Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes that: — the 1998 Good Friday Agreement recognises the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves, and be accepted as, Irish or British, or both; and

— the Fifth Report of the Convention on the Constitution - Amending the Constitution to give citizens resident outside the State the right to vote in Presidential elections at Irish embassies, or otherwise, published in November 2013, recommended that citizens resident outside the State should have the right to vote in Presidential elections; further notes that: — the Northern Ireland Assembly recently passed a motion to support extending the right to vote in Presidential elections to all Irish citizens resident on the island of Ireland; and

— the Thirty-Fourth Amendment of the Constitution (Presidential Voting) Bill 2014, passed second stage in the Dáil on 11th March, 2014, and is currently on the Dáil Business Digital Order Paper Website awaiting the Committee on Housing, Local Government and Heritage to schedule a time to allow it to progress at the Committee Stage; and calls on the Government to: — implement the recommendations of the Fifth Report of the Convention on the Constitution, and to extend voting rights in Presidential elections to all Irish citizens on the island of Ireland; and

— progress proposals that would extend the right to vote in Presidential elections to the diaspora.

The President of Ireland is President for all the people of Ireland. The Office of Uachtarán na hÉireann embodies the shared values, hopes and vision of our citizens, not just here in this State but in the North and indeed across the world. The President is President not just for the Twenty-six Counties but for the entire Irish nation, regardless of the separation imposed upon us by partition or by the scourges of famine, oppression and economic hardship that scattered generations to the four corners of the globe. It is a matter of some injustice and a violation of democracy that Irish citizens in the Six Counties and those living abroad are denied the right to vote for their Uachtarán. Every seven years, when the presidential election rolls around, Irish citizens from the North and those living overseas are told by the political establishment that they are less Irish, forced to accept second-class status, alienated from the nation to which they belong. The Sam Maguire currently resides in Armagh, yet the players who proudly lifted that historic cup last July in Croke Park, and indeed the supporters who cheered them on, will not be permitted to vote in November. You can be a champion of all Ireland yet be prevented from voting for the President of Ireland. You can also be a candidate for the Office of President but if you reside in Derry, as did Martin McGuinness, you are not allowed a vote. You can even win the election and become President of Ireland but because you are from Belfast, as was President Mary McAleese, you are barred from voting for yourself.

Citizens from all corners of Ireland who emigrated, many from generations who left due to economic turmoil in search of work, and young people today forced out because of the housing crisis love their country. They have a stake in its future. However, they too are denied their vote for President. It is this democratic exclusion that our Bill seeks to end by implementing the 2013 recommendation of the constitutional convention, a recommendation which states that citizens resident outside the State should have the right to vote in presidential elections. That was 12 years ago - delay. In 2014, our legislation providing for the extension of presidential voting rights passed Second Stage in the Dáil. That was 11 years ago - delay. A referendum had been set for May 2019 but it was postponed by the Government. That was six years ago - delay. For more than a decade, both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have promised to extend presidential voting rights but nothing has happened. The commitment has even been dropped from the current programme for Government.

This Government inertia cannot be allowed to continue. In May the Northern Assembly historically voted to support the extension of presidential voting rights to citizens in the North. That was a powerful democratic message, one which reaffirms the principle of equality enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. The Government must now act on this positive momentum. I welcome that the Tánaiste has recently indicated that he is supportive of the principle and his further commitment to engage with Government colleagues, including the Taoiseach, on this matter. Can the Minister of State tell the Dáil if those engagements have happened and what was the substance of them? Delay is no longer acceptable. It was never acceptable. What we need now, finally, is a clear timeline from the Government and a date for the holding of the referendum. Caithfear cead a thabhairt do shaoránaigh na hÉireann ó Thuaidh, agus iad siúd atá ina gcónaí thar lear, vóta a chaitheamh dá gcéad saoránach, dá nUachtarán. Caithfidh an Rialtas dáta a shocrú do reifreann.

I look forward to the day when partition is ended and Ireland is united, when all Irish citizens at home and abroad are afforded their full democratic rights. Those barriers and the partitionist mindset that created them will not fall of their own accord. We must dismantle them piece by piece. The President of Ireland is a President for all the people of Ireland. November's election must be the last presidential election that excludes citizens in the North and those living abroad, who so deeply love this country.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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The ability of Irish citizens, regardless of where they reside, to vote in presidential elections is an issue I have been working towards for quite some time. Gerry Adams and I cosponsored a Bill to that effect more than ten years ago. Tá bród orm go bhfuil mé fós ag leanúint leis an bhfeachtas. That Bill, the Thirty-fourth Amendment of the Constitution (Presidential Voting) Bill 2014, passed Second Stage and has been waiting for more than decade to be given committee time for a debate and progression through the Dáil. It has been so long that it would have to be the forty-first amendment to the Constitution if it were voted on by the Irish people tomorrow. The establishment parties fail to see Northerners in particular as Irish citizens. It is okay to have an Irish passport but heaven forbid people want to be politically active in the affairs of the nation. I recall campaigning alongside Martin McGuinness in 2011 when he could run for office but could not vote for himself. Former President Mary McAleese had a similar challenge.

The Government is reluctant to even acknowledge there are Irish citizens excluded by partition just 50 miles north of this Chamber. It continues to ignore the overwhelming support the 2013 constitutional convention in Dublin gave to extending the franchise to Irish citizens living in the North and abroad. Sinn Féin does not hold that narrow, partitionist and insular view of the world. Extending presidential voting rights to Irish citizens living in the Six Counties is a positive, natural outworking of the Good Friday Agreement. Ireland does not end 5 miles from Dundalk or at the shores of Lough Foyle. We respect and value our citizens in the North and those who have made the hard choice to leave the island, often due to economic necessity because of the economic policies of successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Governments. In May, the Assembly in the North backed those voting rights in a historic vote. The Dáil backed them on Second Stage more than ten years ago. In 1997, Fianna Fáil made a manifesto commitment to the diaspora that they would be granted voting rights. Until 2011, Fine Gael was even talking about reserving Seanad seats for candidates voted for specifically by the diaspora. Now is the time to follow through and give the diaspora a vote. The office of President is our face to the world. All of our citizens must be given the ability to choose who represents us. Surely it is long past time to treat all of our citizens as equals.

Pádraig Mac Lochlainn (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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Where I live gives me a unique insight into the failure we have seen over the past decade. The Inishowen Peninsula has seen so many of our people emigrate, forced to go to England and the United States back in the day and more recently to Australia, Canada and the Middle East. That is the story of my peninsula and my county. Just half an hour away is Derry city, an Irish city with Irish citizens who are deeply proud of their part in our country. The Fleadh Cheoil was there a few years ago. I think of all those from the North of Ireland who have won Olympic medals such as Michael Conlan, Wayne McCullough and Paddy Barnes in boxing, Daniel Wiffen who recently won gold and bronze medals in swimming and Rhys McClenaghan, who won a gold medal. We all cheered them on. They cannot vote for their President. The Minister of State is a rugby fan. When people go to a rugby game, Ireland players stand together but some of them cannot vote for their President. Some of the international hockey team cannot vote for their President if they are from the North of Ireland. Down, Tyrone and Armagh have been down in Croke Park and won the all-Ireland on our biggest day of the year but their players cannot vote for the President. Players from clubs from the North of Ireland that won the club championships in Gaelic football, hurling and camogie cannot vote. How long will this go on? It is outrageous. We ask the Government to bring in this legislation in line with the constitutional wishes of the assembly that gathered and for our people who are forced away to allow them to have this connection to elect a President. What an exciting opportunity that would be - a President for which all Irish citizens would have a stake. That is what we are asking for.

Mairéad Farrell (Galway West, Sinn Fein)
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In the North, there is an incredible situation in which Irish citizens who live on the island of Ireland have a Head of State in the President of Ireland but are unable to vote for that Head of State. These citizens feel there is an othering of them, that they are somehow different and not equal as Irish citizens who live in Ireland and have an Irish Head of State for whom they cannot vote. That mad thing is they can be candidates for Head of State. They can grow up all their lives in the North, become a candidate in the presidential election, win the Presidency but are not able to vote in that election. This is about a direct line for Irish citizens to their Head of State. They feel the Head of State represents all Irish citizens but they do not have that direct line. My colleague Deputy Seán Crowe mentioned this was passed by the Oireachtas but has not been enacted. There is a strong connection for all Irish citizens with the President of Ireland, no matter who that is. They are there for all Irish citizens. All Irish citizens should be able to vote. What is the downside of letting Irish citizens in the North vote for the Head of State who goes on to represent them? I know the Minister of State is interested in outreach to the unionist community. They could also vote for the Head of State if they want to.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
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My constituency runs along the border of Sligo-Leitrim into south Donegal. The people in Kiltyclogher and Cashel are the same people. People in some parts of Ireland do not understand that. They are related to each other. They are the same people in every way. Their farms straddle the Border. We all understand that yet this artificial division made on the island of Ireland almost 100 years ago now means people cannot vote for the Head of State in their own country. It is ridiculous. I recall after I was first elected in 2016, there was a debate about this. I think Enda Kenny was Taoiseach at the time. He said we were pushing an open door. I do not understand how pushing an open door can take ten years to open it. It does not seem logical. There has to be a recognition by the Government that this has to change quickly. A presidential election is coming up soon. There have been expressions of interest from citizens who live in the North already; there may be more. That is welcome. It is what we need to see. They cannot vote for themselves in this election. It has happened in the past. We need an absolute commitment from the Government tonight that this will be the last time there is a Presidential election in which people on all parts of this island are not able to vote for their President. We should also look internationally. We saw people living here from Brazil go to their embassy to vote in that election, as did people from the United States and Poland. Yet, Irish people are denied that right. That must change now.

Denise Mitchell (Dublin Bay North, Sinn Fein)
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Irish people living in the North can stand for the Presidency and serve as President, as Mary McAleese did, but cannot vote for the President if they live in the Six Counties. That unfairness is at the heart of this motion.

We recently saw the Assembly support the call to extend voting rights to all of Ireland. The President is the representative of the Irish nation, and that nation does not just stop at an imaginary line that was dreamt up by the British and imposed on us over 100 years ago.

