Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome this opportunity to brief the House on matters relating to international security and international trade. With the agreement of the House, I will share time with the Minister, Deputy Burke.

The two issues we are discussing are at the core of Ireland’s foreign relations at a time of great turbulence and change in the world. We are at a critical juncture in terms of the trajectory of the war in Ukraine. This is a defining moment for Ukraine but also for the security of our Continent. The US-led efforts to arrive at a ceasefire agreement, if accepted by both parties and followed by genuine negotiations for a just and lasting peace, would be a welcome step forward. Last month, when we gathered in this Chamber to commemorate the three-year anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion, I reaffirmed Ireland’s continuing support for and solidarity with the people of Ukraine. That support remains as strong today as on day one of Russia’s war. If anything, recent developments have made clear now is the time to say more, do more and spend more to ensure Ukraine gets the supports it needs to defend its territory, engage in negotiations from a position of strength and guarantee its future security. If we do not do this, we will surely pay a much higher price down the line. Together with our EU partners, we are rising to this challenge.

Earlier this month, the Government approved a significant €100 million package of military support for Ukraine including non-lethal elements of air defence, anti-drone devices, IT provision and demining. We are working to deliver this support in a timely manner.

The Taoiseach met with President Zelenskyy and fellow EU leaders at a special European Council in Brussels on 6 March. The European Council will again today continue discussions on how Europe can urgently address Ukraine’s most pressing needs. Discussions have also taken place with non-EU European and like-minded partners. Across these engagements European leaders have made clear their unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. They also reaffirmed their common desire to see an end to Russia’s war and the restoration of peace in Ukraine. We all want this horrific war to end, but that is not enough; how we make peace matters too. Ireland and our European partners have been clear there can be nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. Equally, there can be nothing about Europe and European security without Europe. The EU and its member states collectively have provided more support to Ukraine than any other partner, so let us correct the misinformation about that. The EU and its member states have provided more support collectively to Ukraine than any other partner. Russia’s war directly threatens European security. There must be a European voice in any negotiations.

We need to see a comprehensive, just and lasting peace which upholds Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity based on the UN Charter and international law. Any such agreement needs to be accompanied by robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine that contribute to deterring future Russian aggression. An important long-term guarantee we can offer to Ukraine is membership of the European Union. We in Ireland will continue to advocate at EU level for progress on Ukraine’s EU accession path. We will do so because the Ukrainian people have made clear their European choice and the Ukrainian government has demonstrated its commitment to the reform process. We will also do it because, for the European Union, EU enlargement has become a geostrategic imperative following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Russia’s expansionist ambitions and efforts to rewrite history highlight the clear need for continuing, ever-closer co-operation between the EU and our partners in the western Balkans and eastern partnership regions. Russia’s actions in Ukraine directly affect the security of our European partners, our Union and our island. How we respond will have far-reaching consequences. Our neutrality means we do not participate in military alliances, or common or mutual defence arrangements. That is what it means, and no more. We are not politically neutral. Regardless, partnership is at the heart of our international engagement. Ireland has always taken and always will take an active approach to global challenges and making significant contributions to international peace and security. We have done so with our international partners in the UN and in the EU. This country does not join military alliances, but we are certainly not neutral in a broader sense beyond military alliances in terms of the conflict in Ukraine. We have a long and proud tradition of contributing to international peacekeeping missions and supporting and sustaining peacebuilding efforts. We see ourselves firmly as part of the Euro-Atlantic area. We are committed to working closely with our fellow EU member states through the EU’s common security and defence policy to address the common challenges we face.

Not only is terrible conflict taking place as we speak in Europe, the fear of such conflict broadening to other parts of the continent is real. This fear is based on considered analysis of existing threats by our European partners. This analysis includes not only the experience of Ukraine in Europe but of recent hybrid attacks on EU countries. These include attacks on critical infrastructure like transport and energy, cyberattacks and electoral interference. These experiences cannot be taken lightly. Recognising this, the European Union is acting with greater decisiveness, ambition and speed to tackle these threats. Ireland must be a part of this process as we are part of the European Union, and as such threats are existential for the way in which we live our lives across the European Union. Ireland’s values and our commitment to the rules-based international order and multilateralism have not changed. However, these commitments, and our policy of military neutrality, do not inherently insulate us from the impacts of a rapidly changing and volatile international security environment.

The war in Ukraine is far from the only conflict impacting on wider security. We in Ireland are particularly conscious of the fragility and instability in the Middle East, most pressingly in Gaza, Syria and Lebanon. The Israeli strikes on Gaza this week must be utterly condemned by all and the ceasefire, however fragile, must be honoured so that there is an end to violence, all hostages released and humanitarian aid can flow at scale. We must see a permanent end to hostilities and a pathway to peace. We had seen a degree of fragile hope finally in Gaza. Hostages were being released, thankfully, and returned to their families. Aid was finally beginning to flow. There was an interesting and detailed plan in terms of the reconstruction of Gaza by Arab nations on which we wanted to engage. That fragile hope has been extinguished by the horrific actions of Israel in recent hours, most particularly in the past 48 hours, when so many civilians have been killed, including many children. We need to get back to the ceasefire as an urgent requirement, no matter how difficult it is.

The security of our people and country has to be one of the most important duties of any Government. I hope that is something on which all of us in the House can agree. Domestically, we in Ireland are advancing a range of measures to ensure the security of our country, to enhance our resilience to hybrid threats and to prepare to meet the challenges of the future. This includes the establishment of a national security council, a new national security strategy, a counter-disinformation strategy, a national maritime security strategy and measures to ensure the security and integrity of our elections.

We have all seen that vessels of interest, including those of the so-called Russian shadow fleet, are active across EU waters, including Ireland's. The Irish Naval Service and the Irish Air Corps continue to monitor all such vessels and exchange operational maritime information with EU and international partners regularly. Ireland is a member of the PESCO critical seabed infrastructure protection project and our individually tailored partnership programme with NATO has a focus on resilience, including the resilience of critical undersea infrastructure. These projects help us ensure maritime security.

We have seen significant increases in our defence spending in the past few years. This has allowed us to procure much-needed capabilities to provide for Ireland and the Irish people. The 2022 Commission on the Defence Forces report recommended significant changes for the Defence Forces and defence provision in Ireland. Following the commission, the defence budget is increasing from €1.1 billion to €1.5 billion in 2022 prices, which is approximately €1.7 billion or €1.8 billion, by 2028. This will be the largest increase in defence funding in the history of our State. For 2025, the total allocation for defence is €1.35 billion, the highest ever level and a 22% increase since the commission met in 2022.

It is clear that no state acting alone can address the entirety of our existing and emerging security challenges. Therefore, Ireland has engaged constructively with the development of the EU white paper on the future of European defence, which was published only yesterday. We will now engage constructively on its implementation but I welcome the publication of the paper. Ireland very much sees value in member states of the European Union working together to mitigate some of the threats and challenges we collectively face. The white paper makes clear what we in the Government have been aware of for some time, namely, that Europe needs to invest more to protect itself. The white paper presents us with a unique opportunity to join with other EU member states to enhance our individual and collective preparedness and our capability across all areas of security and defence. The white paper provides a framework to achieve this through common projects with groups of member states joining together to procure equipment in order to meet particular needs. However, let me be clear. Projects will be opt-in and member states will be under no obligation to participate in any project. Ireland will only consider joining those in areas where capabilities and needs have been identified by our Defence Forces, for instance, in cybersecurity and protection of subsea cables and other critical infrastructure. Other member states may have wider interests but it has been made clear in the white paper that the position of all member states will be respected, including those that are militarily neutral, like Ireland. This is welcome because it allows all member states to participate in meeting the defence and security needs of their countries while respecting the military neutrality of some countries like Ireland. I look forward to progressing the white paper’s recommendations over the coming months. We will work together with our European partners to ensure the way ahead fully respects the security and defence policies of all states while addressing our critical and pressing capability gaps.

Ireland has similarly taken a constructive approach to the proposals outlined in President von der Leyen’s ReArm Europe initiative. It is a further opportunity for EU member states to demonstrate a credible and unified approach in taking responsibility for our own defence while also stepping up our collective efforts to support Ukraine in the short term and ensure its strategic autonomy to defend itself in the long term. The white paper additionally contains a chapter on assistance to Ukraine. I particularly welcome the fact that it will help to ensure Ukraine gets the support it needs to defend itself, including through its industrial base and collaborative procurement. Supporting Ukraine in this way is not simply a moral obligation. It is also a matter of our collective security because Ukraine’s security is Europe’s security.

I will now turn attention to the international trade developments of the past few weeks. In an executive order signed on 10 February, President Trump announced a 25% tariff on all steel and aluminium imports from the European Union. The executive order highlighted the increasing levels of US imports of steel as its rationale for the imposition of tariffs. It asserts that exemptions and modifications to the tariffs since they were introduced during the first Trump administration have undermined national security objectives by preventing sustained production capacity utilisation of at least 80%. I regret that, despite the best efforts to avert their imposition, these tariffs came into effect on 12 March. On the very same day, in response to the imposition of these tariffs, the European Commission announced swift, firm and proportionate countermeasures on US imports into the EU, and work is ongoing regarding their preparation and implementation. In total, the EU countermeasures could apply to US goods exports worth up to €26 billion, matching the economic scope of the US tariffs.

We do not want to be in the space of tit-for-tat tariffs. It is not good for Europe, for Ireland, for the United States or for the global economy. The EU, and Ireland as part of the EU, remain ready and willing to work with the US Administration to find a negotiated solution. All disagreements have to end in agreement ultimately and we need to shorten the length of time of the disagreement and get quickly to the point of agreement. We in Europe, including Ireland, want to sit down and cut a deal with the United States that is good for both. Let me be clear on that because there is disinformation asking why Europe will not sit down and talk to the US. Europe stands ready today to have those intensive engagements. The above-mentioned measures can be reversed at any time should such a solution be found and that would be good for Ireland and for Europe.

I am aware that the US has responded to the EU announcement of countermeasures, specifically with regard to beverages and spirits. To date, it is important to say there have been no steps to give this legal effect but it is, of course, a serious and concerning development. I give my full support to the Commission in its negotiations with the US to use dialogue and the time available in the following weeks to see if the tariffs can be avoided. However, this will require the US to remove the tariffs it introduced last week. I remain in ongoing contact with European Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič as he seeks to resolve the situation. Indeed, immediately after my contribution here, I will be engaging further with EU counterparts in sharing information and insight so we can work together.

I echo the calls from across the EU for the US to immediately revoke these tariffs and to avoid unnecessary trade escalation. The US tariffs, as they stand, will weaken transatlantic trade, damage supply chains, raise costs for US businesses and citizens, and fuel inflation in the United States. They are estimated to affect €26 billion of EU exports. This is approximately 5% of total EU exports to the US. It could result in US importers having to pay up to €6 billion more in additional import tariffs. I see no justification for this unilateral action. The US Administration can fulfil its aims when it views the EU as part of the solution and not part of the problem. Irish and European exports present no national security threat to the US. The EU and the US should instead co-operate with other like-minded partners to solve common challenges, such as global steel and aluminium overcapacity, which threatens the viability of the metal producing sectors on both sides of the Atlantic. That is where our focus should be.

Ireland will fully support the EU's response measures to protect the interests of European businesses, workers and consumers but we want to continue to support all efforts at dialogue. It makes sense to look at the strategic relevance of some of the items previously on the EU tariff list in the context of where we are now and we stand ready to engage actively with the Commission on that. I also encourage all sectors of industry and our economy to make their views known to the Commission through the consultation process. Tomorrow, I will convene the Government's trade forum to further consider and analyse this. It will bring together all Departments, relevant Ministers, including my colleague, the Minister, Deputy Peter Burke, all State agencies that are relevant and broader stakeholders, including business representative groups.

The programme for Government recognises the rapidly changing geopolitical landscape across the world. We promised to promote an ambitious agenda driving forward reform and advocating for our values. We have, and we will, continually do so as a priority. It is a message we continue to bring all across the world. Ireland is a small and open economy that promotes free trade policies as pillars to support economic growth. The evidence of the necessity for these policies is clear. No country in recent decades has sustained substantial increases in living standards without being open to the rest of the world. That is a stark factual statement. If you want to improve living standards, you have got to be open to the rest of the world. If we are to continue to sustain these standards, we have to uphold a system that is fair, functional and respects the rule of law. At the same time, it is always worth recalling the deep and strong bilateral relations between Ireland and the US, which the Minister, Deputy Burke, and I saw at first hand in the US this week.

This is a relationship we value. It is built on a rich foundation of ancestral ties and close economic, diplomatic and political links, including long-standing US bipartisan support for peace on this island. In the few days I spent in the iconic Irish American cities of Philadelphia and New York, I was so pleased to see a wealth of evidence that, in spite of certain headwinds and volatility at the present moment, the future of Ireland-US economic relationships is bright. In these most Irish American of cities, I saw exciting new Irish ventures expanding into America. In some of the most powerful private sector boardrooms, I encountered major American corporations with global reach whose commitment to Ireland is as resolute as it is ambitious.

I celebrated, honoured and worked to deepen our cultural bond, our people-to-people ties and political relationships as well as the remarkable and dynamic economic ties that now create so much prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic. Throughout I highlighted the strength of Ireland’s mutually beneficial two-way economic relationship with the United States. It is a little-known fact but we should shout from the rooftops that Ireland is the sixth largest source of foreign direct investment into the US. In 2023, Irish companies made investments in the US worth more than $351 billion. More than 200,000 people right across the US got out of bed this morning and went to work in Irish-owned companies - Irish owned companies present in all 50 states with more than 770 companies in total. Our overall economic relationship is valued at more than €1 trillion.

It is important to state that despite the challenging geopolitical landscape, our trading relationships remain resilient. Export growth has been strong for many years, with companies in Ireland diversifying and winning business worldwide. Ireland continues to maintain its excellent reputation as a world-class supplier of goods and services and companies have been successful in securing new business in markets around the world. As a small open economy, having unfettered access to global markets is a key component of our economic model. For Ireland, maintaining and growing our trade connections, including expanding the suite of EU free trade agreements and other trade-related agreements, such as digital trade and trade in critical raw materials, is a core objective for us. This can be achieved without undermining our key principles while securing the interests of key stakeholders, including in the agriculture sector.

As a globalised economy, it is vital we have the right structures to support the next phase of growth. That is why, as I said, we established our new Government forum on international trade to provide a forum to directly engage with key stakeholders and key decision-makers, including business, on the latest and emerging trade and investment developments. It will also serve as a forum to consider the opportunities to further build on Ireland’s strong trade performance and to navigate current and potential challenges. I chaired the inaugural meeting on 26 February 2025. We will have the second one, as I already referenced, tomorrow. I will flag to domestic stakeholders the need for them to continue to engage directly with the Commission public consultation process on tariffs. For the record of the House, I remind people that runs until 26 March. As the situation evolves over the weeks and months ahead, the forum will be important in listening to and engaging with key stakeholders but I also envisage it will have tangible outputs that will feed into and support the Government’s approach to successfully navigating the more challenging international trade environment.

We cannot reduce ourselves to just commentating on what happens in the US, this House, this country or the European Union. We must control what is within our control. We must address the competitiveness agenda. We must ensure we invest in our infrastructure, simplify regulation ad implement the Draghi and the Letta reports. During Ireland’s presidency of the European Union next year, these will be key areas of focus. Let us engage with our companies, European partners and the United States of America and control what is within our control in terms of competitiveness.

I want to finish as I began. Ireland is a militarily neutral country but we are not politically neutral in the face of the all too frequent breaches of international law we see across the world. Ireland is a country that stands for human rights, the promotion of democracy and the rules-based international order with the UN Charter at its core. This approach remains the core of our political perspective and must, even more so, remain at the core and indeed be amplified in these challenging times. I hope Dáil Éireann can continue to engage regularly on the current fraught international situation and the very difficult challenges Ireland and the EU face. Our partnership will be vital in the actions we take in response to protect our country’s interests and continuing to promote our values on the world stage.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity to brief the House on international security and international trade - two issues at the core of Ireland’s foreign relations at a time of great turbulence and change in the world.

