Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour) | Oireachtas source

I welcome these statements. I made a request for them at the Business Committee two weeks ago and they were very quickly put on the agenda, which highlights the regard in which we hold this issue in the House. The 1989 academic paper "The End of History?" by Francis Fukuyama, and the subsequent book, The End of History and the Last Man, 1992, make the central argument that Western liberal democracies have won out and their universalisation has brought a natural end to centuries-long evolution in how humans govern their countries and indeed how that operates throughout the world. The theory has been subject to much critique and analysis over the years, not least for its failure to consider the threats of Islamism, religious fundamentalism or tribalism. One critique that has not occurred, because no one expected it, was the challenge to Western liberal democracies from the standard-bearer of Western liberal democracy, namely the United States. This is something we have seen accelerated in the past two months, the prelude to which was the Trump administration between 2016 and 2020 and his election campaign last year. It is happening before our very eyes.

The central premise of that book is that western liberal democracies are less likely to enter into conflict or wars with each other. We have seen an escalation in conflict between traditional allies, albeit through trade in the first instance, such as the United States and Canada and the United States and the EU. We have heard threats relating to the annexation of Greenland and the Panama Canal. I do not want to go too far ahead but there are concerns about what might be done to the UN as the US withdraws support for it. I refer to what the US has already done in the pausing of USAID, which is among the most callous acts of the past couple of months and is already having an impact in terms of deaths, illness, and weakening protections against famine, flood and drought. All of this is happening right now.

The headlines are rightly focused on the diminishing security of Ukraine with the continued war after Russia's invasion, and indeed what has happened in Gaza over the past 48 hours, which has been described by the Israeli Prime Minister as the beginning or the start. The start of what? We have had 17 months of genocide, utter destruction and barbarism. If this is just the start, then it seems to be the start of what will be the final push of the Palestinian people out of Gaza at the same time as the UN has reported the acceleration of illegal settlements in the West Bank. Israel is now operating in the most unfettered manner it has done in its entire history. This has been given the green light by the Trump administration. We can point to that AI-generated video of the grotesquely labelled "Gaza Riviera". That was a very serious piece of social media content. Along with the words Donald Trump has said, it has effectively given the green light and indicated that there will be no ramifications for the State of Israel if it pushes the Palestinian people off what remains of their lands in Gaza and the West Bank. In the most grotesque, public and horribly modern manner, the video gave the go-ahead. We are witnessing this before our very eyes. Added to this is the weakening of democracy, the questioning of elections, both within the United States by the President and in other countries around the world that have strong democracies. We see the promotion of the far right in countries such as Germany, with JD Vance promoting the AfD. All of this makes the world more insecure, from a direction we never felt.

The primacy of western liberal democracies is not without its problems and challenges. It has also developed great inequalities throughout the world, as well as bringing peace and stability, a decrease in wars, and firming up countries as allies after the Second World War that had been enemies for centuries. This attack on western liberal democracy by the United States is making the world more insecure. When the President of the United States feels more comfortable in the company of autocrats, be it in North Korea, Russia or elsewhere, than he does within the United Nations or with traditional allies in the European Union, it is not parliamentary hyperbole from our very privileged position in Ireland to say the world is changing before our eyes. When we look back at this period, we may see that it is another so-called end of history.

I believe it is that serious. Only last night, we saw the White House put out that they should be given control of Ukraine's energy infrastructure as part of ongoing peace talks. This is incredible. Not only do they want to take away the security supports for Ukraine, leaving it more open to attack and invasion, but they also want to harvest the natural resources and infrastructure of that country. It is absolutely horrific to think that this is taking place before our very eyes, and the EU is powerless at this moment to stop it. The precedent that is being set here is incredibly dangerous for global stability and continues to creep into any conflict that the US is involved in. The Trump Administration is seemingly hell-bent on being transactional in nature with traditional allies, but what does "transactional in nature" mean? Transactional to what end? I would posit that the transactional nature of the Trump Administration to this point seems to be to weaken the strength of democracies in Europe and throughout the world that have traditionally been US allies. He sees democracy, and strong democracies and real freedoms, as threats.

We need to see clarity from our Government once again in terms of the occupied territories Bill. Yesterday, the Taoiseach stated that the Bill was on the legislative agenda despite reports claiming the opposite from his time in the US last week. Again, I am on record as saying that what the Irish State has done in terms of the recognition of Palestine is not unimportant. In fact, it is very important that it has been recognised as such. The occupied territories Bill is in the overall scheme of things a small measure but, nonetheless, not an unimportant one, and it is something this Government should be supporting and promoting and on which we should have clarity.

There is no doubt that Ireland is now in an incredibly precarious situation with the looming threat of tariffs on the European Union set to disproportionately impact us. By all accounts, disgraced fighters now have more pull within the US Administration than our own Government, having sit down meetings with national security advisers, the Secretaries of Defence and, indeed, the President himself, as well as that being amplified by that very President. We need to see the Irish Government further strengthen our relationship with our counterparts in the European Union, which we know are strong and, indeed, with the Labour-led Government in the United Kingdom. I was encouraged by the recent summit the Taoiseach and Prime Minister held in Liverpool. We must work to strengthen our bond, and we in Labour want to work with the Government on this. In the most uncertain of times, it is with our like-minded friends in the international community that Ireland can find a firm footing. Indeed, we look at the new leader of the Liberal Party of Canada who has proud Irish roots and we must strive to grow that relationship in the coming months.