On the Border issue, I, like everybody else here, would like to see a united Ireland. It cannot just remain an aspiration in the far-off future. The Taoiseach said about a united Ireland that the structures will evolve in the fullness of time. I am sorry, but that is not good enough. We need to start to see actual work and planning to put the very clear proposals on the table for what a new, united Ireland would look like, so that the people North and South will know what they are voting on. I am sick of hearing some politicians and commentators in the media endlessly telling us that 50% plus one is not good enough when it comes to a referendum on Irish unity. These folks do not get to rewrite the Good Friday Agreement. This motion is practicable, it is workable and it should be supported and implemented.

Louise O'Reilly (Dublin Fingal West, Sinn Fein)
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The constitutional convention met in 2013 to consider the issue of voting rights for citizens living outside outside this State. A clear majority backed voting rights for citizens in presidential elections. Sinn Féin first tabled legislation to give effect to this recommendation in 2014. The Bill passed First and Second Stages and we have retabled it in every Dáil since. A motion on extending presidential voting rights was passed in the Northern Assembly earlier this year.

This is absolutely massive. This is the Government’s cue to take action. Ignoring the clear views of the Assembly and the convention goes against the very spirit of the Good Friday Agreement. We will have a presidential election later this year, and those Irish citizens in the North who want to vote will be left out once again. The Government should not allow the disenfranchisement of a significant portion of the population of this island.

The President of Ireland is the President of all of Ireland. If you live in Balbriggan, you have a say and that is right, but if you go a few miles up the road to Newry, you are left out and disenfranchised. Likewise, if you go abroad, as the Minister of State does, you meet people who have been forced out by his Government’s housing crisis. The Minister of State can shake his head, but he should ask them when he is next abroad and they will tell him why they have been forced out. When he speaks to them, they will tell him very clearly that they want the right to vote. They have a stake in what happens and they want to keep an eye on this island because most of them want to come home. The Government should end its delaying tactics, set a date for the referendum and let us work together so that all Irish citizens can have a vote for their President.

Louis O'Hara (Galway East, Sinn Fein)
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The office of President is one of great symbolism and standing and our President is the representative of all the Irish people on the international stage. The Good Friday Agreement recognises the birthright of the people of the North of Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish, British or both, while the Irish diaspora around the world were and continue to be a driving force to encourage international support for Ireland. It is time for the Government to recognise their role, live up to the Good Friday Agreement and extend voting rights to all Irish citizens. It has been over ten years since the convention on the Constitution issued its recommendation and eight years since the Government of the day agreed to hold a referendum to extend this right. This issue has been put on the long finger for too long and we must finally have a referendum to allow all Irish citizens to have their say on who represents them as President.

It is also time to begin preparations for constitutional change. Unity makes sense and will create new opportunities and new prosperity for all the people of the island of Ireland. The Government has a duty and a constitutional obligation to make preparations for unity. It is reckless for it to fail to plan for the future. The discussion on a united Ireland is gathering pace, yet constantly we hear from the Government that now is not the time. When will be the right time? The Government is behind the people on this and it needs to acknowledge the changing dynamics on this island. The Good Friday Agreement places the future constitutional position of Ireland in the hands of the people who share this island. There is an onus on all of us to create the debate and plan for a new, agreed, united, equal and inclusive Ireland. It is time the Government stepped up to the plate and began preparations for unity.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I really appreciate the opportunity to contribute to this debate. I can confirm the Government is of course not opposing this motion. From my time in this Chamber and before that in the Upper Chamber, I know we all share a long-standing desire to deepen the connections between Ireland and the global Irish, but especially on this island. I know there are very few of us in the Chamber who have not been touched by emigration.

I am going to use the ten minutes available to me to do three things, if that is okay with the Opposition. There will then be other speakers and my colleague the Minister of State, Deputy Higgins, will conclude the debate. First, I will lay out a little of the work we are doing for the Irish abroad, because that is important to the House. Second, I would like to address the specific proposal here. Third, I will reply to a few of the points or questions, should the time allow for it.

One of the great privileges I have in my role as Minister of State with responsibility for the diaspora is the ability to travel and meet quite a number of our Irish abroad, as Deputy O’Reilly alluded to. It must be said Irish people emigrate for many reasons. Some indeed do so out of economic and housing necessity and the prospect of a better life, but many also wish to work or study abroad and experience life in another culture, which is what our friends in New Zealand call the overseas experience. We regularly hear the trope that everyone is leaving to go to Australia because of housing, but then you realise that rents and house prices are higher there, the waiting times greater and the cost much greater. It is important to provide actualities beyond rhetoric. Moreover, many of those who have moved abroad have had an extremely positive experience. I am always delighted to see the positive contributions our diaspora have made to their new communities, but there are also those who have not been so fortunate and we owe a real duty of care to those who are among the most marginalised and vulnerable. Our diaspora are not an homogenous group, nor is the experience of living abroad a linear one. There are many decisions involved in deciding to live abroad, whether you are getting ready to leave or just arriving in your new home, have settled for the long term or are thinking about returning home.

As the Minister of State responsible, I want to ensure the Government has supports in place to assist our diaspora no matter what stage someone is at on their journey. Essential to this work is the emigrant support programme. Since it began in 2004, the programme has granted over €250 million to over 900 organisations in 51 countries and the budget for this year will again be almost €16.5 million. It is also important for me to make a brief reference to the changes in US immigration policy and the impact those are having on Irish communities there. Through the emigrant support programme and our missions in the US, we work with communities and the Coalition of Irish Immigration Centers to provide advice and assistance to those affected. In the past few months, I have had the opportunity to see the community care pillar of the programme in action in Coventry, Birmingham, Manchester, Warrington, Boston, Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. I am sure many of the Deputies opposite will join me in paying tribute to our diplomats and colleagues who implement so many services in those sectors, which are so important to our Irish abroad.

The programme for Government makes a specific commitment to facilitate emigrants looking to return home. An area I am focused on is making it easier to exchange driving licences, which Deputy Guirke has been very outspoken on. I really welcome his contributions and hope we can continue to work together on this. Already the Government has been able to secure agreements with all the Australian states and seven Canadian provinces. I will work with every Deputy, but especially the Minister for Transport, as well as the Road Safety Authority, to ensure we secure that, much like when I was in a previous brief and we were able to launch a new company specifically offering motor insurance to those who have returned from abroad.

The new programme for Government also commits to delivering a new diaspora strategy. I am in the middle of doing the consultations for this. I have had seven in-person strategy meetings so far and there will be a meeting for Oireachtas Members tomorrow morning in Iveagh House. I look forward to seeing real, fruitful engagement.

I will respond to some of the specific points. I will not get to all of them but I will try my best. There was a mention from one Deputy - I think it was Deputy Crowe - of the notion in 2011 of reserving Seanad seats for the diaspora.

That was followed up by the appointment to the Seanad of the late, great Billy Lawless, who I had the distinct honour to serve with along with then Senator Mac Lochlainn. He was a great voice for the Irish in America. Deputy Kenny spoke about international comparisons, and I will go into that because it is really important. We are talking today about votes for President. Votes for President is a straightforward proposal, for the Irish in this jurisdiction and across the island and for Irish citizens living abroad. However, when we start making comparisons with Brazil, Poland, France or Italy, it is important to keep it straight because those are jurisdictions that allow votes for those abroad for specific houses in parliament, or in the case of the United States, for taxpayers living abroad. This is where we will get into somewhere we have to provide clarity when talking about comparisons.

Deputies Mitchell and O'Hara also mentioned, parallel to this, the case for a united Ireland. Deputy McDonald and I have shared a couple of stages talking about this. I know she read the paper I wrote called "Towards a New Ireland". I am more than happy to join anyone of any party, and their supporters, to make sure we can achieve that. That has not changed in any instance. That is something on which we can hopefully all rise together and, in Deputy O'Reilly's words, work together on.

On the specific point, the Government has always recognised the commitment in the Good Friday Agreement that allows all the people of Northern Ireland to identify as Irish or British or both. I was pleased to see that not only was the issue of voting rights in presidential elections debated recently in the Northern Ireland Assembly but that a vote in the positive was passed. I support that. We have also been supportive of the work previously undertaken by the Convention on the Constitution, but we must be frank that the matter is not without challenges, even if these challenges are easily overcome. Operationally, a number of practical implementation issues will have to be addressed, including the establishment of online-based voter registration and the extension of postal voting. That is straightforward and there is no doubt we can do it in the modern age.

However, there is something I have a real fear about, and it is not in any way to diminish the commitment. In order to achieve this, it does not really matter what any of us says in this Chamber this evening or what the vote is on a motion that is not being opposed by the Government. It will require constitutional change. What is as important as having the discussion is that we do not underestimate the challenge constitutional change brings. One charge often raised in this debate is that we do not favour an extended electorate because we do not like the result it would deliver. I firmly believe, as I am sure all Deputies do, that approaching the matter with such a mindset would be undemocratic. I said this in the Seanad eight years ago in response to a similar Sinn Féin motion. I think it was the then Senator Ó Donnghaile who looked me square in the eyes and tell me to tell him what I thought. I have no hesitation saying, like my predecessor Ciarán Cannon, who was in ministerial chair in the Seanad, that I fundamentally believe in expanding the presidential franchise to all Irish citizens, regardless of where they live on this island or around the world, but we have to win that debate. This is the challenge before us this evening. How do we win that debate? To be frank, we have had two referendums in the past 12 to 14 months that most people in this Chamber backed, and we got a fair kicking on them. I am not looking to point fingers at any Deputy. I am just providing reflection.

This referendum was proposed in 2019 and then Covid hit. We have to be cognisant of what winning this referendum will require, as with a further referendum in due course that I look forward to campaign alongside Deputy O'Hara and others in. We have to be cognisant of what the electorate will be putting at us in the debate. I absolutely agree with the point Deputy Mitchell made about commentators and others in the media and possibly in these Houses who deliberately pursued a disinformation campaign about what Sinn Féin is trying to achieve with this motion and what the Government is trying to achieve with this policy, going back to the diaspora strategy launched by the then Minister of State, Ciarán Cannon. This is something that requires thoughtful and considered debate, and I am absolutely committed to working with every Member of this House to further this so that we can name a date for referendum.