The Tánaiste has clearly set out the challenging international security situation and international trade context, highlighting the complex global environment in which our economy is working for the people of Ireland. As businesses must be responsive to the changing environment, we must recognise the threats on the landscape we now face are changing rapidly. I would like to address emerging threats, ways in which our economies and our way of life are under challenge. Ireland’s prosperity is rooted in a rules-based system that provides certainty not just for our security and well-being as a country, but also for our economy, businesses and citizens. Hybrid threats, cybersecurity and maritime security are real issues for us in Ireland today. They are also real issues for our European partners, our main and most important economic partners. Today, we must consider the full spectrum of security as this is of key importance to Ireland and to the EU, not only to preserve our current way of living but to plan for our future.

Ireland cannot rely on its geographic isolation for its security or isolate itself from world events. The nature of the threats we face are unlike those we have had before. They may include cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns that seek to undermine our social cohesion or interfere with our energy and telecommunications infrastructure. The havoc wreaked by the malicious actors who attacked the HSE in 2021 offers a reminder that neutrality is no safety blanket when it comes to such threats. The response to the cyberattack also put into stark relief the essential need for close co-operation with international partners on security issues. We must work through the EU and with our international partners to address such threats, as well as preparing our own domestic structures to meet these challenges. We have already taken important steps in recent years to bolster our national security institutions, for example, through the allocation of significant resources and capabilities to the National Cyber Security Centre.

Russia has unleashed a campaign of hybrid activity against European countries that has stepped up in the past year. These malicious acts include disruption to critical infrastructure, cyberattacks, spreading misinformation and disinformation and attempts to interfere in electoral processes. The underlying aim of this activity is to undermine European democracy. Ireland will work constructively with the EU and other member states to prevent, deter and respond to these destabilising activities. Later this month the EU will publish the preparedness Union strategy, which will take a whole-of-society approach to ensuring readiness for future crises. The EU will also introduce a European democracy shield to enhance the ability of the EU and member states to combat disinformation and malign online manipulation by foreign powers in Europe. Commissioner Michael McGrath has been tasked with taking this forward.

Turning to our economic security, the Government is mindful of the need to minimise risk in the context of increased geopolitical tensions and the challenges facing the rules-based international order. We are engaging constructively on a co-ordinated EU approach on economic security. This includes the EU’s European economic security strategy which was launched in 2023 and which will assist the EU and member states to develop a shared understanding of Europe’s economic dependencies. Our focus should be on derisking rather than decoupling trade and investment relations, with strong support for multilateralism and the promotion of open rules-based trade.

Domestically, this year Ireland introduced screening for investments from third countries to enhance the State’s ability to respond to potential threats posed to security and public order from some third-party country investments. Ireland has also increased investment in cybersecurity. We have committed under the programme for Government to deliver a new national cybersecurity strategy and promote a centre of excellence for cybersecurity skills, as well as make further changes to our structures in this area to ensure proper alignment to our national security infrastructure. In the EU, we have recognised that as cyberspace spans national borders, governments must collaborate to prevent and mitigate cyberattacks on our national infrastructure, essential services, businesses and citizens. The EU’s regulatory framework speaks to the strategic importance of robust cybersecurity controls and mitigation measures in critical infrastructure and important industry sectors. We have an ambition for the EU to be a global leader in setting standards for cybersecurity and a human rights-based development of digital technologies.

We have an exclusive economic zone of close to seven times our land area. Maritime security is another essential domain of strategic importance to Ireland. The Internet cables that carry our communications and data traffic play a crucial role in our interconnected economies.

The cables that connect Ireland with the United States, the UK and mainland Europe pass through the waters of our maritime exclusive economic zone. Some of our critical energy interconnectors are also underwater, ensuring stability and continuity of energy supply.

We are all aware of the recent attempts to damage and sever communications cables and energy interconnectors in the Baltic Sea. We cannot assume we are immune from similar risks. Protecting critical undersea infrastructure is a key economic task. Being an open and highly connected economy, it is more important than ever that we take our own security and responsibility towards our like-minded partners seriously. For this reason, the Government is committed to broadening and deepening Ireland’s international security engagement and to working with partners in public and private sectors to enhance Ireland’s domestic security.

We are on an island and know that peace and prosperity are closely linked. It is in the stable environment of a secure and rules-based global order that prosperity has thrived and in which many countries, including our own, have moved from poverty to economic success. Ireland’s peace is won in the EU and our prosperity is inextricably linked to a well-functioning, competitive and open Single Market. That in turn is inextricably linked to a safe and secure global environment. The discussions that are taking place under the European economic security strategy are helping to develop a shared understanding of Europe’s economic dependencies as the geopolitical environment becomes less stable and less safe. I strongly believe that Europe’s influence in the world will depend largely on developing the Continent’s economic strengths as an open, resilient and competitive market-based economy. At the same time, evolving geopolitical risks may call for proportionate, precise and targeted responses to new economic security challenges. These should be focussed on de-risking rather than decoupling trade and investment relations.

Ireland is engaging constructively with this agenda, aiming to preserve maximum levels of economic openness. Ireland continues to encourage parallel progress through the three pillars of the European economic security strategy - promote, protect, partner - and the need to balance preservation of the EU’s open and dynamic economy with the need to safeguard and protect Europe’s interests from new economic security challenges. The Government is working with key economic stakeholders in preparation for the increasing prominence of the economic security agenda, which is likely to have significant impact on our FDI and export-focused enterprise bases. The Government is also working to raise risk awareness among its FDI and export development agencies and their client companies regarding export controls, FDI screening, sanctions and other economic security and related matters. In complementing this work, we must not lose sight of the significant advantage we have on our doorstep, that is, the access we enjoy to the EU Single Market. We will continue to support an ambitious free trade agenda, one that enables Irish businesses to avail of new opportunities.

Since early December, my Department has been engaging with Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland in developing the ministerial-led trade missions programme for 2025. With tourism joining my Department, Tourism Ireland trade missions have now been added to the 2025 trade missions programme. In line with my Department’s commitment to maintain, grow and expand our market reach, trade missions are planned for the US, the UK, the Nordics, France, Spain, Italy, Germany, the Japan Expo 2025 and South Korea. It is important in a rapidly changing geopolitical environment to step up our activities to support Irish companies and to develop and grow oversea markets. There is also provisional planning for a trade mission to South Africa in conjunction with Ireland’s position as a guest country during the South African presidency of the G20.

I am giving a specific focus to the US. It is important that we continue to grow the transatlantic economic relationship and use our agencies as a conduit to build upon our enterprise and business relationships. In February, I visited San Francisco and San Diego as part of a joint tourism and EI-IDA trade mission. St. Patrick’s Day gave me the opportunity to further promote Ireland in the US as a dynamic, competitive and globally connected country. I travelled to Massachusetts and New Hampshire where I had an intensive programme to celebrate our national day and emphasise the importance of our cultural, social, trade and investment relationships with America. In Boston, I attended the Boston Young Leaders celebration and met Massachusetts Governor, MS Maura Healey. We have seen in recent decades the thriving business and economic sector in Boston and there continues to be great opportunities for Irish businesses to expand there. I visited the seafood expo at the Boston convention centre to meet Irish companies attending the event and had meetings with EI and IDA clients and prospective companies. I delivered remarks at the Irish American Partnership breakfast. I also travelled to New Hampshire, where I had the opportunity to engage with the Republican Governor of New Hampshire, Ms Kelly Ayotte, and attended a lunch hosted by the commissioner for business and economic affairs, Mr. Taylor Caswell. This was an opportunity to meet members of the recently formed Irish Trade Council. In order to build upon and strengthen our links, we plan further trade missions this year to the US - Chicago and Minneapolis in May and the west coast in September.

The new Enterprise Ireland strategy for is entitled "Delivering for Ireland, Leading Globally: Strategy 2025-2029". This strategy aligns closely with the objectives of the new programme for Government. It focuses on enterprise competitiveness and productivity, enhancement of supports for startups and assisting companies to scale globally. Indeed, over the past 18 months, there has been a significant increase in the competitiveness agenda across the EU. This was initially indicated in the newly reformed annual Single Market and competitiveness scoreboard, published in January 2024. Since then, there has been the publication of the Letta report, entitled "Much More Than a Market", which looked at empowering the Single Market to deliver sustainable prosperity for EU citizens. This was followed by the Draghi report, entitled "The future of European competitiveness", which set out a wide range of recommendations in order to improve the EU’s competitiveness.

Enterprise Ireland’s new strategy will pursue this competitiveness agenda. Its strategy sets out a long-term ambition for Irish exporting businesses to become the primary driver of our economy. It establishes a headline target of 275,000 jobs in Enterprise Ireland-supported companies by 2029, which would be an additional 41,000 jobs compared to the current position. Enterprise Ireland-supported companies are also given a target of €50 billion in export sales by the end of 2029, with an additional aim for Enterprise Ireland to support 150 large Irish exporting companies of more than 250 employees by 2029. There is a particular focus on sustainability, given Enterprise Ireland’s central role in supporting the achievement of our industrial emissions reduction targets and it will continue to prioritise collaboration with the local enterprise offices to ensure that Irish businesses of all sizes are supported throughout their development.

International expansion will continue to be critical to the ability of Irish companies to thrive and scale, and a key element of Enterprise Ireland’s activity will be to support startups to grow, leverage sales and access global markets. Enterprise Ireland undertakes direct strategic investments in high-potential startups and provides indirect funding to Irish companies through the seed and venture capital scheme. The initiatives and actions outlined in the strategy will support the delivery elements on enterprise of the programme for Government and will complement achievement of the Government objectives across a wide range of areas, including climate action, skills development and research and innovation. The actions that I have listed are being undertaken by my Department in alignment with the trade objective of diversifying supply chains and advancing Irish trade through the existing EU framework for free trade agreements.

The goal of all this work by my Department and me is to stand as a pillar in the overall strategy, as laid out by the Tánaiste, in navigating the complex geopolitical environment that we as a country are responding to. I look forward to engaging with the House today and hearing the views of all the Deputies in these turbulent times in international security and trade.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The ceasefire in Gaza has been abandoned by the Israelis. It has not just been breached; it has been blown to pieces. They never wanted a ceasefire and have now abandoned negotiations on an exchange of hostages and prisoners. Netanyahu says the negotiations will only take place under fire. Already, Israeli forces have moved to partition the Gaza strip. Air strikes have recommenced in Gaza and southern Lebanon. Hundreds are dead, the vast majority of them women and children. Even the UN finds itself in the line of fire with at least one of its workers dead.

Netanyahu says that this is only the beginning. His domestic position is weak and he relies on the far-right ultranationalists to keep his Government afloat. Those ultranationalists did not accept the ceasefire and now the price for their support is dead Palestinians, so that a budget can be passed by the Knesset and an election avoided.

This is all done with the tacit approval of the American Administration. Indeed, the US is blaming Hamas for the renewed violence when it has yet to retaliate to this latest bloodshed. I say this not in support of Hamas but as an indication of how apparent it is that the wholesale destruction of the Palestinian people, first in Gaza and then beyond, is a very real possibility that the world must now accept exists. The international community must take a more active role in standing up against the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people because we have utterly failed to do so. The international community has stood by while shells and bombs have rained down on innocent people with genocidal fury.

Talk, such as we had in this Chamber, about watering down the occupied territories Bill only emboldens Benjamin Netanyahu and his cronies to commit further war crimes. Meaningful sanctions must be imposed by Ireland, the EU and the wider world. This was done against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine. We agree with and support those measures. Indeed, they could be expanded against Russia and then against Israeli because we can no longer expect the US to put a break on Israel before it goes too far anymore. In fact, talk about turning Gaza into a new riviera only signals that they do not care if every Palestinian is killed or driven out and hotels are built on the dead bodies.

The US has made clear its intention to step back from the world. The cessation of USAID around the world makes that clear. It could be the death sentence for millions as programmes combatting HIV, climate change and malnutrition run out of money. Even programmes monitoring outbreaks of diseases such as ebola have been cut. In a post Covid world, we can all appreciate the short-sighted folly of such decisions.

Foreign aid is as important now as it has ever been. There is much conflict in the world that goes on without much notice although it affects the lives of untold millions. One of the most serious situations is in Sudan, which has worsened beyond all pessimistic predictions. Hundreds of thousands are dead and millions displaced. Some 30 million require UN aid. Cholera and famine once again stalk the country. The capital, Khartoum, is a ghost town and civilians have been the target of the most dreadful war crimes. Such situations only deteriorate further in the absence of dedicated aid programmes and Sudan is only one such conflict.

Irish Aid does fantastic work but Ireland is a small player when it comes to the overall amount of funding. The gap created by USAID presents a challenge to the EU to respond, particularly in Africa where Chinese projects have created more tangible results as part of the belt and road initiative.

The EU is a source of major funding but sometimes we have to ask whether overseas development assistance is going to the right places to produce the same tangible results. I am deeply worried that as the EU is looking to be increasingly militarised as part of Readiness 2030, it will come at the expense of foreign aid. Building fortress Europe and becoming as insular as the US will not make the world, or leave any of us, in a safer place. Ignoring conflicts around the world, in places such as Sudan, Congo and Yemen, will not make the world a safer place. Allowing Israel to complete the Nakba and finally cleanse the Palestinian people from what little lands they have left does not make the world a safer place. If we wish to discuss international security in any meaningful way in this Chamber, we need to see the broader picture of how our actions and, more importantly, inaction impact on the world around us.

Rose Conway-Walsh (Mayo, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We are rightly proud of the Irish goods and services that are traded across the world and of our indigenous companies and entrepreneurs who have taken risks and successfully navigated world markets. I recognise the immense contribution to the national economy of our export trade and the role that FDI has played and the truth is that in this time of global political and economic uncertainty and volatility in our trading partners, significant threats are becoming apparent in many sectors.

I am concerned at the trade tariffs that President Trump has indicated he will impose on the pharmaceutical industry, technology, software companies and Irish products such as whiskey and the impact that these could have for companies based in Ireland and for their workers. Drinks Ireland has estimated the current value of Irish drinks exports to the US at more than €800 million per year. Over half of this is made up of whiskey exports. The imposition of a 200% tariff would spell ruin for the small whiskey distilleries that have blossomed in the past number of years, many of them providing valuable employment in rural areas. Business is vital to my own local economy, for instance, the Achill Island Distillery and the Connacht Distillery in Ballina. Senator Conor Murphy and I continue to meet with industry stakeholders regarding the likely impact of these proposed tariffs on decision-making in their global businesses and it is important that we have a unity of purpose across this House in tackling the threats that are there at this time. What is clear is that the climate of uncertainty is challenging and that Government policy must reflect the perilous situation we are in.

The Department of enterprise will be monitoring developments but investment decisions in infrastructure must be ramped up to improve our competitiveness and to ensure that jobs are protected. Funding for export development programmes must be escalated. The situation in Ireland is further complicated by the British jurisdiction over part of our island. In the event of counter-tariffs being imposed by the EU and differing arrangements between the US and Britain, we could have a situation where businesses in the same sector are disadvantaged because of what side of the Border they happen to be on. Potential tariffs coupled with currency fluctuations brought about by two currencies operating in our small island will most harshly hit businesses along the Border area. We have seen on many occasions the micro-cycles of boom and bust in the Border region where neighbouring towns are pitted against each other depending on where the currency advantage exists. This is most unfair and it makes it even more difficult to navigate this business space. I urge the Minister to work with his counterpart in the Executive, Dr. Caoimhe Archibald, to consider hosting an all-island summit to meet with the business sectors to hear their views on these impending tariffs and the possible mitigations which need to be put in place.

More broadly, and in addition to dealing with this current crisis, this is a time to increase investment in our domestic economy, which accounts for 90% of the employment in the State. The truth is our indigenous businesses have not received the necessary supports and attention they deserve nor have our start-ups been facilitated and supported to scale up in the way that they need to do. Now is the time to change this. Supply chains to multinational companies need to be developed and cultivated across the island and within the EU so the economy can withstand global external shocks. Sinn Féin believes that establishing a new enterprise agency, Mol Gnó, which could provide financial support and expertise to non-export based start-ups and established companies, could be a game-changer for our home-based businesses as well.

I also draw the Minister's attention to the current unbalanced economic development that the Government has presided over, which has resulted in the EU regional competitiveness index ranking the east and midland region, 24th, the southern region, 19th, and the north-western region, 113th, out of 234 EU regions. This must be urgently addressed by Government, particularly in the western region, which is now classed as a lagging region. Ireland West Airport Knock strategic development zone, the western rail corridor, roads, water, renewable energy and telecommunications are critical to our competitiveness and sustainable growth.

