikTok video so maybe he will not be interested in finding out the exact position. The EU is asking Ireland to implement a number of offences that I do not think anyone would have any difficulty with. They involve denying genocide, basically; denying or trivialising the Nazi genocide, the Holocaust; and public incitement to violence or hatred directed against a group of persons or a member of such a group, defined by reference to race, colour, religion, dissent or national or ethnic origin. The Minister for justice will communicate directly with the Commission but it is already an offence in legislation. We have common law in Ireland and incitement to violence on those grounds is already an offence. What Deputy Lawless discussed is not what was discussed last year. It is simply scaremongering to suggest the EU will somehow threaten our freedom of speech. The reality is the EU is now among the few places in the world where there is freedom of speech. There are issues there that are part of the balancing act and which I am not sure anybody would have any difficulty with.