Deputy McDonald asked me what conversations have been had with the Taoiseach and Tánaiste. I am not privy to the exact nature, as she will understand, but I know that conversation is ongoing, and there is a commitment at Cabinet level, as the Tánaiste has alluded to, to make sure this can be reflected on by Government so that we can put a question to the people. I hope people will agree, and take this at face value, that first and foremost it must be a question we could win, because we can all stand here and use this as an issue to bring up whatever we want. Deputy Kenny knows that I know the Border as well as anyone, as the proud son of a Cavan woman and a Cavan man. However, I want to win this debate. I want to win this debate because it is the right thing to do. We absolutely can win it, but much like a question on unification it is not simply about naming the date. It is about formulating a campaign. It is about presenting a very clear question to the people that will show what happens if they vote for this. It will show how people will be facilitated to vote and how we will capture the citizens abroad. I say to Deputy McDonald, trying to be collegiate and work in a positive agreement on this, that this is how we can work together to get this delivered. We are not opposing this motion and we are committing tonight to work with all Members of this House, of all parties and none, to deliver this.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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We are not splitting the atom either.

Shónagh Ní Raghallaigh (Kildare South, Sinn Fein)
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More than a decade ago, a citizens' assembly gave a clear recommendation to change the Constitution to give citizens outside the State the right to vote in presidential elections. Tugadh comhartha soiléir. Vótáil 78% de bhaill an choinbhinsiúin ar son cearta a thabhairt d'Éireannaigh atá ina gcónaí lasmuigh den Sé Chontae is Fiche. Sinn Féin promptly brought forward legislation that would give legal effect to this recommendation. The Government parties were all ears. We heard that they were open and were listening but year after year and Government after Government, we have seen no movement. Ní dhearna siad faic. Mar sin, ní féidir a rá go raibh siad ag éisteacht. I call on the Government to put an end to the foot-dragging, heed the advice of the citizens' assembly, support our motion and enact legislation.

It is absolutely nonsensical that Irish citizens in the North cannot vote for Uachtaráin na hÉireann. These people are no less Irish than you or I. They have Irish passports and they have contested and held presidential office, but they have been left behind by successive Governments since the foundation of the Free State, notably by Fianna Fáil, which still has the nerve to claim itself republican in the face of this blatant discrimination. Níl ciall ná réasún leis seo. How can we credibly call this person the President of Ireland when citizens from six of this island's counties do not have their voices heard? Anuraidh, d'ardaigh fear as Ard Mhacha Corn Sam Maguire i gcomórtas ar a dtugann muid the all-Ireland final. Bhí an tUachtarán Mícheál D. Ó hUigínn i láthair ach ní bheadh cead ag an bhfear sin ná ag aon duine ó na Sé Chontae a bhuann craobh na hÉireann vótáil le haghaidh Uachtarán na hÉireann. Mar a deir Martin McGuinness, the people of Ireland are not partitionists. Tá sé ag éirí náireach dúinn mar Stát. Agus muid ag obair i dtreo Éire aontaithe agus Éire do chách, ba chóir go dtógaimis an chéim seo agus é sin a chur i gceart. Tiocfaidh ár lá.

Johnny Mythen (Wexford, Sinn Fein)
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I am delighted the Government is not opposing this motion. I thank my party for bringing this motion to extend voting rights in presidential elections to all citizens on the island of Ireland and to progress that same right to our diaspora, often aptly referred to as the children of the far-flung, as in the book by Geraldine O'Connell. I believe citizenship should have no borders. Once a person holds an Irish passport, even if they do not reside in our country, they should be entitled to vote in a presidential election. The history of our country is far too blemished with stories of deportation, the stain of migration and forced emigration.

Times have changed since the 17th century. With modern technology, citizens abroad can now remain involved with their communities at home and are well versed in what is going on in the communities they were born into. They feel deeply connected to their place of birth and should be given the right to vote in presidential elections. In fact, the Northern Ireland Assembly recently passed a motion supporting that same principled right to be offered to all citizens on the island of Ireland, while the citizens' assembly’s fifth report on the Irish Constitution proposed to extend the presidential vote to our diaspora.

I believe citizens on this island and beyond deserve to be able to vote in the presidential election because, when it comes down to brass tacks, it is still their beloved homeland. To be denied that right is a denial of their identity and their birthright. What is often forgotten about and pushed aside is the global financial investment our diaspora pours back into our country. It is time to hold a referendum on presidential voting rights for citizens on this island, to up the discourse on Irish unity and to fulfil the terms of the Good Friday Agreement on holding a Border poll. I hope all Deputies will see the merits in this motion and support the voting rights of our citizens at home and abroad.

Johnny Guirke (Meath West, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the Minister of State's work on reciprocal driving licenses. I know he is committed to it, so I thank him for that. Sinn Féin has long called for the extension of voting rights in presidential elections to all on the island. It is about equality and shared identity as Irish people. In 2013, the constitutional convention recommended that Irish citizens living outside the State should have the right to vote in presidential elections. Since then, there have been repeated calls and efforts to make this a reality. Sinn Féin introduced legislation in the Dáil in 2015 to enact this change, reflecting widespread political support and the clear will of ordinary citizens, yet despite these commitments, successive Governments have repeatedly delayed action. This has left Irish citizens in the North once again feeling abandoned by the Government in the South.

We all know that someone in the North can stand for election as President of Ireland. If they can run for office, then it is only fair that they should have the right to vote in presidential elections. This is about equality and recognising those in the North that identify as Irish. Next weekend we have the All-Ireland football quarter-finals. Players from two of those teams, Armagh and Tyrone, are not able to vote in the presidential election, yet all those players are as Irish as anyone here.

Multiple Bills have been introduced to amend the Constitution and extend voting rights, but they have lapsed, first in January 2020 and then in November 2024, due to dissolution of the Dáil and political inaction. Former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar said last week he hoped Irish citizens around the world, including in the North, would be able to vote in presidential elections in seven years' time. Let us make that happen. Speaking to Irish News last week, Leo Varadkar also said that a 50%+1 majority is enough for the reunification of Ireland. It is time for the Irish Government to set up a citizens' assembly on unity and help plan a referendum. We all look forward to the unification of our country.

The recent vote on the issue by Stormont was a watershed moment. As a result, the Government must act now and the presidential election later this year should be the last that excludes some Irish citizens across our Thirty-two Counties from voting.

Pat Buckley (Cork East, Sinn Fein)
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Presidential voting rights for all citizens of Ireland has always been high on the agenda for Sinn Féin. We strongly believe all Irish citizens resident on the island of Ireland should have the right to vote in our presidential elections. The President represents all the people of Ireland and it is only right that all citizens on this island be allowed to vote for their first citizen, their Uachtaráin. Successive polls have shown the majority of Irish people support voting rights in presidential elections being extended to all Irish citizens. There is clear and undeniable momentum towards extending voting rights and enhancing the democratic rights of Irish citizens. This would be a positive step and would strengthen and enrich our democratic process.

It is a glaring anomaly that an Irish citizen living in the Six Counties can stand for election as, and be elected as, President but cannot vote to elect a President. This is an insult to the 1.8 million-plus Irish citizens living in the Six Counties, who have historically been denied participation in the life of their own nation by the historic and undemocratic injustice of partition. It is now 12 years since the constitutional convention in Dublin voted overwhelmingly to extend voting rights and nine years since Fine Gael reaffirmed its commitment to holding a referendum to make the necessary changes to the Constitution. Disappointingly, no progress whatsoever has been made since. We cannot allow this to continue. We need to grant a voice to all Irish citizens and ensure they are no longer excluded from voting to elect their President. November's election must be the last presidential election that excludes Irish citizens in the Six Counties.

Donna McGettigan (Clare, Sinn Fein)
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Everyone in this House opposes partition, or at least they pay lip service to that position. Partition was a disaster for our country and the sooner it is ended, the better. That is the viewpoint from which we should approach this debate on presidential voting rights. Irish citizens are denied the right to vote for the President simply because they live in the North. This seriously undermines their fundamental rights - rights this House is supposed to protect and uphold. It arises from the forced partition of our country and the imposition of a Border by the British Government of the day. However, continuation of the denial of Irish citizens' rights is happening under this Government. It is way past time to end it.

To put this in perspective, if I were to stand in a presidential election, many of my family members and friends in the North would not be able to vote for me. This is nothing new. When Martin McGuinness stood in the presidential election of 2011, he raised the issue repeatedly. Mary McAleese was elected President in 1997 and represented the entire Irish nation despite the fact that Irish citizens in her hometown of Belfast had no say in her election. This is not an academic question but an issue that has arisen in real life in presidential elections for decades and nothing has been done about it.

The fifth report of the convention on the Constitution formally recommended extending voting rights to Irish citizens in the North in November 2013. Despite supportive statements from Government parties, almost 12 years on nothing has changed. In May, the Stormont Assembly passed a motion supporting the call for the extension of presidential voting rights to citizens in the North. This would have been unthinkable a short while ago and indicates the strength of the momentum for change. It is well past time for the Government to call a referendum to enact the expressed will of the people, North and South.

Ciarán Ahern (Dublin South West, Labour)
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I think it is the first time I have addressed the Minister of State in the Chamber. I congratulate him on his appointment and wish him the best of luck with it. The Labour Party has long supported the extension of the voting franchise. We feel it goes to the heart of our democracy. I thank Sinn Féin for tabling this motion, which we will support. Many proposals on voting rights, especially for our diaspora, have come before this House. That is particularly linked to a history of emigration. The right to vote in elections to Dáil Éireann is outlined in Article 16 of the Constitution and is open to all citizens over 18 and other persons as determined by law. They must also be ordinarily resident in Ireland and registered to vote. The right to vote in presidential elections is determined by Article 12 of the Constitution and delimited to citizens eligible to vote in Dáil elections. It is our view that it should be legally possible to extend the franchise to recent emigrants without a referendum. It should also be extended to EU citizens living here. These are two issues I will return to.