Ireland failed to enact the necessary legislation to transpose the EU network and information security directive by the deadline of 19 October 2024. The first draft of the general scheme for the national cybersecurity Bill has been published and it has been listed in the Government's legislative programme for spring 2025. I welcome this but it is taking too long. We need to work together to address all of these issues.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

International trade agreements should never be at the cost of human rights and their promotion or at the cost of the freedoms that societies enjoy, yet we have seen in those which were signed between Europe and Israel that there is a casual ignoring of those provisions by Israel. They seem to be emboldened over the years to ignore them because there have been no consequences even though Article 2 of the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement, which was established as an association between the European Communities and the State of Israel, stated that relations between the parties as well as all of the provisions of the agreement shall be based on respect for human rights and democratic principles that guide the internal and international policy and constitute an essential element of the agreement.

Article 79 of the same agreement begins, "If either Party considers that the other Party has failed to fulfil an obligation under the Agreement, it may take appropriate measures." Yet when in 2002, the European Parliament voted to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement in response to gross human rights violations by Israel then in Jenin and Nablus, the European Commission failed to take any action. That has been the case since. Even when there is a renewed partnership with the southern neighbourhood, a new agenda for the Mediterranean, which falls within the European neighbourhood policy through which Israel benefits from deeper bilateral association, all its provisions are being ignored. The Treaty on the European Union is being ignored as is the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Every time Israel knows Europe will not take action to implement its own provisions. Israel has been emboldened. It has been emboldened to the stage where it has carried out renewed large-scale murderous and genocidal attacks on civilians, the destruction of infrastructure, hospitals, roads, and civilians and their homes. It is collective punishment. We are now in the third decade where Israel is inflicting collective punishment against those living in the Gaza region of Palestine.

Starvation of the population is clear. Israel is preventing food from getting into a war zone where people are dying of starvation. It is allowing the spread of disease. It has been responsible for the deaths of over 50,000 people at this stage and has been responsible for the targeting of UN facilities, not only in Gaza but elsewhere. Israel has stood over the equivalent of a medieval siege. Its respect for international law is nowhere to be seen in any of its actions in recent years or maybe before. In fact, it rejects it totally as we can see in its approach to the International Criminal Court. It has even breached the limited ceasefire which was in place and which gave people some hope that those who were injured, dying or starving in Gaza would have some respite but there was no such thing. The murderous genocidal Government has unleashed horrific attacks in the last couple of days. There must be full sanctions against Israel on a par with those imposed on Russia for its war against Ukraine and its attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure.

The Zionist Government’s scorched-earth policy of slaughter in Palestine cannot be allowed to continue. There must be a reinstated and enhanced ceasefire which allows food and medical supplies to immediately get in to the people who are suffering. The Palestinian people must be allowed to draw up a plan for the rebuilding of this proud city with the help of other nations. They must be allowed to receive help from outside to rebuild their lives. The EU must become guarantor or advocate in the same way it has been an advocate for Ukraine. The EU needs to be an advocate for Palestine. We have standing internationally because of our neutral stance in wars around the world to such a degree that people recognise the sacrifice of upwards of 47 Irish soldiers in UN missions. That can be jeopardised if we do not stand up and take action.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Unfortunately we are in a very scary world where might is right. It can seem like reading the history of imperial power plays from the 1700s. There is slaughter in Sudan and Gaza and Russian attempts to make major military inroads to deliver a one-sided peace. There has been engagement by the US Administration which can at very best be described as unhelpful, although I have many other words for it, as will others, in particular the talk of the Gaza Riviera which means nothing but genocide. Unfortunately, it gives cover to those who are even further to the right of Benjamin Netanyahu, a man who seems wholly committed to keeping this war going with a view to maintaining his career. That is one of the most sickening parts of all of this. It does not help world stability in any way.

There is the issue of tariffs and now great instability for global business. I agree with some of what was said earlier about major corporations and how we will not see them leave in their droves in quick time. We are talking about major operations with a requirement to maintain a connection with the European market and they are facilitated by many of the positives that have existed in this State. We have huge issues we need to deal with ourselves alongside the fact that there needs to be trade engagement and engagement at every level with the American Administration and others. We need to work alongside our European partners in delivering for the Irish people and for the businesses and jobs we are talking about. However, we must deal with the absolute disaster that is the housing crisis which IBEC and others note is impacting on business. We must also deal with the underlying infrastructural issues from water right through to the grid and power capacity.

In Dundalk, we would like to see the delivery of a college of the future. Much good work has been done around the advanced manufacturing centre training of excellence and huge work is being done in the regional development centre in DKIT. These are real positives when it comes to connections with business but far more needs to be done in relation to what we can do for our SME sector. A great deal of effort has to be put into protecting what we have. There will be support in relation to engagement.

We all know the hybrid threats we are talking about. There is the tech sector and the undersea cables. They are not only our cables. I accept we need to make sure we have capacity. We must deal with the underfunding of our Defence Forces. That does not mean we move away from Ireland’s independent foreign policy. We must respect the sacrifices made by those such as Private Michael McNeela and Private Sean Rooney. There must be further engagement with the UN on the information that must be provided to the coroner, the State and the family in the case of Sean Rooney.

If speaking about Gaza and genocide, Francesca Albanese put it absolutely straight. We are talking about the acceleration of a total destruction of life in Gaza. We know what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank. We need to do what we can. Israel needs to feel that it is a pariah state. That is the only weapon we have. We are talking about the occupied territories Bill and not a yellow-pack version. We need to see delivery of that. We talk about the humanitarian clauses in the EU-Israel Association Agreement but we need to see action. There are many other issues which I could raise at this time but I am over time.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The situation in Gaza is at the forefront of everyone’s mind today and in recent days. We have seen the mass bombing of thousands of people who are living in rubble as it stands. The attitude of the Israeli Government and its efforts to wipe out the Palestinian people is something the whole world is rightly aghast at. I recognise that Ireland has been to the forefront in recognising the State of Palestine and other measures but there are other distances we can go in respect of that. The issue of the occupied territories Bill has been raised here. We need to see a clear commitment from the Government that the Bill be enacted in full.

In respect of the United States and the trade deficit we have there, we have looked at services as being a big part of that. The services that come from the occupied territories are also a major part of that economy. An occupied territories Bill that excludes services is not going to cut the mustard. That has to be clear.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It has to be legally enforceable, though.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Bill has to be enforceable, yes, but it must clearly demonstrate the Government's and the world's absolute outrage at what is happening in Gaza and in the occupied territories across Palestine.

Turning to other issues, the tariffs being brought in by the United States were to be on steel and aluminium first. Then the European Union talked about tariffs on whisky coming from America, then they retorted with tariffs on Irish whiskey products and products coming from the European Union, with talk of 200% tariffs. All of this is very volatile and difficult. In my own constituency we have The Shed Distillery in Drumshanbo. Pat Rigney was on the radio the other morning talking about this. It is a clear problem for many small, indigenous companies, large portions of whose products are exported to the United States. They need to see some action on this and must have some level of protection with regard to the tariffs that are being talked about.

On international trade, we also have the issue of the Mercosur trade deal, which is still on the table. Farmers and many others in my constituency and across the country feel that we will have Irish beef products produced to the highest standards competing with products produced to the lowest standards. It is unfair and unsustainable. There needs to be recognition of that. I would welcome if the Government would come out and say it is opposed in totality to the Mercosur trade deal. We have to oppose it in totality. If we are not----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

There is a bit to it. The Deputy cannot oppose something in its entirety. There is a lot to it. We can talk about the beef element but come on.

Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I am sure the Minister of State will have an opportunity to come back in at the end. We have to recognise that this would be detrimental to the livelihoods of Irish farmers. In that context, we must be very strong and definite in respect of what we are doing around all of that.

Going back to issues of international security and cybersecurity, from time to time a red flag jumps up when there has been an attack somewhere but we need to recognise that it is an ongoing problem. Every day, the capacity of those actors is growing to attack and undermine our facilities, whether it be our water, telecommunications or power infrastructure, or the infrastructure of any Government agency across the State. We need a combative sense of how we are going to deal with it. That brings me to the issue of international and security co-operation. As others have mentioned, Ireland has a long tradition of being neutral. This tradition is recognised globally as giving us strength and uniqueness and allows us to be seen as an honest broker in many situation. However, we also need to have our own security positioned in place with a military force that can respond and protect our airspace and undersea cables. Our navy is at a really low ebb at the moment. There is a great deal of work to be done in respect of building and growing all that.

I will come back to the point I opened with on the situation in Gaza. The Government needs to be seen to be standing very strong in respect of that. The occupied territories Bill is the one Bill we can put forward, united across the House, to deal with that situation in an effective way and show leadership globally.

Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome these statements. I made a request for them at the Business Committee two weeks ago and they were very quickly put on the agenda, which highlights the regard in which we hold this issue in the House. The 1989 academic paper "The End of History?" by Francis Fukuyama, and the subsequent book, The End of History and the Last Man, 1992, make the central argument that Western liberal democracies have won out and their universalisation has brought a natural end to centuries-long evolution in how humans govern their countries and indeed how that operates throughout the world. The theory has been subject to much critique and analysis over the years, not least for its failure to consider the threats of Islamism, religious fundamentalism or tribalism. One critique that has not occurred, because no one expected it, was the challenge to Western liberal democracies from the standard-bearer of Western liberal democracy, namely the United States. This is something we have seen accelerated in the past two months, the prelude to which was the Trump administration between 2016 and 2020 and his election campaign last year. It is happening before our very eyes.

The central premise of that book is that western liberal democracies are less likely to enter into conflict or wars with each other. We have seen an escalation in conflict between traditional allies, albeit through trade in the first instance, such as the United States and Canada and the United States and the EU. We have heard threats relating to the annexation of Greenland and the Panama Canal. I do not want to go too far ahead but there are concerns about what might be done to the UN as the US withdraws support for it. I refer to what the US has already done in the pausing of USAID, which is among the most callous acts of the past couple of months and is already having an impact in terms of deaths, illness, and weakening protections against famine, flood and drought. All of this is happening right now.

The headlines are rightly focused on the diminishing security of Ukraine with the continued war after Russia's invasion, and indeed what has happened in Gaza over the past 48 hours, which has been described by the Israeli Prime Minister as the beginning or the start. The start of what? We have had 17 months of genocide, utter destruction and barbarism. If this is just the start, then it seems to be the start of what will be the final push of the Palestinian people out of Gaza at the same time as the UN has reported the acceleration of illegal settlements in the West Bank. Israel is now operating in the most unfettered manner it has done in its entire history. This has been given the green light by the Trump administration. We can point to that AI-generated video of the grotesquely labelled "Gaza Riviera". That was a very serious piece of social media content. Along with the words Donald Trump has said, it has effectively given the green light and indicated that there will be no ramifications for the State of Israel if it pushes the Palestinian people off what remains of their lands in Gaza and the West Bank. In the most grotesque, public and horribly modern manner, the video gave the go-ahead. We are witnessing this before our very eyes. Added to this is the weakening of democracy, the questioning of elections, both within the United States by the President and in other countries around the world that have strong democracies. We see the promotion of the far right in countries such as Germany, with JD Vance promoting the AfD. All of this makes the world more insecure, from a direction we never felt.

The primacy of western liberal democracies is not without its problems and challenges. It has also developed great inequalities throughout the world, as well as bringing peace and stability, a decrease in wars, and firming up countries as allies after the Second World War that had been enemies for centuries. This attack on western liberal democracy by the United States is making the world more insecure. When the President of the United States feels more comfortable in the company of autocrats, be it in North Korea, Russia or elsewhere, than he does within the United Nations or with traditional allies in the European Union, it is not parliamentary hyperbole from our very privileged position in Ireland to say the world is changing before our eyes. When we look back at this period, we may see that it is another so-called end of history.

I believe it is that serious. Only last night, we saw the White House put out that they should be given control of Ukraine's energy infrastructure as part of ongoing peace talks. This is incredible. Not only do they want to take away the security supports for Ukraine, leaving it more open to attack and invasion, but they also want to harvest the natural resources and infrastructure of that country. It is absolutely horrific to think that this is taking place before our very eyes, and the EU is powerless at this moment to stop it. The precedent that is being set here is incredibly dangerous for global stability and continues to creep into any conflict that the US is involved in. The Trump Administration is seemingly hell-bent on being transactional in nature with traditional allies, but what does "transactional in nature" mean? Transactional to what end? I would posit that the transactional nature of the Trump Administration to this point seems to be to weaken the strength of democracies in Europe and throughout the world that have traditionally been US allies. He sees democracy, and strong democracies and real freedoms, as threats.

We need to see clarity from our Government once again in terms of the occupied territories Bill. Yesterday, the Taoiseach stated that the Bill was on the legislative agenda despite reports claiming the opposite from his time in the US last week. Again, I am on record as saying that what the Irish State has done in terms of the recognition of Palestine is not unimportant. In fact, it is very important that it has been recognised as such. The occupied territories Bill is in the overall scheme of things a small measure but, nonetheless, not an unimportant one, and it is something this Government should be supporting and promoting and on which we should have clarity.

There is no doubt that Ireland is now in an incredibly precarious situation with the looming threat of tariffs on the European Union set to disproportionately impact us. By all accounts, disgraced fighters now have more pull within the US Administration than our own Government, having sit down meetings with national security advisers, the Secretaries of Defence and, indeed, the President himself, as well as that being amplified by that very President. We need to see the Irish Government further strengthen our relationship with our counterparts in the European Union, which we know are strong and, indeed, with the Labour-led Government in the United Kingdom. I was encouraged by the recent summit the Taoiseach and Prime Minister held in Liverpool. We must work to strengthen our bond, and we in Labour want to work with the Government on this. In the most uncertain of times, it is with our like-minded friends in the international community that Ireland can find a firm footing. Indeed, we look at the new leader of the Liberal Party of Canada who has proud Irish roots and we must strive to grow that relationship in the coming months.

International trade has long been a powerful driver of economic prosperity and as a small open economy our trade relationships to the United States and beyond have helped fuel our growth and bolster the standard of living for millions of people in this country. Yet trade is not simply about economics. Trade is a tool of diplomacy and co-operation. Until recently, we in the western world have looked at the mutual dependencies that trade has created to help foster peace and stability but now, as I said, with President Trump, those sure footings have now become less sure.

As an EU member state, Ireland is committed to multilateralism and rules-based trade, and that will not change. Our participation in the Single Market has not only boosted our economic fortunes, but it has also anchored us to our allies who share our values of democracy, fairness and peace. Trade cannot thrive in a world of insecurity, and such a world has been created by Donald Trump in a manner that has caught us all by surprise.

As we witness an increasing number of geopolitical challenges and the rise of hybrid threats, it is clear that national security is no longer confined to our borders. The interconnected nature of today's world means that events halfway across the globe have direct and immediate impacts on our own security. This is particularly true in the digital age where the security of our trade networks and critical infrastructure is under constant threat from cyberattacks, data breaches and disinformation campaigns. The hack on the HSE from Russia needs to serve as a constant reminder that our global supply chains and State services could be disrupted and manipulated. It is no longer a distant concern. To that end, we need to see the National Cyber Security Centre provided with greater investment and greater resources. At the moment, it is more reactive than proactive. That could change with proper funding and proper resourcing.

In Ireland we have a unique position. We are a small nation with a large global footprint. Our neutrality and independence have given us a distinctive voice on the world stage. However, this is not a time for isolation. As I already said, now is the time to double down on our relationships with like-minded countries. It is a time to be bold and hold firm on our national values. While the tectonic plates of the international order shift, it is important to remember our proud history of neutrality and just how dearly the Irish people hold it. We in Labour have made clear our concerns with regard to any alterations to the triple lock and the potential long-term impacts a change to the triple lock would have on our neutrality. That, however, does not mean we do not have a responsibility to increase our own security capacity. It is important that I am crystal clear on this matter. We have not taken our own security seriously enough. That starts from the pay and conditions of our Defence Forces and goes all the way up to our lack of investment in sonar, military and detection capabilities. The buck has to stop now and there is no more room for complacency.