International trade has long been a powerful driver of economic prosperity and as a small open economy our trade relationships to the United States and beyond have helped fuel our growth and bolster the standard of living for millions of people in this country. Yet trade is not simply about economics. Trade is a tool of diplomacy and co-operation. Until recently, we in the western world have looked at the mutual dependencies that trade has created to help foster peace and stability but now, as I said, with President Trump, those sure footings have now become less sure.

As an EU member state, Ireland is committed to multilateralism and rules-based trade, and that will not change. Our participation in the Single Market has not only boosted our economic fortunes, but it has also anchored us to our allies who share our values of democracy, fairness and peace. Trade cannot thrive in a world of insecurity, and such a world has been created by Donald Trump in a manner that has caught us all by surprise.

As we witness an increasing number of geopolitical challenges and the rise of hybrid threats, it is clear that national security is no longer confined to our borders. The interconnected nature of today's world means that events halfway across the globe have direct and immediate impacts on our own security. This is particularly true in the digital age where the security of our trade networks and critical infrastructure is under constant threat from cyberattacks, data breaches and disinformation campaigns. The hack on the HSE from Russia needs to serve as a constant reminder that our global supply chains and State services could be disrupted and manipulated. It is no longer a distant concern. To that end, we need to see the National Cyber Security Centre provided with greater investment and greater resources. At the moment, it is more reactive than proactive. That could change with proper funding and proper resourcing.

In Ireland we have a unique position. We are a small nation with a large global footprint. Our neutrality and independence have given us a distinctive voice on the world stage. However, this is not a time for isolation. As I already said, now is the time to double down on our relationships with like-minded countries. It is a time to be bold and hold firm on our national values. While the tectonic plates of the international order shift, it is important to remember our proud history of neutrality and just how dearly the Irish people hold it. We in Labour have made clear our concerns with regard to any alterations to the triple lock and the potential long-term impacts a change to the triple lock would have on our neutrality. That, however, does not mean we do not have a responsibility to increase our own security capacity. It is important that I am crystal clear on this matter. We have not taken our own security seriously enough. That starts from the pay and conditions of our Defence Forces and goes all the way up to our lack of investment in sonar, military and detection capabilities. The buck has to stop now and there is no more room for complacency.

We have seen the EU as a whole change almost overnight. The focus on defence is now the key issue for a huge host of member states. While we cannot and will not under any circumstances accept a role in the common defence pact or any offensive actions involving Irish troops, we have a responsibility to get our own house in order from a security point of view. I already raised my serious concerns of the lack of investment in the National Cyber Security Centre, but the issue is much more widespread. Our Defence Forces are nowhere near the level of personnel we need, standing at 7,497 members. I received a response to a parliamentary question yesterday that was maybe the best example I have seen of Government seeing an issue and having a solution yet bungling its implementation. It refers to an underspend in our Defence Forces to the tune of €197 million at a time when our Defence Forces are crying out for better pay and conditions, which would help attract more people to our Defence Forces and help with retention. We in Labour feel there is an urgent need to ensure that our barracks and associated facilities are upgraded and maintained. We also feel there is a real opportunity to develop new housing on Defence Forces land for service members and their families. The Tánaiste and Minister may know that I previously raised the pension issue facing so many members of our uniformed services with regard to the public sector single pension scheme, which needs to be amended to recognise the particular position of workers in these fast accrual professions. This is another matter that impacts on retention, which ultimately has an upstream impact on our own security.

I have used the word "complacency" when talking about our attitude to defence previously but, to be fair, the bill for that cannot be squarely left at the Government's door. The way in which successive Governments have farmed out responsibility to our allies simply is not sustainable. I, for one, do not want to have to rely on the Royal Air Force for detection capabilities for our own land, air and sea.

I want to talk about the vulnerability of our undersea cables that run into Ireland and to the United States, Iceland, the UK and, indeed, Europe. I had a meeting with a number of experts in different specialities in this area since taking on this portfolio, and it has been made even more abundantly clear to me just how vulnerable our undersea cables are. We know that recently, for example, a vessel that is part of the Russian shadow fleet was off the coast of Cork for a number of days literally just loitering over one of our strategic cables. That same vessel is now on its way to the Baltics where we know the Russian shadow fleet has dropped anchors to damage undersea cables. This is happening, and it can and will happen to us if we do not get our own house in order.

On the issue of improving our monitoring technology, the Defence Policy Review 2024 was published and stated that the "immediate focus [will be placed on] the development of an Integrated Monitoring and Surveillance System for air, land and sea domains ... " The next formal fixed cycle defence review is to be initiated this year, but it is important that we are kept updated on the delivery of this system and if, indeed, the 2028 expected implementation date is accurate.

As I have outlined, we in Labour are serious about improving our own defensive security, but at the heart of the issue is the need to improve pay and conditions for members of our Defence Forces. Only from those foundations can we achieve any of our further goals. We need to ensure that we protect our neutrality. The best thing we can do for European security at the moment is to ensure that Ireland is investing in our own neutrality and our own security. I hope this Government takes that seriously.

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