The broader issue, as outlined in this motion, arises for citizens living abroad who have never lived here, particularly those living in Northern Ireland. When the Labour Party was in government, it established the convention on the Constitution in 2012. One of the key issues it addressed was voting rights for citizens resident outside of the State. Many of the reports of the convention were acted on but this is a key outstanding issue. The fifth report of the constitutional convention, published in November 2013, recommended that citizens resident outside the State have the right to vote in presidential elections. During the Second Stage debate on a Sinn Féin Bill proposing a constitutional amendment on this issue over a decade ago, in March 2015, my colleague, Deputy Nash, responded for the Government of the time. The Bill was not opposed then either. It was noted during a debate, as it has been today, that a large number of practical and policy issues need to be addressed before the extension of the franchise and the holding of any referendum. It is incredible that ten years on, nothing has been done to advance this, despite a commitment to act.

The debate at that time did not occur in a vacuum. There was a renewed focus on emigration. Irish young people were once again having to leave their homes in the country to find jobs and advance their careers, due to an economic crash caused by Fianna Fáil. There was also renewed focus on our diaspora as we sought to boost our economic recovery by tapping into our global network to aid the creation of new jobs and attract new investment.

The Fine Gael minority Government, supported by Fianna Fáil from 2016 to 2020, committed to holding a referendum on extending the franchise in presidential elections to citizens living abroad. Enda Kenny confirmed his intention to hold that referendum during his St. Patrick's Day trip in 2017. The then Taoiseach Leo Varadkar announced in 2019 the decision to postpone the holding of the referendum at the upcoming local and European elections until later that year. Nothing more ever came of it.

Labour supports the holding of a referendum on this matter but we would warn that extensive and detailed planning work is required before it could happen, if any lessons are to be learned from our recent votes. In particular, arrangements for the registration of new voters in the North and for voting by those citizens would have to be workable and robust. Other considerations arising include the method of voting, cost and resource needs and the security of the ballot. The standard practice in other countries of using postal voting, in-person registration or voting in embassies would not necessarily be practical at all of the North. In-person voting would likely need to be facilitated there.

Other questions that will need to be addressed include whether the right should be restricted to those born on the island of Ireland, all those with citizenship or those with a passport. We would support citizenship as a condition for eligibility. There is, however, a real risk referendum could be defeated by fearmongering or the inverse of the American slogan of "No taxation without representation", particularly if there was a failure to prepare. Such an outcome would send a negative message about the future of island and about efforts to achieve a united Ireland. There is also the possibility that giving our diaspora a vote only in the presidential election could be seen as tokenistic. However, in our view it would be a hugely symbolic measure and another step towards unity.

The convention debate and the report that followed addressed many of these legal and practical issues, but that was nearly 12 years ago. A welcome first step would be the establishment of a special Oireachtas committee to tease out these issues and make substantive policy recommendations. There is cross-party consensus on the principle of extending the franchise for presidential elections but, as we saw with the repeal referendum, holding committee hearings in advance makes a substantial impact on informing the public debate.

I listened to the Minister of State's remarks earlier and he asked how do we win this debate? Rushing a constitutional amendment, as happened last year - there were substantial hearings on the wording but without heed to the considered recommendations of the Oireachtas committees concerned - was certainly one reason we lost that. The follow on impact on public policy from a referendum loss in this regard would be a recipe for disaster. As I said, we call for that special Oireachtas committee which would allow for the nuts and bolts of how voting would work to be outlined and considered and provide a roadmap for implementation. As I said at the start of my contribution, whatever one's view on a referendum, we already have scope within the Constitution to look at extending the franchise.

Ireland has long ignored the rights of our citizens who have emigrated to participate in our elections and severely restricted the ability of people to use postal votes. These are key issues that must and should be resolved in advance of any referendum. Many of these will be researched by the recently established Electoral Commission and the Labour Party made substantial proposals on these issues when the legislation for that was passed by the Oireachtas. It is welcome that the research programme of the Electoral Commission will look at postal voting this year and residency voting next year. This work would dovetail well with that of a special committee established to look at extending the franchise for presidential elections.

A key first step is to clean up the electoral register as it stands and so improve the security of our votes. There are 11 local authorities with more people registered to vote than the eligible population for their area. The Electoral Commission has made substantial recommendations to address this but it will be 2026 before we see real progress and it must be completed before the 2029 local and European elections.

If the Minister wants to take real tangible action in the meantime, I urge him to start with supporting those living outside the State for short periods to vote in our elections. I am sure we all encountered people in the recent general election, and local elections, who were unable to vote because they were outside the country. The home to vote movement during the repeal and marriage equality referendums should have inspired us, long ago, to change our outdated laws.

Of 27 EU states, Ireland is one of three that does not extend suffrage to recent emigrants beyond 18 months; those three being Ireland, Malta and Cyprus. Currently, Irish citizens can vote in Irish elections for up to 18 months after leaving Ireland, if they intend to return in the same period. It had been previously proposed by the then Minister of State with responsibility for the diaspora, Jimmy Deenihan, to extend this period to three years. Notably, a Private Members' Bill from the Labour Party, proposed by Deputy Gerry O'Sullivan in 1991, proposed that emigrants from Ireland should have the right to vote for up to 15 years after becoming non-resident. It was defeated at the time by just four votes. It was introduced as part of the campaign at that time to extend the franchise to emigrants.

Providing a vote for recent emigrants would not be technically difficult. Their vote would be located in the constituency where they were resident and on the register before they left. Their vote would issue by postal ballot. It would be a trial run for extending the presidential franchise to all citizens and ensure we get our postal voting system right. Of course, we could also look at technology if we wanted to adapt to the 21st century, although our experiment with electronic voting has made that a taboo subject since.

The commission has also made recommendations on waiving the charges imposed on persons applying for the postal vote because of illness, disability or other medical certification. It should be much easier to get a postal vote. Compared to many other countries, Ireland makes it very hard to vote. You must be on the register and show up on the day between 7 a.m. and 10 p.m. Even the United States has early voting. This is something we would like to see facilitated.

The Labour Party has also long supported the lowering of the voting age to 16. This is a measure that could be implemented before the 2029 local and European elections. We also believe that the Electoral Commission should research the extension of voting rights for Dáil elections to all long-term residents living in Ireland for more than five years. British citizens can vote in our Dáil elections but EU citizens who have been living here for decades are barred from doing so unless they take up citizenship. While most EU countries allow their citizens living abroad to vote in their elections, there is a strong case for seeking agreement on a European level for complimentary voting rights for Irish citizens living in other EU countries and vice versa. That would allow those who live and work in another EU country to take part in the democratic decisions that most influence their lives.

In conclusion, there is substantial work under way by the Electoral Commission on various reforms and research on potential changes, but unless there is political will to change the way we hold our elections from the Government, nothing will change. We believe a special committee should be established to report on how the presidential franchise would be extended to all citizens. We want it to make recommendations on the nuts and bolts of that process and to then hold a referendum to change our Constitution, as the constitutional convention decided conclusively to do 12 years ago.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I thank Sinn Féin for bringing forward this motion. Molaim Sinn Féin as ucht an rúin seo a chur os comhair na Dála. Caithfimid, i gcomhthéacs an ullmhaithe d’athrú bunreachtúil, smaoineamh anois faoin gcaoi a bhfuil muid ag caitheamh le saoránaigh na hÉireann ó Thuaidh.

We in the Social Democrats support the extension of the franchise for the presidential election to both recent emigrants and to those Irish people living in Northern Ireland. We support a united Ireland. As the Good Friday Agreement recognises the birthright of people in the North, and as the constitutional convention recommended - as we have heard - the extension of the vote to those people, we feel this motion goes some way to addressing that.

Irish people in the Six Counties feel ignored. At times, they feel invisible and this is one way we can show they are valued and they are seen by us in Dáil Éireann. However, there are some points which we need to consider in the context of this motion and the broader debate and that is what I will use my time on today. Specifically, there are huge flaws in our electoral register which need to be addressed in order to make this, or indeed any big changes like this, workable. Requiring citizens on this island who we know reside here to register is, in itself, disenfranchising. We also cannot forget that in this discussion, due to the twenty-seventh amendment, some people who are born here and who have spent their whole lives here are not entitled to vote in anything beyond local elections. Finally, I make the point that extending this particular franchise should not indicate in any way that the presidential election itself does not matter.

There are flaws within the electoral register we need to address to make the extension of the franchise workable. Obviously, the establishment of an Coimisiún Toghcháin and the work it has done to date is very welcome but we know there is a huge workload for it to deal with to get to where we need to be. Duplication of registrations on county registers and between counties in an issue, with no system for accounting for death and emigration. We have a disjointed system, handled by local authorities which do not have the resources or the systems to manage some of these gaps in the register. They need better resourcing and better logistical support, which will inform this key pillar of our democracy. The commission has taken huge steps in making it easier to register and to check and update details but there is a huge amount more that needs to be done.

Requiring citizens on this island who we know reside here to register is, in itself, disenfranchising. Every barrier between a citizen and a ballot box is another attempt to exclude. I understand there has to be verification mechanisms and I understand the importance of the integrity of elections, but we are an outlier with our need to take the step to register to vote. The deadlines around that registration are also an issue. All of that curbs people's ability to participate in our democracy and I believe it is something we have to address.

We then come to those who are born here, live here and who cannot vote because Article 2 of our Constitution states: "It is the entitlement and birthright of every person born in the island of Ireland, which includes its islands and seas, to be part of the Irish Nation.". Despite this, some people who are born here, have spent their whole lives here and who know no other home cannot vote in presidential elections or general elections because their parents are not Irish. We celebrate the new Irish, we are grateful for their contributions but we will not include them, just as we celebrate Irish citizens in the North who we do not include. All of this happens despite the Twenty-seventh amendment allowing for us to extend these people citizenship as their birthright, as we have heard from other speakers. When we talk about the principles of franchise, they must flow from that principle laid down in Article 2 - an Irish nation which is inclusive where, no matter your background, if this your home, you belong here.

An extension of franchise should not indicate that the presidential election does not matter. Sometimes we hear this commentary that the role of the President is not important anyway and that it is a figurehead position with little function. That argument undermines key principles of how our State is structured because the role of the President speaks to our separation of powers and how important it is to build in those checks and balances. The President is the guardian of Bunreacht na hÉireann and she or he is the representative of the Irish people. The office of Uachtarán na hÉireann represents who we are, who we want to be and what message we wish to send to the world.