We have seen the EU as a whole change almost overnight. The focus on defence is now the key issue for a huge host of member states. While we cannot and will not under any circumstances accept a role in the common defence pact or any offensive actions involving Irish troops, we have a responsibility to get our own house in order from a security point of view. I already raised my serious concerns of the lack of investment in the National Cyber Security Centre, but the issue is much more widespread. Our Defence Forces are nowhere near the level of personnel we need, standing at 7,497 members. I received a response to a parliamentary question yesterday that was maybe the best example I have seen of Government seeing an issue and having a solution yet bungling its implementation. It refers to an underspend in our Defence Forces to the tune of €197 million at a time when our Defence Forces are crying out for better pay and conditions, which would help attract more people to our Defence Forces and help with retention. We in Labour feel there is an urgent need to ensure that our barracks and associated facilities are upgraded and maintained. We also feel there is a real opportunity to develop new housing on Defence Forces land for service members and their families. The Tánaiste and Minister may know that I previously raised the pension issue facing so many members of our uniformed services with regard to the public sector single pension scheme, which needs to be amended to recognise the particular position of workers in these fast accrual professions. This is another matter that impacts on retention, which ultimately has an upstream impact on our own security.

I have used the word "complacency" when talking about our attitude to defence previously but, to be fair, the bill for that cannot be squarely left at the Government's door. The way in which successive Governments have farmed out responsibility to our allies simply is not sustainable. I, for one, do not want to have to rely on the Royal Air Force for detection capabilities for our own land, air and sea.

I want to talk about the vulnerability of our undersea cables that run into Ireland and to the United States, Iceland, the UK and, indeed, Europe. I had a meeting with a number of experts in different specialities in this area since taking on this portfolio, and it has been made even more abundantly clear to me just how vulnerable our undersea cables are. We know that recently, for example, a vessel that is part of the Russian shadow fleet was off the coast of Cork for a number of days literally just loitering over one of our strategic cables. That same vessel is now on its way to the Baltics where we know the Russian shadow fleet has dropped anchors to damage undersea cables. This is happening, and it can and will happen to us if we do not get our own house in order.

On the issue of improving our monitoring technology, the Defence Policy Review 2024 was published and stated that the "immediate focus [will be placed on] the development of an Integrated Monitoring and Surveillance System for air, land and sea domains ... " The next formal fixed cycle defence review is to be initiated this year, but it is important that we are kept updated on the delivery of this system and if, indeed, the 2028 expected implementation date is accurate.

As I have outlined, we in Labour are serious about improving our own defensive security, but at the heart of the issue is the need to improve pay and conditions for members of our Defence Forces. Only from those foundations can we achieve any of our further goals. We need to ensure that we protect our neutrality. The best thing we can do for European security at the moment is to ensure that Ireland is investing in our own neutrality and our own security. I hope this Government takes that seriously.

Pádraig O'Sullivan (Cork North-Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I will begin by agreeing with much of what Deputy Smith said, but I will elaborate on some points. We all agree that this is a challenging time for international security and international trade. The adjective "turbulence" or the phrase "turbulent times" have been used quite a lot in the media over the last week. I would say it is far more worrying than just turbulence. The world is on fire. We have heard that analogy used in terms of the climate challenge we already have, but I would use it in terms of international relations as well. Every morning when I wake up, I check my Twitter page to see what the news of the week is going to be because the world is literally being run on Twitter at the moment.

We have an indication of where the new cycle is going because that is how turbulent and erratic the new world order is.

I will start by speaking about Ukraine. It is universally agreed in the House that a strong and secure Ukraine is vital to the interests of Ireland and EU. We have seen how open our economy is and how susceptible it is to issues relating to energy in particular. We saw that most notably during Covid and following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. To be fair to our Taoiseach and Tánaiste, they have advanced and have always spoken about fast-tracking Ukrainian membership of the European Union. That is something we have to continue to push for at EU level and at high-profile meetings.

I welcome the establishment of the new ministerial council on national security. I understand it is to meet at least three or four times each year to co-ordinate our response to future threats and deal with maters relating to our national security. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste should be represented at that national security council but so too should the Garda, the Army and the Defence Forces in general. That will be a fundamental arm of the State going forward.

I wish to comment on the unpredictability relating to and the running of international politics by Twitter. It is that unpredictability from which much of the turbulence we are experiencing is stemming. Can anybody in this Chamber honestly say that a couple of years ago we would have envisaged the United States trying to claim Canada as the 51st state or attempting to buy Greenland? This stuff is seriously concerning. It fuels the risk that is out there. It fuels the risk to markets, frightens investors and costs jobs. Tweets and words cost jobs and investment. The world as we knew it has changed. These real diplomatic threats and the distorting of the international order, as it was or is, need to be challenged.

What is happening in respect of the International Criminal Court is just another example of the challenge to the international order. Again, who here would have thought that sanctions would have been instigated against members of the International Criminal Court by the leader of the free world? This stuff is seriously concerning. I represent a constituency in Cork where thousands of jobs have been created by Apple, Pfizer and so on, and where there is a great deal of American investment. I know that what I am saying sounds repetitive, but the turbulence needs to be challenged.

The rise of state and non-state actors is something that is of great concern to me. This is linked to the whole area of cybersecurity. The Lazarus group, which is affiliated to North Korea, is undermining world financial markets and is hacking people's technology. We have Russian interference in neighbouring countries' elections. It is not just neighbouring countries, however. I suspect that Russia has been involved in quite a lot of election interference over the past number of years. Again, all of this is linked to cybersecurity. It is something that the Taoiseach takes very seriously. The beefing up of our Defence Forces and the prioritisation of resources in that regard needs to be fundamentally advanced.

I will end by saying a brief word about the occupied territories Bill. I know the Bill is contentious, but it is not contentious for me. We received the Attorney General's advice. The Government needs to get on with the business of progressing the occupied territories Bill. In that context, we need to be cognisant of the advice we have been given by the Attorney General and of any other European legislation. We need to get on with advancing the Bill because the pictures and the images we are seeing every day in the Middle East are unacceptable. I acknowledge that the Government has done a great deal to progress the Palestinian cause. The fundamental solution to that conflict will be a two-state solution. We owe more to humanity. As a people, we need to do more than just engaging in moral grandstanding. We need to get on with enacting the legislation as soon as possible.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

There is no doubt that the world is changing rapidly and that a new world order is emerging. I join in the condemnation of Israel and agree with those who have spoken eloquently about what is happening in Gaza to the Palestinian people. It is horrific. The world will certainly look back on this period with shame because not enough is being done to stop what is happening. I am not talking about our Government but I am talking about governments collectively throughout the world. It is absolutely horrendous to see Israel getting away with what is happening without, it would appear, any concerted effort on the part of America and the other big countries that take the lead. It is extremely sad and shocking to see what is going on.

On the security side, I just wonder how well prepared we are. I am of the view that we are ill-prepared for anything. We are not a major force in participating in wars or as an army. We need to look at what we are really talking about here. We are mainly peacekeepers. We need to celebrate the achievement of those in the Irish Army in being recognised as peacekeepers. We need to look at the infrastructure that is either there or not there and the training involved. In Kilkenny, we are lucky to have Stephen's Barracks where almost 500 men and women are in training and being prepared as future of members of the Defence Forces. Some investment has taken place over the years, but not enough by a long shot.

We are planning a new medical centre in the barracks to look after those who are going overseas on peace missions or to participate in other matters relative to the workings of a defence force. It is only now that we are putting that in place. The Government still has not made a decision on the appointment of a nurse on site at Stephen's Barracks. It employs, through an agency and no doubt at a higher cost, a nurse for the past decade. In spite of the best attempts being made to rectify this, it has not happened. Every visit of a Minister for Defence to that barracks has been approached in the context of that position.

On the purchase of equipment, we are way behind in terms of modernising our equipment in the context of doing anything, engaging or participating. Equipment is either dated or there is not enough of it. We do not have trained personnel capable of dealing with the newer equipment that is coming on line.

The living quarters in barracks are shocking. A lack of investment over the past ten years has led to these quarters being reduced to nothing but a the provision of basic beds for members of armed forces. Is that what we think of them? We must put this in the context of what we are saying about the terms and conditions of members of the armed forces. We have increased investment from €1.1 billion to €1.5 billion up to 2028 but that is a paltry sum in comparison with what is actually needed. When it comes to facilities like Stephen's Barracks in Kilkenny, the Tánaiste should ask what is required for the men and women who are there - all 500 of them - and deliver it without any question.

If you want them to do a job, train them, support them, equip them and make sure their pay and conditions match what they are expected to do. We have failed to do that. That is on the security front in terms of the Army.

On the SME sector and trade, we try to encourage SMEs to get involved with local enterprise offices, upskill their workers, commercialise and internationalise products and services and go through Enterprise Ireland to present on the international stage. Against major opposition commercially, Irish companies have made their mark, and they are to be celebrated for the work they are undertaking. However, they are ill-prepared for the world of commerce today and for what is going to happen tomorrow. We can point to how they were supported during Covid and how they are supported now, but that has nothing to do with the challenges being faced daily by those commercial entities. What is Enterprise Ireland doing over and above what it already does, to support export companies by means of funding? What is it doing to grow the new enterprise companies that will be exporting to a different world very shortly? I would say it is not doing enough.

We need to do more for the local enterprise offices and for Enterprise Ireland in the context of funding and supports to bring them up to speed so they can support the companies to compete. In my constituency, there are companies like Connolly's Red Mills, Glanbia and Sullivan's Brewing Company. There is State Street on the financial services side. There is Cartoon Saloon, security risk advisers and so on. A huge number of companies that are contributing to the export figures are being challenged in a new way to get into various markets. We rightly speak about America. It is a big market, but so Asian markets such as those in China and Taiwan. What are we doing to develop those markets? Let us not be hypocrites about Taiwan. There are 24 million people there. There is a One China policy, and I respect it. I understand it, and so do the Taiwanese people. However, we have a kind of taboo about that. We need to lift it and ensure we have a presence there so we can access the Asian markets and do the best we can to support the companies we have out there. If something should go wrong in the south east for example, between 9,000 and 10,000 jobs are at risk. Approximately 2,500 jobs would be at risk in County Kilkenny. That is to do with exports of whiskey and all sorts of goods and services. Quite frankly, I do not think we are prepared.

I will make a final point to highlight the basic necessities of trade. Listen to the Irish Road Haulage Association. We have no State-controlled quality certification for diesel. Hauliers are getting a blended mix of diesel into their trucks, which is causing huge maintenance problems. The latter give rise to further problems with cover with manufacturers should anything go wrong. We are doing nothing about it except imposing more taxes on them. We need to get to the basics right and take the steps necessary to be prepared, because we are not prepared by a long shot for security or for trade.

Conor McGuinness (Waterford, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Global tensions in the area of trade, particularly those relating to the emerging trade war being waged by the United States against many countries and blocs, are creating uncertainty in global markets and across various sectors. Any escalation in these tensions will disrupt supply chains, increase costs and limit access to critical raw materials. There is also some concern about the rhetoric coming from Washington regarding the pharmaceutical sector, particularly that part of it located in Ireland. This sector is extremely important for Waterford and the wider south east. My hometown of Dungarvan is a major manufacturer of pharmaceuticals. We need a strategy from Government to mitigate potential risks to the sector from a protracted trade war launched by the United States.

Our economy is exposed to shocks emanating from uncertainty and movement in international trade. IDA Ireland has a role to play in diversifying our industrial base at the macro level and facilitating job creation across the State. Unfortunately, Waterford has been left in the halfpenny place when it comes to attention and input from IDA Ireland . Fewer than 4% of all international IDA Ireland visits in 2024 were to Waterford, even though we offer an ideal location, a lower cost of doing business and the huge potential that comes with setting up a business in industrial centres like Waterford city and Dungarvan. Of the 466 foreign direct investment visits organised by IDA Ireland so far in 2025, just 18 were to Waterford. Could it be that IDA Ireland is taking its cue from a Government that has presided over a growing housing crisis in the region, which has failed to deliver 24-hour cardiac care in University Hospital Waterford and which has still to make a decision on Waterford Airport? If we are to be resilient in the face of global trade uncertainty, we need to ensure a more diverse and balanced approach to industrial development. That will mean ending the neglect of Waterford and the south east.

I am sure the Minister of State will agree that a commitment to multilateralism, international law, the promotion and vindication of human rights norms and humanitarianism is essential to international security and to our own security as a nation. Our military neutrality has been a cornerstone of Ireland's commitment to international peace and security. It reinforces Ireland's commitment to multilateralism and the rule of law. It is born of our painful experience of colonialism and imperialism and informs our solidarity with countries which share that history. Our military neutrality ensures that our actions are part of a collective effort to maintain peace and security. It underscores our respect for international institutions and our belief in diplomacy over unilateralism. It guards against the slide into militarism that has seen demagogues and arms manufacturers beat the drums of war all too often in the pursuit of power and wealth. Any move to remove the triple lock or water down our neutrality will be opposed by the people of Ireland. I ask that Government, with all the kite flying that has been going on over recent months, seriously consider committing to a referendum on neutrality to enshrine that in the Constitution.

Many of us were at the briefing this morning with Francesca Albanese, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories. Nobody who has been following the news for the past year and a half, and who has a heart and a conscience, could be unaffected by the genocide and destruction of human beings and human life going on in Palestine, both in Gaza and, more recently, the West Bank. This is part of a concerted campaign of erasure of the Palestinian people that has been going on for many decades, but which has reached a critical level and turning point in the past year and a half. Ireland's rhetoric and the words emanating from Government and the Department of Foreign Affairs are good, but they need to be followed by action that ends the impunity that Israel has enjoyed for far too long and far too many decades. The people of Palestine are entitled to a homeland too. They are entitled to live in peace and security. Palestinian mams and dads love their children and mourn them just as we would here in Ireland. We need to stand in solidarity with Palestine. We need to back up with action the words and rhetoric coming from the Department of Foreign Affairs, this Government and its predecessors. That means enacting the occupied territories Bill, ending the preferential treatment of Israel in EU trade, and it means stopping the use of Irish airspace and Irish waters for the transport of munitions and weapons of war that will ultimately be used to murder children, women and men.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome this opportunity to contribute to the debate on international security and trade. I also welcome the way the debate has been framed because these two subjects are inextricably linked. They are competencies that go together. I would say sadly that we all too often we see the elevation of trade, economy and jobs by this Government over commitments I believe we have in the space of security, stability and peace.

I am going to speak to that throughout my comments. That inextricable link has always been there. International security, peace and justice are inextricably linked with trade. It is this link that had us impose sanctions on Russia as a result of the illegal occupation and war in Ukraine and led us to boycott South African goods and services during the apartheid years. On the flip side, it is that same link that drove the British to build an empire all those centuries ago and colonise territories on the basis of the proliferation of trade.

Our responsibility to support a stable and healthy economy is all too often used by representatives of the Government as an excuse to avoid stepping up in pushing for peace, justice and respect for human rights, but the Social Democrats believe these two goals do not have to be opposed. We need ambition and courage to push for a better world that then helps to bring about the prosperity and security we need. Unfortunately, the ideology of this Government is business above human rights and security above peace. We must stand up to the bullies or we will be ruled by them. Instead, we are trading away our own values. If we are to take on a more courageous stance as a State and Government, we will see what we have seen in the past with things such as the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the end of apartheid, the European Union and the human rights conventions that we have all signed up to. We can have that if we balance better our commitments to security and trade and take a more courageous stance.

I will focus on the specific experience of Palestine, the occupied territories Bill, which other Deputies have mentioned, and the EU-Israel association agreement at European level. Like many others, I thank the UN special rapporteur, Ms Francesca Albanese, for coming to the Dáil today and for sharing with us her insights and passion in this area. I thank her for inspiring us all. Many of us are channelling her words today. When it comes to trade, we need to acknowledge that much of our trade law is tied to what happens at EU level. Of course, this is not a reason to do nothing. The clear answer to what we can do as a country is to enact the occupied territories Bill. We have clear legal duties in this regard under international law, which has supremacy over EU trade law. With the ruling of the ICJ on the illegal occupation of Palestine by Israel, we have a duty to cease trade with the illegal settlements on Palestinian land, both in terms of goods and services.

There is no legal impediment to the enactment of the Bill. While I heard the Tánaiste’s comments in response to Catherine Connolly when he said that the Bill was still very much in the picture, unfortunately every action being done by this Government says otherwise. There has been no meeting with Senator Frances Black since the Government formed or, indeed, since before the election. We have seen the proposal that services be removed from the occupied territories Bill. We are now being told that the Bill itself is going to be replaced by one from the Government. No one, including Senator Black, cares where the Bill comes from or whether it is a Government Bill as long as the spirit of the original Bill is maintained, that is, to deal with the ICJ ruling and implement what is obliged on us as a State by that ruling to cease trading with the illegal occupation of the West Bank. That has to progress.

Regarding the EU-Israel trade agreement, the breaking of the ceasefire agreement by Israel and the denying of the population of Gaza access to humanitarian aid mean we are faced with another glaring trade issue that is going unaddressed, namely, the EU-Israel association agreement, which allows for free trade between Israel and the European Union. That agreement hinges on respect for human rights. It is written clearly in the agreement. It is also clear to me that Israel has no respect for human rights. We should be pushing the EU to suspend the agreement immediately, as it is not valid anymore, given that its conditions are not being fulfilled. The rules of international law, trade law, human rights law and the treaties we signed need to be followed by this Government, not just when it is convenient, but when we must do it. I truly hope the Government raises this matter at the European Council meeting today and tomorrow.

Multilateralism underpins everything we are talking about today. International security for small nations has always derived from peace and stability. I heard the Taoiseach make comments to that effect recently. This means international co-operation and support for international institutions, be they the UN, the ICJ or the ICC. Unfortunately, that represents a tension with our current foreign and defence policy because we are rejecting multilateralism with the plans do to away with the triple lock.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

That is not accurate at all.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We are rejecting international law by trading with occupied territories. While we have statements on our commitments to these principles, and those statements are welcome, they must be backed up by reality. I am keen to hear what the Government is going to do to defend multilateralism and international co-operation and to defend the role of the UN in international stability and security.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

When I woke up this morning and the radio came on, the very first story talked about the European Council meeting happening today, which has rearmament on a scale that has not been seen for approximately 80 to 90 years as its first item on the agenda. We talked about the fact that our Taoiseach will be going and that loans will be provided so that European powers can buy military equipment, bombs and systems of obliteration. I almost had to look over my head to ensure jets were not passing by as they spoke.

People can clearly sense there is fear, that the world is changing and that things are getting darker. There is fear everywhere. The last time I saw real fear was at a community meeting on Seán McDermott Street last week on special education provision. There were approximately 150 parents there and each one of them was terrified of what would become of their child’s development because they could not access therapeutic services such as occupational therapy and speech and language therapy. I think about the fear I see when people come to meet me looking for basic access to housing or the fear that the son or daughter of an older parent will have when they bring them into the accident and emergency department and find out that it is overcrowded and they will be there for the best part of 12 to 14 hours. There is genuine fear everywhere, but today there will be an assembly of powers to talk about how to address one particular fear, namely, how we purchase weapons of war for the purpose of annihilation.

There seems to be a general sense of eagerness from those who sit opposite me to involve ourselves in this kind of rush to arms, as if that will ever be our space in the world. There is a fantasy beginning to develop that Ireland will somehow be a military power.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

That is nonsense.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We will not be a military power, despite the fact that the Tánaiste wishes to purchase six jets at some point. Even those six jets will not keep us safe from what the Government fears might happen. They would only allow it to play war games in an area in which we have no role or space. What we are good at, and what we have always been good at, is being people who can actually act in the name of peace and be the people who stand through it even when it is difficult to talk about peace. That does not seem to be what is happening, however.

Apparently, we were given a lesson in diplomacy last week when the Taoiseach went to the White House. I accept the general consensus that it was somehow a success. While I make no judgment of him for making the visit, I doubt our barometers of success in that regard. We had to stand in a room while the leader of the free world, who himself has been found guilty of sexual assault, belittled those we call our partners in the European Union. He effectively called us shysters and that we were somehow underhanded in our engagement. We sat there and nodded and got clapped on the head. That was seen as a success. He then platformed another rapist and we had to sit there and look silently as well. Apparently, that was a success. That very same day we woke up and were told that our EU partners were being hit with tariffs of substantial amounts and we said nothing. The next day we were told that Irish alcohol imports would be hit with massive tariffs and still it was considered a success. Is that the standard now? If it is, I think we can be better than that. We can be more than that. Obviously, diplomacy has gaming built into it but I am not sure we are playing it very well in the way we are approaching it.

We did not used to be like this. There was a time when we were stronger, held more and were better. To use a Fianna Fáil example, Frank Aiken was, for me, someone in the UN who demonstrated the very best of what Ireland could be when we believe in multilateralism and see ourselves as more than the small nation that can simply join other military alliances. We built proud traditions, the foundations of which are being pulled apart by the same people who claim to carry the legacy. It is a bit pathetic.

There is a hypocrisy that is unimaginable. When it comes to our triple lock, we are told we have to remove it because we do not want Russia having any say where we send our peacekeeping troops, but we see no hypocrisy in the fact that Donald Trump’s America gets to influence very specifically our foreign policy when it comes to the occupied territories Bill.

That is clearly what is happening. Approximately five months ago, I was in a committee room with the Taoiseach, who was then the Tánaiste, as he told us that the first item on the agenda of the new Government, if elected, would be to progress the occupied territories Bill. It is clearly nowhere. It is not actually coming. The idea of who we are is being diminished. There are clouds gathering. The world seems different. As many other Deputies have said, the world is changing. But is it? In the years since the Second World War, conflict has been ever present - pick whichever conflict you want - but we have had the institutions that were built out of the concept of "never again". We are removing ourselves from them, though. The triple lock was an agreement that the then Government made with the Irish people to say, "Do not worry, you may not trust getting involved in any military alliances, but the triple lock will be there as an assurance". Now, it is being taken away. It did not feature in anyone's programme for Government before the election. It used to be well on record in the Minister of State's manifesto but we are not just talking about him. We are talking about the Government he is a part of.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It was in our manifesto. The Deputy said that it was not anywhere.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Taoiseach actually speaks about reform of the triple lock. Removing one aspect of the triple lock is not reform, but ratification. It is a deceit.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Our manifesto says "remove". Instead of the word "deceit"-----

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

What we in the Social Democrats will propose next week is to stay true to who we are as people. If the Government wants to remove the triple lock, it should put the question to the people and have a plebiscite. If the Government has conviction, stands over this principle and believes this would make us better, then put it to the people. Let us stand up for democratic norms while eroding parliamentary ones.

Rory Hearne (Dublin North-West, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It is my daughter's sixth birthday today. I think about the world and the Europe we are creating for her and all the children, living and those to come. It is incredible that the project of the European Union, which was supposed to be about peace and improving quality of life for the people living there, now appears to be about to become a project of war. This will not make Europe safer or improve the quality of life of its people. It is incredible when we think back to the austerity cuts that devastated Europe but that the European Union said were required to meet the fiscal rules only to see that now, when it comes to war, there is no limit on the availability of funding. The European Union is creating a fund of €800 billion that will go into the profits of the European arms industry, yet when we look at the figures on poverty, we see that almost 100 million people in the European Union are living in poverty. The war we need in Europe is a war on poverty, not the weapons of destruction pumping the European arms industry. What is Ireland's role in this? Where are we shouting "Stop"? This will not make Europe safer or improve the quality of life of our people. We need a war on poverty, with billions of euro invested in housing and healthcare across Europe, and not this approach.

I want to speak briefly on Gaza and Palestine more widely. What we are seeing there is genocide. We need to repeat that it is genocide and ethnic cleansing. Ireland needs to be stronger in how we challenge that on the international stage. The Government rolling back on its determination to implement the occupied territories Bill is completely wrong. The Government is saying that the Bill is still there but Micheál Martin told that group in Washington that the Bill was effectively going to be dropped and would not be implemented. We need to see the Bill properly implemented within its true meaning. When we see what Israel is doing, we need to see sanctions against that country to stop the genocide and ethnic cleansing. Ireland can do more. We can inspect the planes passing our airspace. Where are the inspections to ensure that Ireland is not complicit in genocide?

Edward Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We should all know the huge benefit international trade has been for Ireland. On a financial basis alone, of the €97 billion we take in in taxes, more than €50 billion is attributable to our multinationals by way of corporation tax, VAT and PAYE. This supports all the services that the State supplies, including health, social welfare and education. I often wonder whether this fact is lost on many people.

I wish to raise three issues relating to international trade. I will first discuss lessons from history on tariffs, then what Ireland should do about tariffs and, finally, our future international trade strategy.

History warns us against tariffs. They are a lose-lose approach to international trade. In the 1930s, the USA introduced the Smoot-Hawley tariffs. These resulted in an average tariff of 60% on imports. The rest of the world retaliated and countries imposed their own tariffs. This led to deep division. The tariffs may not have caused the Great Depression a couple of years later but they certainly contributed to it. It also led to anti-Americanism at the time, for example in Cuba, whose economy collapsed, the legacy of which remains to this day. Boycotting and anti-Americanism could be repeated today. In high-income countries, the average tariff on manufactured goods is now just 1.8%. It stands at 5.5% in middle-income countries and 14.2% in low-income countries, so there is a clear correlation between wealth and low tariffs.

As part of the EU, Ireland must do all of its negotiation with the EU. We must immediately engage with the EU regarding the huge threat US tariffs pose to the Irish economy. This is critical because we are far more exposed than any other country. Our exports to the US are a large percentage of our GDP. Our pharmaceutical, medical devices and food and beverage industries must not be sacrificed in the tariff negotiations to the benefit of other EU industries such as the automobile industry.

I was pleased to hear the Tánaiste announce yesterday that he would begin a series of calls with his European counterparts and would meet the trade forum on Friday. Over the past ten years, Ireland has developed its exports to the US markets very successfully. We need to protect that.

Regarding Ireland's strategy, given the fast-changing conditions in world trade, Ireland needs to react to them. For example, we should put emphasis on near sourcing. This means increasing trade with our nearest neighbours, namely, the UK and other European countries. Unlike an increasing number of countries, these are our reliable partners. This policy also supports a lower carbon footprint in our international trade.

Enterprise Ireland recently published its five-year strategy. I welcome this and I like that it has put specific targets in place. It aims to increase client-company export sales to €50 billion by the end of 2029, with a target to grow job numbers to 275,000. The strategy includes many other targets. Similarly, the IDA recently launched a very ambitious five-year strategy that contains high investment targets for our multinationals.

To support this existing trade and grow future trade, we need to invest in infrastructure. Such investment is money that gives a return. It is not just about improving the quality of our lives. It is about securing our future. As anyone in business knows, if you do not invest, you will fall behind and stagnate.

Joe Neville (Kildare North, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It is a great opportunity to speak again. I must be getting used to being in the Dáil, as this is the third time in two days. The issue we are speaking about is important to the country. The St. Patrick's Day festivities really brought home to us the opportunities we have as a country to discuss and to use our soft power. It was important and potentially very beneficial. As we know, the US is going through a change in administration, which creates its own changes. I will not use the word "difficulties", but it could end up being difficult. It is important the we get to use our soft power.

That is something we did well over the past week. It stood to us. As a nation, we were lucky to be in that position. It is something we should not take for granted. Other people might say that we should not go over or should not do this or that, but America is a major trading partner of ours and has a huge impact on us.

I grew up in Leixlip. Intel came there when I was quite young. That was a big thing. I remember that Digital had left County Galway, but Intel came to Leixlip. It had a major transformative impact, not only on north Kildare, but on the nation, with its footprint and all the taxes and everything that came with it. It has been of great benefit in providing jobs for generations of people and supporting schools. I see that impact as a benefit of international trade.

We also see the other side of trade in north Kildare. Although it originated in County Kerry, and I give a nod to my Kerry colleagues, Kerry Group's headquarters are now in north Kildare. In that regard, the trade benefit is going the other way to the US. Once again, it shows how Ireland has grown and developed. Kerry Group is not the only large company, not just in north Kildare but throughout the country, that is working in the US. Obviously, we have trade relations with other countries, but that is one we should be very conscious of at the moment because it is in the news. That is the reason we should always keep the doors open, not to mind the opportunities north Kildare gets from a myriad of other smaller industries, including the horse racing industry.

I have worked as a financial controller for revenue at Dublin Airport and I have worked in smaller companies. My colleague, Deputy Timmins, alluded to the importance of Enterprise Ireland. I have worked a lot with Enterprise Ireland. It has been highly beneficial to a number of small companies, especially during the time of Covid. It has had a major impact on developing companies and enabling them to trade in foreign areas, which is very important.

There has been a lot of heated discussion about tariffs. Who knows what will happen? I am very happy with our country's approach, which the Tánaiste spoke to. He will wait to see what will happen, as will Europe. Ultimately, these things are in a vacuum. We should not get too carried away with it until we see what stands out.

This discussion is not just about international trade, but international security. Ireland has played a huge role in international security in its own very determined way over the 100 years since the foundation of the State. It has had its own massive impact. We will never have the largest army in the world or get overly involved in conflicts, but we have played a significant neutral role. That enables us to be in a position where people trust our view and judgment. We should continue on that road as long as possible to make sure people know that we are a voice that can be trusted. That is standing to us. We are taking keen stands that are not necessarily popular in other areas. We have done so in respect of Gaza and Ukraine. That is testament to what we are doing.

We know the world is in flux, but the Government has shown over the past number of months and years that it can take its own international role. As long as it continues like that, we will be in good hands.

Emer Currie (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Last week, An Taoiseach, in line with his elected mandate, admirably represented all of us in Ireland when he met President Trump, as did the Tánaiste in Philadelphia and New York. However, the future of Irish-US trade remains under a cloud. The threat of a spiralling transatlantic trade war is the latest in a series of significant challenges to global trade and supply chains. That is why the people voted for this Government - to bring solutions and stability when those dark clouds are looming. I hope that all parties and none in this House recognise the need to work together constructively, as they did the majority of times through Brexit, to protect economic stability, jobs and livelihoods.

I know that the Tánaiste will do everything in his power to protect Ireland, the EU and the US from tariffs. With that in mind, I will speak about maximising other opportunities for trade, as he did just this week with the Indian foreign minister. I will focus on opportunities closer to home. In response to a more uncertain international environment, many companies around the world have embarked on reshoring, or friend-shoring, which means bringing supply chains and their sources back to or nearer to home. The same can apply to exports. In a world where the prospect of future tariffs is threatening confidence, many companies are looking for opportunities to grow exports to more secure trading partners. Last year, the US was a massive destination for Irish exports, valued at €72 billion, which must be protected, but the EU and Great Britain comprised an even bigger market, valued at more than €103 billion. It is a good time to ask whether we are doing enough to leverage the opportunity of tariff-free trade to the Single Market and the UK under the terms of the TCA.

Whatever President Trump does with respect to Ireland-US trade, he cannot dent the fact that Ireland is favourable for US multinationals seeking to access the EU market, with a population that is a third larger than the US. Exporting to our Single Market should also be a no-brainer for Irish indigenous enterprise, especially SMEs. According to CSO data, the 97% of all firms in Ireland exporting to the UK are SMEs. However, research by Rockwood and Amárach has found that 34% of Irish SMEs have identified the need to further reduce customs requirements for exports to Great Britain as one of their top three asks of the Government.

Now is the time to look more to the EU and UK. Let us mandate our export promotion agencies to focus on maximising Irish export opportunities to the EU and UK. Let us more actively support our SMEs to get into those markets. We do a great job, but this can be enhanced. Let us run more trade missions to the EU and the UK. Let us give them the dominance and status of the current predominance of missions to further-flung markets, such as the US and Asia. Let us make the most of our reset relationship with the UK and its new Prime Minister to try to tackle costs, delays and barriers impacting transit and customs, and to champion initiatives, such as the EU-UK veterinary agreement.

Ireland has shown itself to be an economic success story in the face of global challenges. The Tánaiste has taken on the role of continuing that success. My point today is that we of course have to protect what we have with the US, but let us also maximise relationships closer to home. Let us increase the status of our Irish brands, sectors and SMEs across Europe and the UK.

Erin McGreehan (Louth, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I call Deputy Catherine Connolly, who has three minutes.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

There are four speakers with three minutes each.