In the past 30 years, we have seen how powerful that voice can be for all Irish people in the South and North, and indeed across the world. Therefore, this is not a signal of a vote granted in a meaningless election but something that is important and that sees us embark on a journey towards enfranchisement.

We must consider all elements of the Good Friday Agreement. When we base our discussion on this, we also need to address any concerns over cross-community engagement, which is crucial, and legal clarity over jurisdiction.

We support this motion. As a graduate of Ulster University and somebody with a network that spans our internal border, I feel very strongly about this issue. There is so much ignorance in the South about the experience of people in Northern Ireland, who really do feel invisible and discounted by Dáil Éireann at times. The motion goes some way towards addressing that invisibility, so I welcome it.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I thank Sinn Féin for introducing the motion. I welcome the fact that the Government is not opposing it.

Extending presidential voting rights to Irish citizens living in the North should never be seen as a radical demand. It represents a necessary and overdue recognition of the promises made in the Good Friday Agreement. That agreement was not just about ending conflict; rather, it was a commitment to a shared and equal future. It recognised that people in the North have a right to identify as Irish or British, or both, and to have that identity respected by the institutions of this island. However, respect is not just about words because it is also about access, voice and recognising Irish citizens in the North should have the same right to choose their Head of State as those living in counties Cork, Kerry or Dublin.

If we believe in a 32-county republic, as I do, we cannot pretend Irishness ends at a border. We cannot ask people in the North to believe in the republic without offering them a role in shaping it. Of course, the Presidency is largely symbolic, but symbols do matter, especially in post-conflict societies. A vote in a presidential election is not just about choosing a figurehead; it is also about stating clearly that citizens belong, that their voice counts and that their citizenship is real. This debate should go further, however, because what we are really being asked to consider is not just votes but a vision – a vision concerning the question of what it would mean to reimagine a modern, shared 32-county Irish republic, one that lives up to its word in its name. It would mean a country where public services reflect public values, where housing is not just a source of misery and a word followed by “crisis”, where healthcare is not a privilege, where schools are inclusive and where opportunity is not tied to income or background. A republic like that will not be built overnight; it will take hard choices and honest conversations in communities the length and breadth of the island. Giving citizens in the North the right to vote for the President would be one small step in this direction and would send a clear message that this island belongs to us all. I support the motion not as a gesture but as part of a wider commitment to a fairer, united Ireland – one built not on rhetoric but on rights and the daily work of making this Republic one truly worthy of that name.

Much of the conversation is about a shared island and a united Ireland. We have from previous taoisigh some interventions that I find interesting and welcome. This is a really exciting conversation. We do not have enough reimagining of what exactly a 32-county modern republic would look like. We should do more of this in this Chamber and start to work towards it. It should not be when we feel confident enough to have it. There is great potential associated with what we could achieve with the ideal of a republic. For us in the Social Democrats, it is built on institutions and public services. It is not just about the flags and symbols or who gets to vote in what way; it is about what the institutions and public services look like. This is a really exciting conversation. We have a decade of reimagining in front of us, and a decade of persuasion in some instances. Motions like this help us to keep the conversation going. It is a conversation I look forward to being involved in.

Jen Cummins (Dublin South Central, Social Democrats)
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I thank Sinn Féin for introducing this motion. The Social Democrats will support it.

Democracy is something we must strive to keep in a world where we see it being eroded and erased. Voting in elections is fundamental to democracy. The decision to extend voting rights to people has been a battle, particularly for women, over the past 100 years.

Last year was a bumper year of elections. We had local, European and general elections. I do not need to tell anybody in this House about them; we all know about them. Every candidate knows the importance of getting people out to vote. I am sure there were voter registration drives in every constituency, and there was also voter education, led in particular by our wonderful adult education services. Despite these, the turnout in some constituencies was very low. The lowest was 47.77%, in Dublin Bay South, and Wicklow had the highest, at 67%. In my constituency, Dublin South-Central, the turnout for the general election was 49.1%, which means over half of people eligible to vote did not do so. Therefore, it is important that we engage citizens to vote and engage with our democracy.

There are cracks, however. The independent Electoral Commission was established in February 2023 under the Electoral Reform Act 2022. What is really great is that it has oversight and sets out a clear roadmap in respect of a national register, audits, public information campaigns, binding accuracy standards and, crucially, a dedicated budget and staffing for local authorities, which are so badly needed. A recently published Electoral Commission report starkly showed there are legacy accuracy issues, with hundreds of thousands of names on the register that should not have been due to death, emigration and people moving between local authority areas. The register even exceeded the estimated eligible population in 11 counties.

I welcome my colleague Deputy Aidan Farrelly’s electoral (amendment) Bill, which would see the voting age reduced from 18 to 16. This is not a novel idea. In 1972, the voting age was reduced from 21 to 18. Including people in voting is so important in our democracy. We must fight to keep our democracy. We see all over the world that democracy is being eroded and erased. We see people being othered and rights being removed from people who fought so hard to get them. As politicians, we need to rebuild trust that seems to have been slipping away. We must ensure the people who vote us into this House see we are using our voice here to represent them, and we must ensure we are doing what is right for everybody in this country. We must also ensure people get out to vote. People have told me, and probably several other Members, at the doorsteps that they did not vote because they did not believe it would make any difference. We all know it does. It makes a difference to individuals and communities and it will make a difference to this country. Whether an election is local, European, general or presidential, it is important that people get out to vote.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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By arrangement, I call Deputy Tóibín.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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I thank Deputies Brian Stanley and Catherine Connolly for their flexibility on speaking slots.

I am delighted to speak on the motion. Often, we focus on the urgent issues, which are very important for sure, but forget about the important issues that pertain to this country and its development. Shockingly, an Irish citizen in the North can stand for election as President, campaign for election and win the election but is prohibited from voting in it. That is incredible. An Irish citizen living in the North with an Irish passport, recognised by the Good Friday Agreement, is not allowed by this State to vote in a presidential election. That is very sad and dangerous. It means we have a two-tier situation. It is deeply undemocratic and against the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

Let us imagine the joy Irish citizens in the North of Ireland would experience if, for the first time since 1918, they were able to vote in a democratic expression of self-determination on an equal basis with those in the rest of the country. The Minister of State has potentially a legacy to leave regarding that historic event if he grasps this. This is not a zero-sum situation. It is not the case that for nationalists or republicans to achieve a right, a right has to be taken away from unionists or loyalists. This removes no rights from our unionist brothers and sisters in the North. The power to change this is not in Westminster. We do not have to go with a begging bowl to persuade the British Government. The power to change is not in Stormont, and we do not have to try to change the views of the DUP or UUP to achieve this objective. The power is in this Chamber and in the ballot boxes throughout the Twenty-six Counties.

The Government, in its inaction, is withholding the rights of 700,000 citizens in the North. One of the things I have noticed in this Chamber is that historically one of the best ways for a Minister to say “No” has been to say “Yes” and do nothing about it. That is what is happening in this country. We have opinion polls in the South indicating the majority are in favour of a united Ireland. A vote in Stormont indicated a majority of MLAs support this particular project.

Practically every political party in Leinster House has stated in their manifestos that they are in support of this. Why is this not happening? I will tell you why it is not happening and I will be honest with the Minister of State about this. I believe that the narrow self-interests of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael do not want an all-Ireland vote on a presidential election, because they do not want 700,000 Northern nationalists voting in a presidential election, because they fear that it could hand the seat over to a Sinn Féin candidate in this election and maybe others. Withholding an election because you do not like the result is profoundly undemocratic and profoundly wrong. You should never ever treat the right to a franchise in that manner. I do not want a Sinn Féin President either. I am a member of Aontú. We are an all-Ireland political party. The SDLP also garners many nationalist votes in the North. If you really want to stop Northern nationalists from voting for Sinn Féin a presidential election, organise in the North. Set up Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil cumanns in the North. In that scenario, stand in local elections. If a small party like us can do that, surely a well-funded organisation like the Minister of State's party can too.

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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I welcome this motion, as somebody who passionately believes in the national reunification, not unification, but reunification of the national territory. It is an important step forward and it is long overdue. There has been foot-dragging on this and we need a timeline for progress. National reunification is important. All parties nominally sign up to it. I believe we should do better and we should be proactive about it. The Taoiseach talks a lot about the shared island project. Let us share and extend democracy on the island. We have had Presidents Robinson, McAleese and Higgins. They have done great work and outreach to both communities and indeed all communities in the North, even the very small minority communities.

Increasing numbers of citizens in the North are more open to all-Ireland co-operation. There is more co-operation now through business, sports, culture, health, politics and the North-South Ministerial Council, which is meeting again. Hopefully its role expands and I welcome that that is happening. We saw a setback yesterday with the A5 motorway project. Unfortunately, that has been held up again. Hopefully, it will get started and that can be done. It is important for Tyrone, Derry and indeed Donegal. The Good Friday Agreement confirmed the right of Irish citizenship to everybody on the island of Ireland. We have had candidates from the North. We had Martin McGuinness, an excellent candidate from the Six Counties. We had Mary McAleese as President, who did a good job, and was open and inclusive in her outlook and approach. They do not have the right to vote for themselves, their families cannot vote for them and the communities they come from are refused that right.

We cannot blame the British Government for this one. This is our job. The solution is here in this building, in this room and in Government Buildings. I am disappointed that I do not see it in the programme for Government. I am open to correction. I cannot find this in it. I was hoping it would be in the programme for Government. It is a matter of equality and democracy. We cannot have any more foot-dragging. The electoral register in the North is much improved and is probably more accurate than the one here at the moment. Polling stations could easily be put in a community centre in the larger towns. I think people would come out and vote in numbers. Let us extend democracy and let us start fulfilling the promises of the Good Friday Agreement. Some of us supported that reluctantly back in 1997 and what was eventually put forward in 1998. We supported it on the basis that these all-Ireland dimensions would improve and expand. This is one practical step that we can take to do it. Nominally, we are supposed to be all agreed to it here, but I do not want to see it just be nominal. As somebody who passionately supports the reunification of the national territory, we need to be active about this. The Government has Opposition support this evening and we should do it sooner rather than later.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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Can I get the clock stopped for a minute to clarify something? I assumed we were letting Deputy Tóibín have his slot ahead of us and that we were sharing our own slot, which was six minutes each.