Erin McGreehan (Louth, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Yes.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity, and I will use my three minutes to the best of my ability, to focus on what is happening in the world. The speeches from the Minister, Peter Burke, and the Tánaiste were examples of how to mislead and be disingenuous. We had 3,000 words from Simon Harris. There was one mention of Israel in those 3,000 words, when he said: "The Israeli strikes on Gaza this week must be utterly condemned". Otherwise, there was no mention of Israel. Gaza is mentioned as one word, along with Syria, Lebanon and the Middle East. In contrast, there are two pages on the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, which is rightly condemned, but there is absolutely no recognition that international law and peace is greatly threatened by Netanyahu's behaviour, and by the Israeli Government and army, along with Trump. Peter Burke very helpfully gave us 2,250 words but nothing was mentioned in that speech about the genocide in Gaza.

I stand here and wonder how that could happen, or what is happening. I would dearly love to talk about trade. I know the figures on trade, the deficits in that regard and what goes in and out of the country, but trade pales into insignificance compared to the threat posed by Israel. We continue to trade with Israel. We watch genocide taking place on the ground and we stand by and do nothing.

I repeat this despite the Tánaiste's demeaning comments about me shouldering the burden. I certainly do not, but the people on the ground in Gaza who are still alive, the ones left, are shouldering the burden along with those who dare to speak for them. It is becoming increasingly difficult to speak out because it has been equated and conflated with anti-Semitism, which is utterly wrong.

Let us look at what we are talking about today, Dáil statements on international security. That is the first half. We heard nothing about what is happening, no condemnation of Israel and no analysis of how this happened and that it did not start on 7 October 2023. There is a whole history. I can say that as someone who has absolutely condemned the invasions by Hamas and by Russia. If we are going to be believed and if we are going to act as an independent sovereign State, a neutral republic, we must use our voice to speak to power and the abuse of power by President Trump, Netanyahu and Russia. However, to have any credibility in the world we must be consistent. We must take courage in our hand, use our voice for peace and form alliances with other countries that will not go along with this consensus.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It has been a week now since Micheál Martin visited Donald Trump in the White House. He grovelled. He licked his boots. He simpered in front of him. He laughed at his stupid jokes and a brave face was put on the appearance by Micheál Martin himself and by the media which spoke about what wise, quiet diplomacy this was. I wonder whether - surely somewhere - deep inside Micheál Martin there is some element of shame of having behaved in such a cowardly way. We have this authoritarian bully, a misogynist, a racist, an anti-worker, a horrendously divisive authoritarian figure and Micheál Martin could not say anything to him.

Micheál Martin incredibly said that Donald Trump has an unrelenting focus on peace. He did not say it once, but multiple times. He had obviously planned to say it. Our Taoiseach could not bring himself to name Palestine in the presence of Trump. Instead he offered vagaries about peace in Ukraine, the Middle East or wherever and then kept silent while Trump spewed racist and derogatory lies, attacked migrants, Palestinians and LGBTQ people. After this triumph of quiet diplomacy which sums up the relationship between the Irish political establishment and the American capitalist class and is utterly servile, one rapist invited another to supposedly represent Ireland on St. Patrick's Day in the White House, after Simon Harris had given an official invitation to address the Houses of the Oireachtas. It was a deliberate and embarrassing snub of the Government and the invitation should be withdrawn.

This boot licking has been particularly hard to stomach while Gazans were already being consciously starved by Israel of food and electricity. Then a few days after the visit the US, Trump - this man with an unrelenting focus on peace - greenlit the resumption of Israel's genocide in Gaza, killing hundreds and injuring many hundreds more. More than 200 children were slaughtered in just a couple of days.

History will remember the Government's cowardice facing this horror. It is utterly shameful that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael told the public during the election campaign not to worry, that they would do the occupied territories Bill. Then they go to America and Micheál Martin says, "Do not worry, that has fallen off the legislative agenda". It is utterly shameful.

To quote Francesca Albanese, the genocide must stop, occupation must end, Palestinians must be given the space to breath on their land.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Donald Trump is setting fire to the international rules based order. He is putting two fingers up to any notion of international law, morality and human decency. The most egregious example of this is that he has given a green light to Israel to restart and accelerate its campaign of genocide against the people of Gaza, directly emboldened by Trump's plan for the ethnic cleansing of Gaza. The idea that being servile or diplomatic in front of someone who is out to set the world's international order and international law on fire and who is brazenly saying that this is about might is right, that he will take the resources of Ukraine, turn Gaza into a casino owned by the United States - maybe owned by Donald Trump himself - while the Irish Government, pathetically, tried to grovel in front of this pig and tyrant and pretend he is normal or that some sort of reasonable diplomacy can take place with this monster and the monstrous agenda he is pursuing, is pathetic. What is even worse than that is that while Trump is doing this - emboldening, encouraging and greenlighting genocide against the people of Gaza and Palestine - the Irish Government is, through the back door and deceiving the Irish public in the process, smashing up Irish neutrality at precisely the time when Irish neutrality is more important than ever. Our precious tradition of neutrality is based in our history of fighting against empires, freeing ourselves from colonialism, empire and all the apartheid that was inflicted on us. We abandon our neutrality by getting rid of the triple lock so we can align ourselves with Europe as it militarises and pulls closer to a NATO military alliance controlled by precisely the powers that have armed and emboldened the genocide against the people of Gaza. Of course, Putin is a tyrant, an imperialist, a thug and we need to stand up against people like him, but do we seriously suggest we do so by aligning ourselves even more closely with a NATO military alliance dominated by the United States, Britain, France and Germany, the very people who are arming the Israeli genocide against the people of Gaza? We should be standing now proudly on our neutrality, not aligning with them and not giving up the triple lock and we should be imposing sanctions and being a voice for peace and against the thuggery that both Putin and Trump represent.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We need the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs to speak up about what is happening in Sudan, where an absolutely horrific genocide is taking place. Some 12.4 million people have been forcibly displaced, more than half of whom are children. Some 24 million people need humanitarian assistance. Half of the population is food insecure or facing famine. Some 75% of healthcare is not functioning. There is a refugee crisis. War crimes are being committed by both the army and the militia, including mass killings, targeted executions and sexual violence and rape as weapons of war on women and girls. There is ethnic cleansing in Darfur against the non-Arab communities, especially the Masalit, and use of child soldiers.

Why is this happening? It is because in December 2018 the people of Sudan rose up against a brutal dictator, al-Bashir, ending his almost 30-year rule. The regime plotted to form an interim civilian transition, which was unfortunately a huge mistake the people of Sudan were pressed to accept by outside forces, including the EU. That gave them time to regroup and organise and now there is a power struggle between two warring factions, Burhan and Hamedti, going on since 2023, in the middle of which the ordinary people of Sudan are caught.

Where is the international urgency to end this situation and push for a ceasefire? The Minister for Foreign Affairs must intervene. We have in Ireland, by the way, a significant Sudanese community that has been here for 20 to 25 years. We have 1,600 doctors on the register of doctors, many of whom are leading consultants in our hospitals. Many others are engineers and so on. That community is trying to function while looking after their families and facing what is going on without any support or assistance. They see others who have been getting assistance while this turmoil is taking place. Western governments are not neutral in this situation. They cry crocodile tears but they are, for example, responsible for the RSF militia. They used that militia. The EU boosted it as part of a migration pact and paid security guards to keep people from coming to Europe. Imperialist powers and the Gulf states have enabled, through bogus compromises and power sharing arrangements with the butchers of Sudan, the quashing of dissent and bolstering of the counter-revolution.

The UAE and the Saudis are fuelling and backing various forces. Neither side in this conflict has the interests of ordinary people at heart. We need the international so-called community to speak, push for a ceasefire to deliver humanitarian aid and to assist the ordinary people of Sudan to have peace and security in their country.

James Geoghegan (Dublin Bay South, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

During this debate we have, quite rightly, heard references from both sides of the House to preserving the international world order and the rule of law. However, a Deputy from the Social Democrats - I do not know whether he was enunciating Social Democrat policy - said there should be a plebiscite on the triple lock. This is a matter both parties that formed the Government had a very clear position on when they went to the electorate. They told the electorate that if they got elected and entered government, they would remove the triple lock-----

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I never heard that.

James Geoghegan (Dublin Bay South, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

-----for the very simple reason that we do not want our peacekeepers and where we carry out peacekeeping missions to be vetoed by China, Russia or any other major power. The extraordinary proposal from the Social Democrat Deputy was that his role as a legislator would somehow be transposed into some makey-uppy vote of the general public unrelated to our Constitution. It is only when our Constitution has to be changed that we have a referendum. The Deputy wants to remove the powers of this Dáil and have some form of plebiscite. That is undemocratic.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Hear, hear.

James Geoghegan (Dublin Bay South, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The antidemocratic suggestions are not being put from this side of the House.

The world around us is changing as we speak. In recent weeks and months, the postwar system that has brought us peace and security unknown to any past generation has been called into question. Our European friends and allies recognise this. Policy changes that would have been unthinkable a decade ago or even a year ago have been initiated in short order. It is in this context I welcome the opportunity to discuss Ireland’s approach to international security and international trade. Our approach to navigating a more turbulent world must be guided by two principles, namely, that economic strength is the foundation of our security and that multilateralism and engagement are always our best option. I am weary of this debate devolving into partisan discussions about defence spending, neutrality or the idea focusing on our security is a zero-sum game. Not only is this kind of thinking maximalist and misleading, but it obfuscates broader and more important points about our security.

When thinking about international security and our place in the world, we must constantly remember that, as dull as it might sound, our capacity to provide security rests on our ability to finance public spending. This capacity is a function of our economic strength and competitiveness. Debt repayment is not optional. Strong public finances are the foundation on which a strong economy and the capacity to invest are built. Interest rates play a huge role in the provision of housing, especially apartments. Higher interest rates also make it more expensive to invest in our infrastructure as our population grows and to support our population as it ages. Fine Gael has always emphasised the importance of a well-run economy and sound fiscal management for these reasons. A country that cannot afford to invest will not be secure for long even if times are good now. Our approach has borne fruit and Ireland is a beacon of strong public finances in a sea of ever-growing debt. For example, recent NTMA figures show Ireland is one of the very few countries that has significantly improved its debt position since the pandemic. We have reduced our debt-to-GDP ratio by almost 15%. In practical terms, this means we can devote more money to bettering the lives of our citizens as opposed to repaying our debts. While there are real problems that need to be addressed, it is better to face them from a strong position rather than one burdened by debt.

We are also an example of how economic openness and a commitment to trade can lift a country from poverty to wealth in a short period. There are endless statistics I could list to demonstrate this. I could simply point to the Docklands in my constituency of Dublin Bay South as a microcosm of the success and security our pro-enterprise policies have brought. However, we are all aware the real headwinds are coming as we seek to address our housing and infrastructure challenges. Ireland has enjoyed record corporation tax receipts in recent years and that is why we created the Future Ireland Fund and the Infrastructure, Climate and Nature Fund. We are now putting away billions of euro every year to provide for this uncertain future and to invest in our infrastructure. These funds are just one example of how responsible economic management will facilitate continued investment as the world becomes less secure. These choices really matter. History shows governments cannot escape the reality imposed by bond markets, irresponsible management of the public finances always ends badly and all profligate governments run out of money. What some parties promised in the election is precisely the opposite of what our country needs if we are to sustainably meet the needs of our people over the coming years. With their approach, we would end up spending more money on debt and would be less able to provide the security and services our citizens deserve. The outcome of the latest election demonstrates the public still values a responsible approach to managing the economy.

Of course, our position within the world is not just economic. Ireland is a country perhaps best known for its commitment to multilateralism and constructive engagement with partners. Any discussion of international security, trade and investment would be incomplete without discussing the importance of investing in our relationships. Some here have demonstrated they would abandon their duty to invest in our relationships for political reasons. This fortress Ireland approach whereby we do not engage with those we disagree with is another example of how some in the Opposition do not take our place in the world seriously. I was disappointed to see the First Minister of Northern Ireland, who professed she would be a First Minister for all, boycott the St. Patrick’s Day proceedings in the US last week while the deputy First Minister attended. Is signalling and gesture politics really more productive than engaging and advocating? Does it do anything to advance the interests of our citizens and of those we are seeking to help abroad or to advance peace on this island? This is not the kind of mature multilateral approach that has allowed Ireland to punch above its weight in the past and where US diplomacy has played such an important role in supporting the Good Friday Agreement, nor is the Euroscepticism we have seen from some quarters of this parish. The Irish people overwhelmingly support integration with our European partners but some parties here have resisted EU-level co-operation at every turn.

With the threat of tariffs, a retreat from multilateralism and belligerent revisionist powers on the rise, now is not the time to turn away from our partners. There is nothing to be gained from standing back and not having an Irish voice heard. If we are to provide our citizens with the security and prosperity they deserve in a more uncertain world, an unrelenting focus on the ingredients of our success, namely, fiscal responsibility, pro-enterprise economic policies and a commitment to multilateralism, must be the mission of this Government over the next five years. I am confident it will meet the scale of challenges we face.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

On a point of order, the Deputy spoke about Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael having a clear position on reforming or getting rid of the triple lock before the election.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

That is not a point of order and the Deputy knows that. That is not a point of order.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It was not in the Fine Gael manifesto.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta-----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It is not a point of order though.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Fine Gael did not mention the triple lock in its manifesto.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Deputy does not have a point of order for the House.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta-----

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

In fact, Fine Gael said-----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Deputy has Google.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

-----it would "preserve Ireland’s policy of active military neutrality".

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta Murphy.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I ask Deputy Geoghegan to clarify that position-----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Where is the point of order?

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

-----and make clear his party has no mandate-----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Where is the point of order? The Deputy had his chance to speak.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Government has no mandate for getting rid of the triple lock and the Deputy is misleading the House.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Deputy is abusing the rules of the House.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta Murphy-----

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Deputy does not care about the rules of the House. He has no civility.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Could I please ask the Minister of State to clarify the point?

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta Murphy, suí síos.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

That is not a point of order. The Deputy is not in L&H. This is not a debating chamber. This is the Dáil.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Excuse me-----

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Could I please ask him to clarify the point?

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

That is not a point of order.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Could we please invite him to clarify the point?

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta, suí síos.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Deputy is in breach of the rules of the House, as ever.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Could we please ask for it to be clarified to the House?

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Theachta.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Deputy does not care about the rules.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Duine amháin.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

He is misleading the House-----

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Aire Stáit, ná freagair é. A Theachta, tá a fhios agat na rialacha. You know the rules. You could have asked the person speaking to give way. You waited until he had finished. His time is now up.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I am just asking him to clarify it-----

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It is now Deputy Shane Moynihan's time.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

He might just clarify-----

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

You can ask that on another occasion. You will have many other chances. I call An Teachta Moynihan.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

He will tweet about it in a minute anyway.

Shane Moynihan (Dublin Mid West, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Gabhaim buíochas leis an gCathaoirleach Gníomhach as ucht an chead sin a oscailt suas dom labhairt leis an Teach trathnóna faoi na ceisteanna tábhachtacha a bhaineann le cúrsaí slándála idirnáisiúnta. Mar atá ráite ag Teachtaí timpeall an tí, is mór againn é labhairt faoi na mórcheisteanna seo agus comhrá aibí a bheith againn faoi céard a bhfuil in ann don tír seo, agus céard iad na cinntí a chaithfimid a dhéanamh mar thír, ó thaobh cúrsaí slándála de, agus an stádas atá againn i leith na tíortha eile a bhfuilimid ag comhoibriú leo, mar aon leis na hullmhúcháin dár gcuid féin atá muid ag déanamh. Níl aon amhras ach go bhfuil an aeráid geopholaitiúil tar éis athrú an-chuid le seachtainí anuas, agus caithfimid aghaidh a thabhairt air sin.

Le linn dom a bheith ag labhairt tráthnóna, ceann de na rudaí a bheidh mé ag labhairt faoi ná an comhthéacs athraithe sin, céard a chiallaíonn sé don méid atá in ann dúinne mar thír ó thaobh na comhráite a gcaithfear a bheith againn, agus ag eascairt as sin arís, céard iad na polasaithe agus na beartais a gcaithfimid a chur i gcrích. I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach for inviting me to speak to the Chamber and take this opportunity to contribute to the statements on international security.

An inspiration for talking about the geopolitical climate in which we find ourselves comes from unlikely sources on occasions such as this. I think it was Vladimir Lenin who said that there are decades where nothing happens and then there are weeks where decades happen. That in and of itself describes the changed geopolitical climate we see around the world today. We have rightly have much commentary on the conflict in Ukraine and that in the Middle East but I am also conscious that there are conflicts all across the continent of Africa at this time and in Yemen and Iran, which we need to address as well. The other aspect of international policy is a new and different type of multilateralism emerging across the world. The European Union is one facet of that but there is also then an increased role and an increased prominence being taken by the African Union on the continent of Africa. Across the southeast Asian bloc and in South America, countries are taking a multilateral approach. This has perhaps meant a different role for the UN than would have been traditionally the case in the fifties, sixties and seventies, as regional blocs start to take responsibility and take a view on what is happening in their neighbourhood and in their own backyards. When we look at the European situation and look níos giorra den bhaile, we see that these sort of debates around this change to the geopolitical climate are not just happening in Ireland. They are happening in Finland and Sweden where there has been a rapid change in decades-old policy that involves military neutrality and their foreign relations. The decision by the German Bundestag this week to alter its debt rules to enable for increased spending on defence is something we should take note of, given how much that means as an historic moment for the German people that they would make a decision like that.

I was in Brussels some weeks ago and one of the issues that emerged during the conversations I had, not only among our own diplomats who are based in Brussels but among officials in the European Commission and other member states on the eastern side of the European Union is a noticeable change in the sentiment and the mentality, especially in the newer member states of the EU such as Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia and even Poland, about their relationships with their nearest neighbour and the impact that Russia may have on their independence in the future.

Much has been made in this House about how we make Europe safer. One thing we have to re-imagine here is that we have a new position now as a country compared to the fifties and sixties in that Ireland is now a strategic location. We are at the centre of the transatlantic economic relationship. We have a very clear role as a transatlantic trading and economic hub. We are a strategic location, not only geographically but economically given the prevalence of subsea cables in our immediate nautical territory. I spoke about energy in this House yesterday. As we embark upon further interconnection of our energy, we are going to increase our exposure to Russian mischief relating to those interconnections and the security of our energy supply as well.

We have spoken about neutrality. I do not believe Ireland should join NATO. I do not believe that is something we want to do or something that we should pursue as a policy. I do not think anyone in Government is seriously suggesting that this is a policy we want to pursue. However, we do need to have a debate about our neutrality. Is our neutrality worth protecting? If it is, we need to invest to ensure we have the capability and the capacity to protect it, as Finland and Sweden did when they were both neutral countries. They made significant investment in their capabilities to defend themselves. We also need to be cognisant of the fact that bad actors do not respect our neutrality. The cyberattack on the HSE a number of years ago was very much a clear symptom of that and a wake-up call for us as a country to ensure we invest in our defence and our cybersecurity policy. The final thing I will say about neutrality is that as an interest and as a policy proposal of Government, it needs to be aligned with our overall set of interests. Is anyone in this House seriously suggesting that our future economic and political interests are not aligned with those of the European Union? Is anyone seriously suggesting we are going to withdraw from our membership of the European Union? Is anyone seriously suggesting that the things we value as a country are out of sync with the things that are valued by the other 26 member states of the European Union? I do not think so. That is something we need to feed into this debate as well. We cannot treat it in isolation.

I would like to comment on some of the steps identified in the programme for Government and things we need to continue to do to ensure we build in that resilience for the international security challenges that lie ahead. The first relates to the structures we need to put in place. I welcome the announcement by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste this week of the establishment of the ministerial council on national security to give that strategic oversight to how we think of our national security and to ensure there is a constant thought process there as well. I also refer to the long overdue restructuring of the command structure of the Defence Forces as well, embedding in a cybersecurity command function into that.

Finally, on the investment piece, and we should rightly try to achieve a level of ambition with regard to the Defence Forces too but we also need to look in the short term at drone technology and aerial surveillance technology and how we protect the subsea cables around our territories and our cybersecurity infrastructure and how we built up our Naval Service to address just that. I will leave it there. I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach for indulging me.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity to take part in this debate on international security and trade. Of course, there are very particular dangers facing Ireland in respect of the international trajectory of trade policy, ones we must be very cognisant of and ones we must be very committed to addressing head on in a way that protects the very important FDI sector and recognises that we have paid a price for the failures of successive Governments to adequately and consistently support indigenous enterprises to allow us to withstand global shocks when they occur. What protects us in trading terms is our greatest protection as a State and that is our positioning in the world. This is the proud legacy we have earned from previous generations who upheld Ireland's right to have an independent foreign policy and ensured we had neutral status that allowed us to be voices for peace, conflict resolution and dialogue in the world. Let us make no mistake about it: the trajectory the Government is setting us on is one that moves us away from that proud legacy.

John Lahart (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

What about Sinn Féin's legacy?

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Government is not expanding our horizons; it is narrowing our horizons. The Government is narrowing our influence to scope that is entirely condensed within the European Union, failing to recognise that Ireland's reach has gone and should go much further. That issue and the difficulty with all of that is that this tying us in to an EU policy framework now extends to a militaristic agenda that I have huge fears of. We are witnessing a drive towards militarisation that we have seen at different points in history. I cannot find any one of those points in history where there was the arms race of the type we are seeing now that had a happy ending. Our own Defence Forces are in a perilous situation. They have been decimated by successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Governments. It is quite sickening to hear representatives from those parties actually point to the weakness in our Defence Forces that they have overseen as an excuse for the need for us to abandon what has been a position of neutrality that has served Ireland and allowed us to serve the world very well. I can point to moments in history when Ireland stood out as a voice for peace, conflict resolution and the rights to freedom and self-determination.

I reiterate that they are principles and a legacy that were lost in the Oval Office last week. When our Taoiseach had an opportunity to speak truth to power and to make an appeal - whether it was heard or not is irrelevant - to the institution that has the most likely opportunity to change things in respect of what is happening in the Middle East, he barely uttered a word on the need to protect international law and to tell Israel to stop the flagrant and ongoing violations of international law. Less than 48 hours later, we witnessed the Israeli bombardment on the innocent men, women and children of Gaza recommence.

It is utterly shameful that Ireland had the opportunity to speak the truth and failed to take it. Some people have taken issue with the fact Sinn Féin did not participate in the social events in the White House on St. Patrick's Day. I notice none of the representatives had anything to say about the SDLP and the Alliance Party taking a similar positions. What that points to------

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Did you have your fundraisers? The fundraiser in New York went ahead. How much is a ticket to the fundraiser?

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

-----is that Fine Gael in particular has no principle left other than to oppose whatever position Sinn Féin takes.

Sinn Féin continue to use any real opportunity we have to say that the bombardment of Gaza and the occupation, annexation and apartheid regime must end because that is the only viable route to peace in the Middle East. Not only that, we will be consistent in our approach. It is the consistency of our approach of demanding adherence to international law and respect for the institutions of the United Nations that gives us our greatest strength. To move to a point where the argument and answer to any question is somehow to send Irish troops to conflict regions without a UN mandate means you are asking yourselves the wrong question.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Bomb disposal in Ukraine.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The question which should be asked is what is in Ireland's interests. The route the Government is pursuing is absolutely not in Ireland's interests.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

These statements on international security and international trade provide an important opportunity for TDs to have their say. In recent weeks and months, we have had many people speaking here about our neutrality and participation in what is happening across the world. The Tánaiste only recently stated that as far as he is concerned, we need to spend a lot more money on our defence. I agree with him. It is hugely important that money is spent on improvements for people in the Defence Forces and on the equipment needed to bring us up to a standard. At present, we have no standards as things are.

I have serious reservations about sending members of our Defence Forces to countries where there is conflict going on, even if there are peace talks. Many peace talks do not work out, and sending a small number of members of the Defence Forces to certain countries to negotiate and keep the peace there could lead to an awful loss of life among them. Those in the Defence Forces are angry and hurt because they have been mistreated over the years. Successive Governments have failed to deliver for members of the Defence Forces in the context of their everyday lives. We are now suddenly talking about spending an astronomical amount of money to change things around. Where is that money going to be spent? It is not long ago that a Defence Forces helicopter up into the air and the door fell off. It is not long ago that a Russian ship was circling our island within our territorial waters and claiming that it was going to carry out exercises that would perhaps have led to the loss of a massive number of fish. It took the fishermen from Castletownbere to go out and negotiate with the Russians to get them to accept that what they were trying to do was not going to work.

The underwater cables located off our shores are not being properly protected. We need to spend money to protect people from what is going on in this country and from what is happening off our coast. We must ensure that we spend money on our Defence Forces and on protecting our country, while always accepting that we are a neutral country. The one thing we have failed to do over the years is get that point across. We are a neutral country. We do not involve ourselves in other people's wars, but we can certainly voice our opinions.

That brings me on to my next point on international trade. It was recently pointed out to me in West Cork by a very intelligent man who said that the first people to implement any tariffs in this country were the Irish. If you tried to bring a vehicle in from England, you pay something called VRT or some other fancy kind of name. There was no problem putting tariffs on vehicles when it suited us to do so.

I want to move on to the meeting between the Taoiseach, Micheál Martin, and Donald Trump. I fully agree that he was right to meet with Donald Trump, particularly as we have no hope of resolving any issues if we stand outside the door. Deputy McDonald's stance on this was wrong, as was the stance taken by the SDLP and the Alliance Party.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this matter. On security, there are many headwinds blowing at present in respect of the Mercosur deal. Irish farmers would be unduly affected by this deal and I urge the Government to oppose it.

On tariffs, while it will be Europe that will decide the number and type of products that will attract tariffs, we must remember that the 60% of, for example, distillers' grain that comes to Europe comes to Ireland. Speaking to grain importers, if this comes in, along with a tariff on maize, it will add something like €40 or €50 per tonne to the cost of meal. I urge our Ministers to bring this forward at European level in order that it will not happen. The whiskey industry and other industries are also at serious risk.

On security, last year or the year before two of our naval ships unable to leave port for the simple reason that we did not have the manpower to allow them to do so. The first thing we need to do is ensure retention and take on more staff. The second thing we need to do is obtain proper vessels to allow us to patrol our own waters. I agree with spending money on this, but we need to separate the wood from the trees. It is one thing to protect your own country, the underwater cables located off the coast and so on. We need ensure we put money into that. However, it is totally different to talk about putting €700 million into a budget in Europe when the likes of Germany only has to put in €2 billion. Our population is 15 times smaller than that of Germany. What is proposed in this regard does not make sense.

There was a vote in Europe in the past ten days. Some Government MEPs voted in a particular way. Fianna Fáil MEPs later changed their votes and our Independent MEPs basically abstained. We need to decide where we are going when it comes to neutrality. The Government is elected by the people to represent the people. Anything that is being done in respect of neutrality needs to be put to the people in a referendum. At the end of the day, it is the people of this country that put each and every one of us here. We should respect that in the context of our neutrality.

Unfortunately, Europe seems to be a hurler on the ditch when it comes to the negotiations on Ukraine that are taking place at present. Tactically, it has not manoeuvred itself properly in order to be more involved.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Ireland is the most exposed country in the European Union to the US tariff war. Ireland exports more than any other country in Europe to America. Last year, Ireland exported €72 billion worth of goods to the US. Some €58 billion worth of those were pharmaceutical products. President Trump has explicitly stated that he wants to see the pharma industry back in the US. It is very unclear what influence this Government has in terms of negotiating through the European Union in this regard.

A prime example of that is the retaliatory tariffs the EU has imposed on bourbon. This effectively put the Irish whiskey industry directly in the firing line. The latter is a growing industry. Some 40% of the whiskey exported from this country goes to the US. What influence do we have and what have we done outside of the recent ten-minute meeting in the Oval Office? What have we done with our European counterparts to mitigate and alleviate some of the economic headwinds that are coming our way?

The truth is that the European Union will do what is best for Germany, Italy and France in relation to this. The Minister can shake his head, but the bourbon tariff was a good example of that. We need to play a key and active role in terms of influencing what decisions are made in this regard.

FDI is a good thing. It has been really positive for this country, but successive Governments have placed all our eggs in one FDI basket. We have forgotten about small indigenous businesses throughout the country. We need to focus on small- and medium-sized businesses and entrepreneurship within the country and support that sector. In my constituency, the centres of so many towns in Mayo have been left derelict as a result of businesses closing. We need to support businesses and ensure they can survive. There are significant costs involve in running a small business. Rates are very high and businesses get nothing in return for them. There are also insurance costs and many other costs.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Trade and security are intermingled. In an Irish context, we face many challenges. Issues relating to Brexit have not gone away but these are small issues compared with the deterioration in EU-US trade relations in areas such as tariffs, subsidies and digital trade rules. We have challenges too with China in the context of market access, intellectual property issues, etc. The supply chain disruptions from Covid-19 have not totally disappeared either. As well as that, we need to make a green transition. There is a huge uncertainty about the pace of change. In the absence of certainty and irrespective of the genuine and pressing changes that are required, businesses, trade and ordinary people suffer.

On the security side, there is the Russia-Ukraine war. We need to continue to assist the Ukrainians as best we can. However, Ireland and Europe were already facing issues around energy security and cyber threats from Russia and other bad actors even before the Trump Administration started sowing global chaos. We all know about the troll farms in Russia and elsewhere. In the context of all these challenges, what should we be focusing on? In Ireland, we have a moral role to play in continuing to call out the Israeli Government for the atrocities it has perpetrated, to implement the occupied territories Bill and to continue to seek a just peace. There are multiple other areas in respect of which we could show leadership but which I do not have the time to mention.

Economically, we need to diversify our export markets, reduce our dependency on unreliable trading partners and enhance supply chain resilience at EU level to ensure that we have both access to materials closer to home and energy self-sufficiency.

Going back to what previous speakers said, we need to upgrade our defensive capabilities. UN Security Council vetoes have hampered our historic peacekeeping role. Perhaps we need to look at a new type of triple lock, equally resilient and respecting our neutrality but not involving the UN Security Council, particularly one of the triple locks has effectively been glued shut.

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We live in an increasingly interconnected world. That is true as much of trade as it is of defence. Listening to some of the contributions today, one would think that for many in opposition this is a cause for regret. In fact, it is something that has benefited Ireland immensely. In the context of trade, for example, being part of the European Union has afforded us an opportunity to really come of age as a country. Since we joined the European Union we have had an opportunity genuinely to bloom as a country, to become part of the international community in a way that we never were before that. After its establishment as a state, Ireland was very much in the shadow of the United Kingdom, its former colonial master. We got the opportunity to build new trade opportunities and new links with other countries. The strength we have within the European Union has also allowed us to build our confidence as a country and to grow to where we find ourselves today, namely as a leader within the European Union in many respects. It is important that we maintain that status and continue to build our links with the European Union.

I am proud to be part of Fine Gael, which is the most pro-European party in this Chamber and a member of the largest party in the European Union, namely the European People's Party. Our consistent support for European projects and integration is extremely important. This stands in sharp contrast to Sinn Féin which has, regrettably, opposed every single step we have taken within the European Union and within European integration programmes. There has been a kind of coming to Jesus moment recently, but this is not nearly enough. The sooner we recognise the European Union as a trade partner, our greatest trade partner, and a way for us to establish our sovereignty and independence, the better.

We have led within the European Union on many projects. One such project is Irish Aid. The foreign aid mechanism that we operate within this country is something of which we can be enormously proud. It is very much in contrast to the way foreign aid operates in other countries. Foreign aid from the US is decreasing. For many years, however, the aid the US provided came with strings attached. Irish Aid, on the other hand, has a totally different approach that is much more altruistic. It identifies a fixed number of projects, it pursues them without strings attached. It does so in a way that actually promotes the independence of the countries involved, whether it is Malawi or any other of the project countries that are assisted by Irish Aid. It genuinely benefits those communities and by extension it benefits us all. How Ireland has approached that is something of which we can be genuinely proud.