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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We have six minutes each.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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Yes. I will look after the clock. Go ahead.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I thank Sinn Féin for tabling this motion. It is brief and to the point. I have no problem with implementing the recommendations of the Fifth Report of the Convention on the Constitution, which was quite some time ago now, for all Irish citizens on the island of Ireland. I have no difficulty with that. To follow on from my colleague, Deputy Stanley, it is not in the programme for Government, which is disappointing. It was in the 2020 programme for Government. While I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, telling us the Government is not going to oppose this motion, just like somebody said, that is often a recipe for doing nothing. Perhaps at the end, the Minister of State, Deputy Higgins, might tell us what the next step is, having accepted this motion. Where are we going with this? We have had many attempts before. We had the Thirty-fourth Amendment of the Constitution (Presidential Voting) Bill 2014, which did not go anywhere. We have the Fifth Report of the Convention on the Constitution from 2013, which did not go anywhere. Now the Government is agreeing with the motion. I welcome that. Tell us what the Government is going to do for the next step. Is it a cross-party committee? What forum will there be to do it?

It is beyond ironic that we can elect somebody as President, as we all know and as has been said so many times, including former President Mary McAleese and indeed other candidates from Northern Ireland, including Martin McGuinness, who could not vote for themselves. It is unacceptable, given the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. It goes against the principle of equality and it allows us to continue to speak out of both sides of our mouth about Northern Ireland. I have gone up there quite a number of times in the past on trips relating to the Irish language, including to Carn Tóchair in County Derry and to Belfast. I toured all the Irish facilities. The strongest emotional feeling I had crossing over was that we had literally cut off our right arm with Northern Ireland. It is time to have a realistic timescale for a united Ireland. This is the first immediate step that we can take.

Regarding the broader issue of extending votes to the diaspora, while I agree in principle, there are huge practical problems which need to be teased out. I would like to see this part of the motion go ahead because it is a much easier to progress it, and then we can look in more detail at what we mean. Quite a number of articles of the Constitution are involved, including Articles 12 and 16, one about the Presidency and one about the Dáil. We also have an interesting article, Article 9.3, under which Irish citizens have a fundamental political duty of fidelity to the nation. We need to tease out what the nation as opposed to the country is and how we protect that article. While I am open in theory to extending it to the diaspora, it needs to be teased out in a manner that is respectful.

The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, said that we must ensure this can be passed. Members of different parties said to look at the last referendum and said that we did not sell it right. I think what happened with the last two referendums was that the Government was disingenuous with the electorate, who were far ahead of us. They saw that the Government was simply not telling the truth about carers or about removing the mother from the Constitution. If you want to remove that, put in parents, but that is not what happened with both of those referendums. I thought about them carefully and studied them. I found myself with bedfellows who I would not normally be with but that did not deter me from making my decision that what the Government was doing was totally wrong in amending the Constitution under the guise of protecting carers, when it was doing exactly the opposite. One of the basic ways of protecting carers is to recognise them fundamentally in the Constitution in a separate article and then to roll out the practical steps that should be taken and, separately, address the importance of the family. Whoever is in charge of the family, whether mother, father or parents, I have no problem with that, but the two should have been addressed separately. The Government did not do that. It misled the people. They were way ahead of the Government.

They voted overwhelmingly against both referendums. Maybe the Government might learn from that to speak honestly and openly to people as to what it is doing and stop the deceit.

Further, the Government decided there was to be a referendum on the Unified Patent Court. At the time, the Government told us that was vital. I sat and listened to the Government. We were told it was vital to change the Constitution to allow for that. Suddenly, it did not matter anymore. It is gone. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle might be able to help us find out where the importance attached to the Unified Patent Court referendum has gone. We were told we had to change the Constitution to allow for that but suddenly it was put off because the Government got a bashing in both referendums.

When we go back to disinformation and distrust, it comes from governments. It is not coming from the people. The people are begging for an open honest approach. They want to trust politicians but trust is not created by the Government telling us one day that it is essential for trade, commerce and industry to change the Constitution in the context of the patent court, but the next day it is gone and does not matter anymore. There is no sign of it. A parliamentary question was recently asked by a Government TD. The reply stated that the international agreement on a Unified Patent Court had been signed and so on. It continued: "Government has committed that a local division of the Court will be established in Ireland if the State ratifies", but nothing is happening. There is no explanation other than the Government decided it was going to get another bashing. I agree with the Government it was important to change the referendum on this, but it did not do it. It sought to change the referendum on two other issues. That was completely wrong and disingenuous.

Getting back to the motion, I ask the Government to deal with the steps that need to be taken following on from the fact that it is not opposing the motion. What is the Government going to do next?

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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Independent Ireland believes we must give all people on the island of Ireland the right to vote in presidential elections. It makes no sense that people who live on the island of Ireland - North and South - cannot vote for the President of Ireland. It would ensure that all Irish citizens, regardless of their residence, have a say in electing the Head of State, fostering a sense of inclusion and representation. Voting rights could reinforce the connection between Northern Ireland and the Republic while promoting a unified Irish identity. It would encourage greater political participation and engagement among Irish citizens in Northern Ireland, potentially leading to a more politically active and informed populace.

People who live in Northern Ireland can run for President but they cannot vote in the presidential election. Granting voting rights would address the current disparity whereby Irish citizens in Northern Ireland can run for the Presidency but cannot vote and would align with the principles of equality and fairness. All Irish citizens on the island of Ireland should have the opportunity to vote for the President of Ireland. This would be in line with the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement. This is something that Independent Ireland will be very strong on going forward.

Getting people out to vote is a big issue here too. Turnout in recent referendums and Dáil and local elections was low. The first and foremost issue for the Electoral Commission, established in 2023, is to look at the registers. The registers are no longer updated. They are in absolute tatters and disarray. I was an local electoral enumerator myself. There were not five people out in the electoral register in my area when I was working on that. Now, the Government has got rid of every one of those enumerators and the register is in bits. I am hearing it is approximately a 60% turnout but I reckon it is really a 75% turnout because there are people dead for ten to 15 years who have not been taken off the register. We need to have people like the local postman who have knowledge of what is going on out there. Those people could get a payment on the side and come back with a completely corrected register. It is scandalous to see some of them. I got the register. I got to see who voted and who did not. Obviously, we do not know what way they voted, but we are entitled to look at it. The names of people who have been dead for years have not been taken off the register. I saw the names of people who went away 20 years ago still on it. Something is wrong somewhere. This will be a big issue going forward and we need to clean it up.

A person has to be over 35 to run for the Presidency. That should be brought down to 21. It is the same in the general election. During the general election campaign, there was a young lady who was 19 years of age and was eager to run in Cork South-Central. I could not let her run because she was not 21 years of age. She was over 18. I do not agree with 16-year-olds voting but if people are allowed to vote at 18 years of age, they should be able to run for office at 18 years of age. The requirement to be 35 or older is a bit much. We need to examine that going forward. These are areas where we can try to encourage people to come back into the system and get out and vote like they should.

Richard O'Donoghue (Limerick County, Independent Ireland Party)
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I am a believer. I grew up believing there are Thirty-two Counties in Ireland, not Twenty-Six Counties. We are the island of Ireland. Call me old school; that is the way I was brought up. People from the North of Ireland can run for President but would not be able to vote for themselves. They are from Ireland. It is the island of Ireland. That is the bottom line. How many people who have left these shores and gone to Australia, Dubai and all the other countries are not citizens of the other countries? They hold an Irish passport. They are from Ireland and leave the country for five or six years to make a life for themselves or get a few pounds together to come back home. Are they allowed to vote in presidential elections if they are not in Ireland? They have left these shores because they could not be looked after here. They could not see a future for themselves and they could not see funding to allow them to build a life here, so they went to other countries. How many have left? Teachers, doctors and nurses are all leaving. They are Irish people with Irish passports. They also should be allowed to vote in presidential elections. I am 100% saying that if a person is Irish, they vote. If they are from Ireland and living abroad, they are Irish. If they are not a citizen of any other country, they are Irish and they should be entitled to vote. That is the way that Irish people should have it. I am old school, and I will always stay the way I am. There are Thirty-two Counties in Ireland, not Twenty-six Counties. I will treat it that way for as long as I have breath.

Ken O'Flynn (Cork North-Central, Independent Ireland Party)
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I thank my colleagues in the Sinn Féin Party who brought this motion forward. It is almost a carbon copy of the motion that was brought forward by my colleague in Aontú, a motion co-signed by Independent Ireland. I thank Aontú for bringing that motion before the House in recent weeks. There is merit in tonight's motion. The reality is that there are a number of disenfranchised people on this island who should be allowed to vote. However, there is a greater question, as my colleague, Deputy O'Donoghue, just mentioned. There are 500,000 Irish-born citizens living in the United Kingdom. There are an estimated 130,000 Irish-born holders of Irish passports living in the United States. In Australia, there are 80,000 to 100,000 Irish-born holders of Irish passports. In Canada, there are an estimated 30,000 to 50,000 Irish-born holders of Irish passports. There are 18,000 people, many of them retired, in Spain and Portugal who are holders of Irish passports. These people disenfranchised not just in presidential elections but also in general elections and local elections.

There is a wider question that has to be answered here in the House. How is it when we see elections being called around Europe and in further places that we see citizens of other countries - European and non-European countries - have voting rights? They can go to their embassies or post their vote to the embassy like the Spanish do. We have a large community of Polish people living in Ireland, in the Republic, and they have made their homes here. However, our Polish citizens who are interested in their country, intend to go back to their country and hold Polish passports vote in Cork City Hall when elections are called. There are various polling stations built for them.

We are talking about doing it for the people of Northern Ireland like it is a big shock. These are people who are only up the road from us. As my colleague said, there are Thirty-two Counties in Ireland, not Twenty-six Counties. We are disenfranchising that. Let us call a spade a spade. Why are we disenfranchising the people of the North? Why are we disenfranchising the Irish who live in the United States? Why are we disenfranchising those who live in the UAE or in Australia? It is happening because this Government is fearful. I can guarantee that the majority of the 80,000 who are living in Australia are anxious to come home but have no jobs or no houses to come home to. Perhaps they would register their disappointment with this Government at elections. Perhaps those who are living in the UK who had to leave this shore to get jobs and employment because there were no opportunities for them here and they cannot get make a living here would register their disappointment with this Government and its politics.

The reality is that the Government does not want Irish citizens around the world voting. It knows what it has done to those people it has cast out of this country and not allowed to come back. It has not created an environment for those who are anxious to live in their country to come back to. That is the reality of life today in Ireland and it is very disingenuous to see the Government is not opening up voting, at least in the presidential election. This should be extended to general, local and European elections. Surely Irish citizens should have the right to have a say about their own country and not be disenfranchised.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary South, Independent)
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I am delighted to speak on this issue and thank Sinn Féin for tabling the motion. As we know, most parties in this House and in this country say they are in favour of a united Ireland. They say they are in favour of many things. It is nice to say. I want to put it on the record that I am fully in favour of a united Ireland. I come from a republican family. My late dad was in the War of Independence and spent 14 months of his life in Castlerea as well as time spent on the run. We salute him and the many people like him for the freedom we have. It is a pity we were not able to do all of it at the time. He opposed the treaty and I think it was a bad job as well and now we have that situation in Ireland today.

I am disappointed that the semi-new custom has come into this House whereby the Government decides not to oppose motions like this. It acquiesces and allows it to go forward but that is as far as it gets. It is left on a shelf gathering dust. That is not a good idea. Motions are agreed and people think they have got somewhere but they have not.

As we know, the former President Mary McAleese and the late Martin McGuinness, both of whom were born and reared in Northern Ireland, stood for election to the Office of President, with and former President McAleese serving for two terms. It is a bit farcical that a citizen living in Northern Ireland can stand for election here but cannot vote in a presidential election here. We need to examine that. Maybe we could put our toe in the water with the presidential election and see what type of appetite there is in Northern Ireland for people to participate in electoral democracy down here.

We also have to turn our eyes to the low turnout in elections in the South. We must also examine the perilous state of the electoral register. It is in a terrible state. I thank the people in south Tipperary County Council who I and my office deal with regarding corrections to the register. There is nothing more hurtful or annoying to a family than if someone has been deceased for one, two, three or maybe ten years and his or her name is still on the electoral register. It is unforgivable that death certificates are not linked up with the electoral register. What is wrong with this country that in 2025 there cannot be a synchronisation with death certificates? One's birth certificate is a very important document and one's death certificate should be also. In this age of technology why can we not have an automatic rectifying of the register when somebody passes away? There is nothing more hurtful when a family receives a letter from An Coimisiún Toghcháin, as well as many other letters and surveys and everything else, for a deceased person. It is shocking and not good enough.

I know some efforts were made this time but, for last year's local and general elections there should have been a shorter or more up-to-date closing date before which people had to register. People should be able to register online with their PPS number up to 24 hours before the election. There is apathy and a low turnout of maybe 58%. One must ask why that is. We see now there is no great interest in standing for the presidential election at this time. Maybe we should consider having a constitutional review of the role of President. If the President differs on anything or steps on the Government's toes, it is not accepted. We need a President who will look after all of the needs of all of the people of Ireland. We should strive to have an evaluation of how the Constitution is serving us in that area. I am not criticising it but maybe it is time to update it.

As for diaspora living abroad, of course I believe they should be entitled to have a vote. Many of them chose to go. We see young graduates going in their droves, which is a pity, but many of them still want to have a say and they have the aspiration to come back here. One meets people who have been living in America or other places for 20 or 30 years and are still anxious to come back to their native soil. Deputy Connolly mentioned fidelity to the nation. That has gone a long way down the line and our Taoiseach and other leaders here can be questioned on that. He is interested in parliaments all over the world, as is the former Taoiseach, but he is not interested in the issues at home and he has a béal dúnta on the issue of migration into this country - inward migration. The Six Counties - I would love to have all Thirty-two Counties - is like a sieve, with people who are not entitled to be here coming across the Border. That is very wrong. It is like an elephant in the room. We have closed our ears to it and will not deal with the problem and listen to the people out there. That is the rock we will perish on. We must listen to people who have concerns. We must not demonise, attack or demean them for questioning our immigration policies and the greed that is involved now with the people who are getting into the industry in a caring role, mar dhea. We have a great record in this country for caring, with our diaspora - brothers, sisters and everybody else - having gone all over the world, including to third world countries and those experiencing famine. We now need to have a proper policy on inward immigration here and allow people who want to be involved to be involved, but not the greed merchants who are there to make vast millions.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I thank Sinn Féin for opening up this debate and giving us the opportunity to talk on this important matter. Yes, Ireland consists of Thirty-two Counties, not Twenty-six Counties. We need to know more from the Government as to what it means by not opposing this motion. The Government needs to be more transparent as to what it believes, what it is thinking of, how this will be done or when will it be initiated. When will we make a start? Will there have to be a referendum? Our own people will have to be consulted. Will the people in the North have to be consulted? Will they get a chance to decide whether they want to vote for an Irish President just for the Twenty-six Counties? That might be an issue for them as well as for people down here.

There are a lot of issues around immigration; Deputy McGrath mentioned them. There seems to be a lot of immigrants coming from the UK through Northern Ireland and slipping down here. It creates a lot of issues for housing and social welfare and it is mucking things up. We have a new Minister for justice now who seems to be gaining control and trying to manage this. He has already made a good start and we are depending on the Minister to keep going.

What I know from my dealings with people from the North of Ireland, whether it was in marts around Kerry - in Cahersiveen, Castleisland or Kenmare - is that they are very honourable people. They come down here to buy cattle and they pay for our cattle and our sheep. On the other side, for the past eight years Deputy Collins, Deputy Michael Healy-Rae and myself have taken a lot of people to Kingsbridge Private Hospital to get their cataracts removed and to get hips and knees replaced, and we are still doing it. The hospital provides a great service up there. It is immediate. People need to get the operation before they lose their sight.

If they had to remain in the South of Ireland and depend on getting through the waiting list, many of them would go blind before their cataracts were removed, and that is a sad reflection. What we see happening up there is that the hospitals work all around the clock. They work the seven days and provide the service on Saturdays and Sundays, the very same as if it was Monday. We appreciate that because it helps people here in the South of Ireland to be with their elderly people going up to get their cataracts removed. Indeed, I was glad to be able to help a young foreign boy who was in Killarney. He was only nine years of age and he had to get his cataracts removed. He was about to go blind. It was only in Kingsbridge Private Hospital that I could get this done and I was very glad and proud to do that.

There are so many things to be considered. How will it be carried out? Who will be in charge of the ballot boxes up there? Will the UK Government and the powers that be up there facilitate this happening? We have to consider that. There are a lot of issues surrounding this. It is a very laudable idea, and there is no denying that the people of the North, of those Six Counties, fought to be free and to be under Irish control as well as any of those who came before us and fought here in the South of Ireland. They were instrumental and did their part on every occasion. Therefore, we cannot deny them, if that is what they want, but we need to hear from their side that that is what they want. There is a democratic system up there in the Six Counties as well as there is here. It will need more direction and more involvement with the two Governments. The Irish Government and the UK Government and the Stormont Assembly need to get together and see how this will go forward. It would be nice to see that happening. It is a good idea but we need to get some idea of how long it is going to take. We need to get more transparency for our people down here because I have no doubt they will be asking us a lot of questions in the coming days. We need to have some kind of an answer for them and we are depending on the Government to give us that answer.

Emer Higgins (Dublin Mid West, Fine Gael)
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I thank all Members in the House for what was a really interesting discussion on this really important issue. Like my colleague the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, I am pleased the Government has not opposed this motion. The Dail’s engagement on diaspora matters is always welcome and it was really positive to have such good engagement today. Every day, we see the value of the sustained investment in our communities abroad. That was evident in the response of the Irish community to the Covid pandemic, a response of which we as a country should be so proud, as well as more recently during the wildfires in California and, of course, in the many zones of conflict around the world.

I saw at first hand the importance of the importance of a strong and thriving community when I visited Australia for St. Patrick's Day this year. I was in Adelaide, Perth and Brisbane. We all know about the growing Irish communities in that part of the world. Many are successful and are cherishing the experiences of a new life and a new culture abroad. Others, as elsewhere in the world, have a much more challenging experience. In Australia, organisations like the Claddagh Association in Perth and the GAA are working tirelessly with those who find themselves in need of support abroad. The Government, through the emigrant support programme, has invested in the likes of the Claddagh Association since 2009. As a result, we have organisations that work in partnership with our embassy to support our seniors and those who find themselves in crisis abroad.

What I also saw in Australia was a diaspora engaged with its new home while also remaining utterly committed to this country. I met multigenerational families who have built their lives there. My own brother is an example of someone who has built his life and family abroad in Australia. So many in the diaspora are leaders in their communities and are making real contributions, be it in politics, business or the arts. I met with two ministers in Australia, both of whom have Irish connections and one of whom was born here in Dublin. They are advocates for human rights, inclusion and peace and reconciliation across the globe and we have to be willing to use their skills, access and influence in supporting our Irish both abroad and at home. In today’s challenging climate, when it is vital that we continue to diversify our markets, we are also seeing the global Irish step up and bring the experience, the knowledge and the goodwill of diasporic business networks to support the scale-up Irish of businesses in strategically important locations and sectors. For our part, we will ensure the emigrant support programme continues to invest in projects that foster a sense of community, nurture our identity and culture overseas and that deepen our trade, business and educational links.

I welcome the support and work by the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, in undertaking to deliver this new diaspora strategy. As we look to deepen our relationship with the diaspora, it is right that we continue to take on broad an inclusive definition of what it means to be part of the global Irish family. It is a community that encompasses Irish-born citizens and those whose parents or grandparents were born on the island, those with ancestral ties, as well as an affinity diaspora such as those who once lived, studied or worked here - those who hold a deep appreciation for our people and culture. It will also be important that the new strategy reach out to support those from under-represented groups such as the LGBT community, who are facing uncertainty in many countries across the world, and also to our new and mixed-race Irish and those in the Travelling community. I am so pleased to see the ongoing investment in Irish studies around the world. It is our culture among the new generation and the next generation of our diaspora and we are continuing to see a growing interest in people exploring their Irish citizenship.