Equally, in terms of defence, being part of the European Union has allowed us to stand on our own two feet. In reality, we are, as Enda Kenny said many years ago, not a neutral country; we are a non-aligned country. It seems to me that some people in this Chamber have a difficulty understanding the distinction between those two things. I do not want to be part of a neutral country. I do not want to be in a country where we cannot speak out against what we see in Gaza or in Ukraine or in any number of other theatres around the world where there are appalling atrocities being meted out against individuals and innocent civilians. I do not want to be in a situation where we cannot call that out for what it is. Neither do I want to be in a situation where we are sending Irish citizens to fight those wars. That is not what we are about because we are a militarily non-aligned country.

In the context of level of ambition 2 and the report of the Commission of the Future of the Defence Forces, I absolutely want us to get there. I agree with other Members that we have not got there. There is a shameful lack of investment in our Defence Forces that needs to be remedied. I am glad that we are remedying it. I am glad that when Simon Coveney was in that portfolio, he spearheaded the process. Mr. Coveney purchased two coastal patrol vessels from New Zealand and established progress in terms of the Naval Service becoming a navy, which will happen. There are lost of other ways in which the Defence Forces will grow. Another important part of that - this may be a slightly selfish thing to say - is the naval base being established Dún Laoghaire Harbour, which is a really important base of operations for the Naval Service in the Irish Sea patrolling our coasts and keeping us safe. I look forward to when that will happen and to efforts to make sure it does happen.

The other issue is the triple lock. There has been much misinformation here in the course of this debate on what the triple lock is. It has nothing to do with neutrality. It does not relate to military non-alignment. It is about recognising that we are a sovereign country and we are grown-ups now. We can make our own decisions about when it is appropriate to deploy more than a dozen Irish troops abroad. I do not want to ask China, Russia or the United States for permission to deploy Irish troops abroad. We can think of instances such as Bosnia and the Mediterranean when we have been delayed in putting our troops into foreign theatres to do good work. We have been delayed from doing that because the UN is no longer functional in this regard. It has not approved a new international peacekeeping mission since 2014. Let us recognise the fact that now, as a grown up, sovereign nation, the Government and this Parliament can make that decision without recourse to the United Nations and without fear that this will somehow to encroach on our military non-alignment.

Martin Daly (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The issue of national security has never been more pressing. International trade and security are deeply connected. Without a strong security policy, our political and economic stability are at risk. For far too long Ireland has relied on the security frameworks of our European, UK and transatlantic partners, as well as our remote geographical location. This has bred complacency, often clouded by confusion over the status of our neutrality. However, the global landscape has shifted. Russian aggression in Ukraine, evolving geopolitical tensions and uncertainty in US foreign policy have made it clear that Europe must take greater responsibility for its own security. Ireland cannot be an outlier. Though we are not engaged in direct conflict, we are already facing serious security threats, particularly in the context of cyber and hybrid warfare. The large-scale cyberattack on the HSE was a stark warning. That attack caused severe disruption, personal data exposure risk and significant financial damage.

Attacks such as these, which are often backed by hostile states, are increasing in both the public and private sectors. I know of a health centre that was forced to pay a €10,000 ransom in bitcoin plus an additional €25,000 to restore operations. That was an enormous burden for a small business after a hack. These are not isolated incidents. This is low-intensity warfare by another name.

Beyond cyberspace, our vulnerabilities are clear. Our inability to patrol our airspace and territorial waters was humiliatingly exposed in terms of the international gaze when the Russian navy operated off our south-west coast near critical undersea fibre-optic infrastructure. Any disruption to this network would have devastating economic consequences. In this context, I welcome the establishment of the national security council, which will bring together key Government, Garda and Defence Forces leaders. This is a necessary step in ensuring that strategic security and defence policy will be treated as a national priority.

Ireland's military neutrality is well understood, but neutrality must not mean vulnerability. Our security and the security of the European Union are our responsibility too. The investment in primary radar for airspace monitoring is welcome but it must be part of a broader sustained effort. Increased funding for the Defence Forces, for recruitment and retention initiatives and for enhancements to the Naval Service and Air Corps are all steps in the right direction. Greater engagement in the European Union's common security and defence policy, PESCO and NATO's Partnership for Peace offers Ireland avenues to build security through co-operation. We need to repeal the triple lock and allow the Dáil to take back control of the deployment of our armed forces.

The European Defence Fund presents an opportunity to develop our infrastructure and consider an indigenous defence industry - something Sweden, Finland and Austria, all neutral, have successfully done. It is not tenable that Ireland lacks a mature security and defence infrastructure. Strengthening our security will not diminish our ethical and moral commitment to human rights and international aid. It is not a binary choice.

Ireland has built a strong reputation for peace and diplomacy but political and economic stability is a privilege that must be protected. We have benefited greatly from EU support, most recently evidenced during the Brexit process. We have to ask ourselves where would Ireland stand if Russia invaded the Baltic states or Poland - fellow EU member states. There is a growing sense of scepticism in Europe of Ireland's underinvestment in security. That is why the steps taken by this Government mark an important start of a long-term commitment to building Ireland's security capabilities in partnership with the EU. I welcome that.

Barry Heneghan (Dublin Bay North, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

In the light of ongoing geopolitical tensions, including Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the genocide occurring across Palestine, the role of our neutrality has never been more scrutinised. Ireland has long taken pride in its policy of military neutrality, a stance that has allowed us to play a respected role in peacekeeping, diplomacy and humanitarian efforts, and I thank all those who have done this in the past. However, neutrality is not an ideology frozen in time. It must be continuously assessed to ensure it serves the best interests of the Irish people and the wider international community. On 26 February, I asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Defence if he considered any changes to the triple-lock mechanism, which currently requires UN Security Council approval alongside Government and Dáil approval for deployment of Irish Defence Forces overseas and whether any of these proposed changes, are solely intended to ensure that future peacekeeping missions are not hindered by a geopolitical deadlock at the UN, whether potential reforms to the triple lock are being considered to enhance operational flexibility while maintaining Ireland's neutrality and adherence to international law. At the same time, we must be clear that a national dialogue on this issue is essential. This is not a debate that should be confined to the halls of Leinster House; it belongs to the Irish people whose understanding of neutrality has evolved with modern global threats, from cyberwarfare to the hybrid attacks on infrastructure.

We cannot talk about defence policy without talking about how we treat our Defence Forces personnel. I thank those who have served and who continue to serve Ireland with pride. This brings me to the urgent case of Cadet Matthew Scully. Cadet Scully is set to graduate on 28 March with the 100th cadet class having completed 18 months of intensive training. He ranks in the top ten in his class, excelling across the modules and yet, at the last moment, just four weeks before he was due to be commissioned, he was told that he would not be allowed graduate due to a suspected medical condition, one that the Army had known about for a full year. Since then, the Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces personally signed a derogation letter in support of Cadet Scully highlighting his outstanding ability and fitness to serve. However, the Department of Defence has rejected this, overruling the expert judgment of the Army's own leadership. This is not how we are supposed to treat those who dedicate their lives to the Defence Forces. I ask the Tánaiste to look at this case and show that those who serve this country are treated with respect. We must not create barriers to prevent qualified, dedicated individuals from commissioning. I ask the Tánaiste to look at this case and review it.

Carol Nolan (Offaly, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Tá áthas orm an deis a fháil labhairt ar ráitis maidir le slándáil idirnáisiúnta agus trádáil idirnáisiúnta anseo inniu.

We all want to see a settled and peaceful international order, not least because of the cost that usually occurs in terms of human life when there is no such order. I am also concerned about the blatant militarisation of the EU, the growing willingness to cloak aggression under the guise of defence and the gradual erosion of our military neutrality, but today I want to raise a specific issue of international security for Christian communities worldwide. The Tánaiste may be aware of reports that the United States House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa has approved measures urging President Trump to impose sanctions on Nigeria due to the widespread persecution of Christians following the Congress hearing on 12 March. This is being reported that US lawmakers condemned the Nigerian Government for its failure to protect Christian communities from escalating violence citing alarming data from multiple human rights organisations there. A 2024 report by the Observatory for Religious Freedom in Africa revealed that Nigeria accounted for 90% of all Christians killed globally each year. The report documented that, between October 2019 and September 2023, at least 55,910 people were killed and 21,000 others were abducted by terrorist groups operating in the country. I am calling on our Government to consider the imposition of whatever available sanctions we can on Nigeria until it fully respects the rights of all Christians to live in peace.

In terms of the international trade aspect of these statements, I want to refer to our haulage sector, which is a vital cog in the economic wheel of international exports. Indeed, in terms of employment here in Ireland, it is a huge employer, particularly in rural areas. However, there are rising concerns over the biofuel imports that are coming into the country. It is my understanding that only last weekend the Sunday Business Post carried an article in which it stated that Circle K has stopped imports of palm oil mill effluent, mainly originating in Malaysia and Indonesia. At this point, given that organisations which have been around since the 1970s, such as the Irish Road Haulage Association, IRHA, and which are experts in this field, are raising concerns, we need to take on board what they are saying and we need an independent regulatory body to monitor fuel quality, particularly in terms of imports.

I acknowledge the Minister's work in transposing the EU fuel quality directive into Irish law. It was a very welcome and worthwhile step. However, we need to do more and quickly. An independent regulatory body is the way to go in order to ensure that samples are scientifically examined and that the quality is checked. I understand from reports I have read in The Irish Times going back to last year that hauliers and companies are encountering costs of between €15,000 and €20,000 for repairs to trucks because of poor quality biofuels coming into the country. I call on the Minister to be proactive on this issue, listen to the IRHA and set up the independent regulatory body to monitor the fuel quality of biofuel imports.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

First, Deputy Heneghan raised the case of Cadet Matthew Scully. I do not have the prerogative to make an intervention in the Chamber this afternoon. I will refer this matter to the Minister for Defence, but I cannot give any guarantees because it is important that there is no such thing as ministerial intervention in the operation of or recruitment by the Defence Forces. However, I will make sure the points the Deputy made are passed on. I appreciate its importance.

Barry Heneghan (Dublin Bay North, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Go raibh maith agat.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I greatly appreciate the opportunity to reply the many points made across what has been an exhaustive and extensive debate on international security and international trade at such a crucial time in geopolitics. We probably could have had two dozen debates on individual streams raised by Deputies. I really appreciate the sincerity and conviction of those who contributed, particularly those who I frankly disagree with. We must have the ability in this Chamber to disagree without being disagreeable. I respect every person who raised their points today. I am happy to continue to engage in my role as Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs.

I will rattle through two things and split what I have to say between security and trade. On security, I will start with the ongoing brutal attack on the sovereignty of Ukraine and its people by Vladimir Putin’s Russian Federation. I reiterate Ireland’s absolute commitment to support President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine and to the fact that there can be nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. Equally, there can be nothing about Europe without Europe. What we are seeing on Europe’s eastern border is an existential threat which we in this jurisdiction are not immune to. If we allow the Russian Federation and its cohort of ragtag allies continue to advance across the sovereign territory of Ukraine, we must ask who will be next. Deputy Daly pertinently raised the issue of the Baltic states. I am often struck by the entitlement of certain Deputies, none of whom are still in the Chamber at this stage of the debate needless to say, when they state there is no fear and nothing happening there and what about X, Y or Z. This is a Government that is increasing domestic spending on healthcare, education and infrastructure and making sure we are bringing waiting times down in our hospitals, reducing class sizes and ensuring the average life expectancy in this country is 82 years. It is not as if we are doing nothing. It is not as if it is a binary choice. We simply do not have the luxury to turn to our friends and allies in other EU states and say “I am sure that is a big problem for you but we are all right here, Jack”. We are not all right here. We are an exposed member state that is fully part of the European Union.

That brings me to the constant references to our neutrality. Ireland is a militarily neutral state. I say that from the point of view that I do not believe we should be. That is my conviction, but I accept the will of this Oireachtas and the Government of which I am a proud member that Ireland is militarily neutral. No obfuscation from the Opposition can change that fact but people should not for a moment confuse military neutrality with political neutrality. We have very clear allies. We are part of the European Union, with 26 fellow member states who have stood by us in good times and bad. We have made sure they are our allies and friends. They showed solidarity with us whether during the Brexit years, the bailout years or the times when Ireland was an economic pariah having just joined the European Economic Community. Our allies among the member states stood beside us just like there are like-minded countries around the world, Japan, Australia and many others, with which we consistently co-operate and with which we partner through European trade deals. However, in any debate on our neutrality, we hear constant references from certain Opposition Members, including Deputy Conor D. McGuinness and Deputy Gannon, to some sort of plebiscite for which there is no constitutional remit. Deputy McGuinness said let us have a referendum on neutrality. Respectfully, the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach, Deputy Ó Snodaigh raised this eloquently in the House two weeks ago. The last time there was a proposal for a referendum on neutrality here was in the last Dáil from People Before Profit. It was such a binary discussion. If we are to be truly neutral according to the definition proposed in the referendum what on earth would we say to the people of Gaza who are being bombed day and night at the moment? We are not neutral. We stand on the side of peace in that conflict. Were we to go by that narrow definition proposed by former Deputy Bríd Smith and her colleagues, we would not be able to increase our funding to UNWRA, work with colleagues to make sure Irish citizens got out of Gaza in recent months or be party to court cases at the ICJ. We would not be able to stand up tall in the United Nations and make it clear because we would not be neutral if we did that. Let us treat the people who are watching this debate with an element of respect when we talk about that.

On the points about defence spending made by Deputies Duncan Smith and Daly, I agree that now is the time to increase investment in our Defence Forces. Deputy Smith spoke about pay and conditions. He is right, but does that mean we need to have further debate on how we decide the pay of our Defence Forces. Twenty-five years of public partnership has worked very well for the public sector, but is there a pinch point in the Defence Forces on which we might reflect? I agree wholeheartedly with the points made by Deputies Shane Moynihan and Geoghegan about multilateralism. Ireland believes in the work of the United Nations. It has brought forward its payments to United Nations agencies and Ireland believes strongly in multilateralism. However, the proposal to revisit the triple lock is not turning out back on multilateralism. I appreciate Deputy Gogarty’s closing intervention when he said, reasonably, that this is something that requires debate. We believe that. We are not rushing anything.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

For sure.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

We are more than happy to have pre-legislative scrutiny to engage with those with whom we agree and disagree. It is a fundamental and long-standing position of my party. With respect to Deputy Paul Murphy, I have been going to Fine Gael Ard-Fheiseanna for more than 20 years - I presume he has not been to any; I really hope he has not – and I have spoken on countless motions that make it quite clear what my party’s position has been and will always be on the triple lock.

I will refer to something specific and unique to my current brief which is fundamental to the basis of global security. Deputy Barry Ward from my party and Deputy Seán Crowe made a very eloquent and righteous defence of the work of Irish Aid and our international development programme. When we talk about global conflict and the impacts of climate change and the drivers of mass migration and the effects on our lives and livelihoods, it goes to source. At a time when too many global actors are turning their backs on development programmes and are blindly cutting their aid programmes, Ireland is the only EU member state that has increased its programme in the past year and is the only OECD country that has not cut its aid programme. I will work day and night and fight like a tiger to make sure our aid programme is increased in the forthcoming budget. It is not simply the right thing to do by the most vulnerable and poorest people in the world, as many in the Chamber have recognised, but it is also materially in our interest.

In the final two minutes available to me, I will comment on international trade. Yes, we are facing very difficult times. We know what these sorts of difficult times require from a government. My party was in government when we dealt with the financial crash and the bailout that came after. It was in Government throughout the period of dealing with the fall out of the ill-fated Brexit referendum and the fallout, economic and otherwise, of the onslaught of the Covid-19 pandemic. Many Deputies have asked what preparation has taken place. The ongoing analysis by the European Commission has been on the potential impact of tariffs and the engagement that does not happen if you are not in the room. We have been working for years on the diversification of trade in terms of the enhancement of European trade deals whether it is with central America or south-east Asia.

Funnily enough, we might actually pass the EU-Canada trade agreement known as CETA. If anything, events in recent weeks have shown the importance of the full and complete implementation and introduction of that agreement. I look forward to playing my part.

On Ireland's role in the world going forward, in terms of dealing with the threats to international security we all see at the moment and indeed the worrying impacts on global trade that have people genuinely frightened in their kitchens every evening about the future of their job or business, our response will have to be a clear declaration that Ireland is an open country. We are open to multilateral agreements. We are open to co-operation and real international trade. As a Government, we commit to working with every single Member of this Oireachtas to make sure we protect our interests in a way that is consistent with our values when it comes to human rights and solidarity.