Demand for foreign-birth registrations, or citizenship by descent, has increased exponentially over the past number of years. Prior to the Brexit referendum, those foreign birth registration applicants were about 5,000 to 6,000 per year, yet last year we had over 40,000 applicants and 50% of those came from Great Britain. The passport service is reviewing the foreign-birth registration application process with a view to improving the service we provide to prospective citizens, including those in our diaspora who have direct familial links through their grandparents.

The expansion of our diplomatic footprint has also provided a platform for greater engagement with our Irish away from home. Whether it is St. Patrick's Day or harnessing the spirit of St. Brigid's Day, supporting Irish business networks abroad or promoting our national games in partnership with the GAA, our embassies and consulates, and indeed our honorary consulates, play a central role in the continued renewal of a meaningful relationship with our diaspora. This engagement will be enhanced as we open new embassies in Belgrade, Sarajevo and Chișinău later this year and new consulates in Malaga and Melbourne early next year. I take this opportunity to pay tribute to our embassy teams who are working at the moment in very difficult circumstances in conflict zones. As we face greater risks from conflict and environmental challenges, our missions remain an important safety net for our citizens who are resident overseas.

There has rightly been substantial discussion this evening on Irish citizens living in Northern Ireland. The Good Friday Agreement makes very clear that the people of Northern Ireland can identify as Irish or British or both. Article 2 of the Constitution, as amended, forms a key part of the agreement and ensures the entitlement and birthright of every person born in the island of Ireland to be part of the Irish nation. This Government and all Governments since 1998 have advocated for and defended that right. We must do so as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement and will continue to do that. There are and will continue to be differences in constitutional preference and identity. The question today is not just about identity but also about citizenship. It is about ensuring the rights of everyone on this island are respected. That is paramount to maximising the benefits of the Good Friday Agreement and moving towards a more peaceful and reconciled society.

I, too, was pleased the issue of voting rights in Irish presidential elections was debated recently in the Northern Ireland Assembly, during which a number of important aspects were touched on. Not least among these were the principals enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement regarding identity. On a practical level, however, the complexity involved in the implementation of the recommendations of the Convention on the Constitution was noted there also. I must be really clear in stating that extending voting rights in such a way would require a referendum to change the Constitution. The work undertaken by the Convention on the Constitution on voting rights and other matters was important. The issues were well researched and the discussion was mature and transparent. It is a model that others abroad now look to, and rightly so. The issue of extending the franchise for voting in presidential elections simply is not straightforward.

The detailed 2017 options paper on the matter prepared by the Department of housing, planning, community and local government and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade considered a range of policy, legal and logistical matters that we need to be mindful of and that need legal consideration. These include issues around the register of electors and postal voting in particular.

This is not to say it cannot be done - it absolutely can - but it requires careful thought and preparation, as well as securing a positive result in a referendum. As the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, said in his opening remarks, the Government is not interested in holding a referendum just for the sake of a referendum. We want to hold a referendum if we are in a position to win it. That is why debates like this are so crucial. I want to reassure the Dáil that the Government takes this matter very seriously and will continue to reflect on it, and it will work cross-party to look at this issue in a lot more detail.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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We move to the closing speeches from Sinn Féin, whose Members are sharing time. I call on Deputy Carthy.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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It is not only disappointing but, I would suggest, disgraceful that, once again, we are going to have a presidential election and, once again, a significant portion of our nation will be denied the opportunity to participate. Almost 30 years after our first President from the North was elected, we still have the ridiculous situation where people from the Six Counties can run in the presidential election but they cannot actually vote. We have failed to uphold the rights of those in the North to their Irish citizenship as recognised in the Good Friday Agreement.

The truth is that the issue should have been resolved long before now. It is right that we would ask what it says to our citizens in the North when we continue to ignore repeated calls they have made for the extension of the right to vote in presidential elections; that we refuse to act on the recommendation of the 2013 Fifth Report of the Convention on the Constitution; and that we fail to act in response to an historic motion in the Northern Assembly that calls for the extension of voting rights to citizens in the North. What it says of successive Governments is that, at the back of it all, there is a sense that people in the North are not as Irish as the rest of us.

I come from the Border community. A slip of someone's pen during the time of Partition could have resulted in the same disenfranchisement of people who I currently represent very proudly in this House. It has to end. We have to move forward every single day to undo the historic wrong that was the Partition of our country. We have to start by making practical outreach steps. One of the easiest things we can do is say that our President is, as those who have held the office have proven, the voice of all of the Irish nation. Let us take the step and make sure it becomes a reality.

Rose Conway-Walsh (Mayo, Sinn Fein)
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One hundred and forty-one countries enable their diaspora to vote. People living in my constituency and members of my own family can vote in the presidential elections. It is mind-boggling that Irish citizens in the North and our international diaspora cannot vote in presidential elections. The Minister of State said this will be looked at and that there is so much we agree on. We have to stop commentating on this and put it right. It is plainly wrong that we have not enacted it so far.

President Higgins rightly cited the Irish diaspora as one of the greatest resources. In Global Ireland - Ireland’s Diaspora Strategy 2020-2025, the Government commits to holding a referendum on the extension of the franchise. We are almost at the end of 2025, so where is that referendum? The question that people ask me is what the Government is afraid of. What is it afraid of in extending the franchise?

A citizen must mean a citizen. Being an Irish citizen must mean more than being entitled to hold an Irish passport. It brings with it implicit rights, or it should do, and one of those rights should be enabling Irish citizens in the North to vote for their own President. It is lunacy to think that you can be President but you cannot vote for yourself. We are making fools of ourselves globally that we cannot do that in this day and age. It is time for action. We need presidential voting rights for Irish citizens in the North and for the Irish diaspora.

Fionntán Ó Súilleabháin (Wicklow-Wexford, Sinn Fein)
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As we know, Mary McAleese was the first President of Ireland born in the Six Counties and she proved to be a very effective President. However, incredibly, when she ran for election in 1997, she was not allowed to vote for herself. Our Presidents Mary Robinson, Mary McAleese and Michael D. Higgins could have presented the Sam Maguire or Liam MacCarthy cups to players like Joe Brolly, Peter Canavan or Oisín McConville in Croke Park on all-Ireland final day but those same Irishman were not allowed to vote for these same Presidents. It is wrong, it is ridiculous and it is blinkered. It is the result of a very partitionist mindset of this Parliament over the past century that has viewed the Irish nation as an entity that ends at Dundalk, Clones or Lifford.

Ba chóir agus ba cheart go mbeadh cead ag muintir na hÉireann, muintir na Sé Chontae, Fear Manach, Ard Mhacha, Tír Eoghain, Doire Cholmchille, Aontroim agus an Dún, vótáil i dtoghchán d'Uachtarántacht na hÉireann. Our fellow citizens in the Six Counties should be able to vote in the presidential election. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil Governments have previously accepted this right but, of course, did nothing about it. Last month, we had an historic vote in the Northern Assembly in support of extending the voting right to the Irish citizens of the Six Counties, and 12 years ago, the constitutional assembly in this State voted similarly. Bunreacht na hÉireann states that it is the birthright of every person born on the island of Ireland to be part of the Irish nation and to call themselves an Irish citizen. Unfortunately, many of our citizens in the Six Counties, as well as those abroad in the diaspora, feel completely abandoned by this State.

The Government has a constitutional duty to uphold the citizenship rights of everybody born on the island of Ireland. We should not be facing into this presidential election in a few months' time with fellow citizens in the Six Counties once again excluded. This must be the last time it happens. The time for excuses is over. People want to see action from this Government, not just fine words.

Dessie Ellis (Dublin North-West, Sinn Fein)
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The President of Ireland is largely a ceremonial position which acts as the representative of the Irish State both at home and abroad. The President holds some limited legislative powers and is one part of the checks and balances on the Legislature. Our current President has not been afraid to expand the role of the President and has been outspoken on a number of issues, most recently the genocide taking place in Gaza. This is entirely fitting for a person who has, throughout his life, been a strong advocate for those suffering human rights abuses, particularly in South America and Central America.

The Constitution says that the President shall be elected by direct vote of the people, although being a citizen does not necessarily guarantee a vote as the Constitution also restricts that right to those who can vote at an election for Members of Dáil Éireann. This effectively disenfranchises a whole cohort of citizens who, by accident of history and geography, reside in the North of Ireland. Yet, any one of these citizens, if they are over 35 years of age, can in theory become the President if so elected, as the Belfast native Mary McAleese was in 1997.

There are a number of practical issues that need to be sorted out, as well as a change to the Constitution. However, these are not complex issues, as some might suggest. All the major political parties in the South have supported the recommendation from the 2013 constitutional convention to extend votes to citizens living outside the State. There is a fear that a Sinn Féin-nominated candidate might get elected if voting rights were extended to those in the North of Ireland. If that is the position of some people in government, it is outrageous. What chance have we for a united Ireland if that attitude prevails? The President of Ireland should be elected by all Irish citizens on the island of Ireland, no matter where they reside, North or South.

Thomas Gould (Cork North-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Tomás Mac Curtain once wrote, “Unity can triumph over fear." These are the famous words of the Irish republican and former ard-mhéara of Cork City Council, who was assassinated by the RIC and the Black and Tans to quieten him so that his voice would not be heard. However, his words have never been more important. True patriots know that only united will we defeat those who look to overcome us. Every small step towards unity is a step for a better future for generations ahead. We see the power and the spirit that positive, real and honest patriotism can have when we look at groups like Kneecap.

Mo Chara, a member of the band, is being tried in Britain under terrorist charges by a Government that was sending bombs to slaughter men, women and children in Gaza. That is another story but it is horrendous. Mo Chara has said he does not want British citizens out of Ireland; he wants the British Government out of Ireland.

The three young men in Kneecap have championed our language, people and culture in a positive way on a global scale. In November, however, they will not be able to vote in the presidential election. How is that right? A person on the Falls Road wearing an Antrim jersey and with a hurley in hand is as Irish as a young man or girl in Cork wearing a Cork jersey and with a hurley in hand. By not enacting legislation to give every Irish citizen on this island a right to vote, the Government is playing politics and denying people their constitutional right to vote. It is shocking.