Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I very much welcome the opportunity to be here today to discuss the publication of the Central Statistics Office, CSO, survey providing national prevalence figures on sexual violence in Ireland. I thank the House for facilitating this discussion. The Sexual Violence Survey 2022 focused on respondents' experiences of a broad spectrum of sexual violence and harassment experienced in their lifetime It is entirely appropriate that the Dáil has an opportunity to consider this important research. There is no doubt but that many of the figures and statistics are shocking.

As Members know, the survey covers a range of behaviours from non-contact sexual violence right through to non-consensual sexual intercourse or rape. It tells us a lot. It tells us that 40% of people in Ireland have experienced sexual violence at some stage in their lives and that for women this rate is 52%, while for men it is 28%. It tells us that 18% of adult women and 3% of adult men have been raped, which is difficult to even comprehend let alone say out loud.

At times, the report is difficult to read. Oftentimes, it is sobering. At times while reading, we need to stop for a moment to consider the import of individual results and statistics, and the potential reasons behind them. For example, younger people reported higher levels of sexual violence, 80% of those who experience sexual violence knew the perpetrator, and females were more likely to disclose sexual violence than men.

There is much to reflect on for us as policymakers and as law-makers but also for wider Irish society. I am acutely aware that behind these numbers are individuals and real people who have suffered at the hands of someone else. I am conscious that we must be careful not to re-traumatise victims and survivors but these data are necessary and I believe the importance of this study cannot be overestimated.

We knew that this was an area of crime that has tended to be under-reported, and that the numbers we have had up to now did not reflect the true extent of the problem. This is why the Department commissioned the CSO in 2018 to undertake this wide-scale survey.

I thank those who engaged with the CSO, in particular the approximately 500 people who disclosed for the first time that they had been subjected to sexual violence. By engaging in this survey, they have helped us to understand the extent of the problem that we face, as a Government and as a country.

This exceptionally comprehensive and nationally representative survey gives us a new baseline on the prevalence of sexual violence in Ireland. We can use this baseline to measure the impact of our work across Government on this priority issue and we can also develop policy and provide the necessary supports and services. It bears repeating that the figures are devastating, including that one in five of the women have been raped. Equally as stark and upsetting is that we know from this study that the vast majority of these victims and survivors knew the person who did this to them and, presumably, in many cases it was someone they had once trusted. I firmly believe these statistics underline why we need to take a zero-tolerance approach in the third national strategy on domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, DSGBV. This is an ambitious five-year programme of reform to achieve a society which does not accept sexual violence or, crucially, the attitudes which underpin it. That societal change, that cultural shift, is key.

The strategy’s accompanying implementation plan, which runs to the end of this year, sets out 144 detailed actions which are assigned to my Department and other agencies and Departments across Government. A key part of the implementation will be the establishment of a new statutory DSGBV agency, which will ensure a permanent and dedicated focus on this important area of work. I am pleased that I recently secured Government approval for the drafting of legislation to create the agency. It will be tasked with ensuring the delivery of excellent services to victims of sexual violence and will have specific functions related to data and research to ensure that our information remains up to date and in line with best practice.

The agency is a whole-of-government priority and we intend to have it up and running by next January, as indicated in the strategy. Other strategy priorities include: to double the number of refuge spaces during the lifetime of the strategy; to strengthen our legislation, both to better support victims and to introduce new offences and increase maximum sentences for perpetrators; to expand the range of supports available to victims, no matter where they live in the country; and to work at a societal level to continue to raise awareness of what constitutes domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, change attitudes to it and signpost victims and survivors to supports.

The actions within the strategy reflect the importance of a range of areas, including education, training, awareness raising, supports and, crucially, having a victim-centred approach to all of our work in this priority area. The need for an evidence-based policy approach to all of this is obvious. It will increase our understanding of sexual violence and help us in government and in society more generally to continue to work towards our shared goal of zero tolerance. We will now start working with the CSO to design and carry out a national prevalence survey on domestic violence, and both the sexual violence and the domestic violence prevalence surveys will be repeated alternately every five years.

Going forward, this will help us to keep our national data up to date and the importance of having robust data is accepted by all and stressed throughout the strategy. It is evident in a number of specific actions and is included as a specific function for the new statutory-based agency, which will be tasked with developing a data and evaluation strategy to ensure there are shared definitions and agreed methodologies for collecting, analysing and sharing data on access to and use of services. Why do we want this information? We need this information in order that we can do better and we will do better. While this strategy is our most ambitious to date, it builds on work already undertaken under previous strategies and under Supporting A Victims’ Journey, our plan to create a more victim-centred criminal justice system.

Through the Supporting a Victim’s Journey plan, a number of recommendations to support victims of sexual crime have been progressed. These include: recommendations on the investigation and prosecution of sexual offences; the introduction of trained intermediaries; actions of training for front-line professionals, which includes the provision of specific training for all of the key people a victim comes into contact with during the course of their journey through the criminal justice system; and the nationwide roll-out of divisional protective services units. This work has been built into, and will be further progressed by, the third national strategy and actions seeking to reduce delays in the trial process.

While significant legislative advancements have already been made, I want to mention some areas we are currently progressing, which include making stalking and non-fatal strangulation stand-alone offences, for which the legislation has passed this House and will now go to the Seanad. They also include increasing the maximum sentence for assault causing harm, one of the most likely criminal offences that a victim will encounter from domestic violence; expanding the existing harassment offence; strengthening the law on consent; and extending victim anonymity to further categories of victims. I believe this is crucial. I hear regularly from victims and families about the supports for them in the courts and the Courts Service. Extending that victim anonymity, coupled with making provision for legal representation for the victim, so it is not just the State and its team and the perpetrator’s team, will ensure the victim has that voice in the court, which is very important. We are also making progress on the following matters: repealing provisions for sentences to be delivered in public; ensuring character evidence in sentencing for sexual offences trials can be tested, given this has been a source of great pain for so many in recent years, and that character witnesses can be cross-examined; and preventing a defendant who is a lay litigant from cross-examining vulnerable victims in trials for certain offences, including coercion, in order to prevent further traumatisation.

I also recently welcomed the enactment of the Sex Offenders (Amendment) Act, which will improve the management and monitoring of sex offenders in the community to protect the public, including through the use of electronic tagging. We know the importance of criminal justice, of strong legislation, of reporting, of supports for victims and of a co-ordinated approach in our work with victims. However, I believe the fundamental weapon we have in the fight against sexual violence is, and will always be, prevention. It is that huge piece of work around changing attitudes and social norms as to what is acceptable. Recognising the importance of awareness raising in this space, the strategy includes actions around a number of ambitious campaigns which will focus on attitudes among men and boys – we cannot remove ourselves from this conversation - increase awareness of services and supports among victims and reach migrant and minority communities, as well as the roll-out of a national campaign on consent.

Last month, my Department launched a significant new awareness campaign highlighting the rights available to victims of crime, with a particular emphasis on reaching minority and harder-to-reach communities. This month, we will be launching phase 2 of our intimate image abuse campaign, which will focus on the crime of threatening to share intimate images without consent, which is often used as an element of coercive control. It is an offence to share an intimate image but it is also an offence to threaten to share, and we will be very clear on that in our new public awareness campaign.

We strongly believe that having a shared understanding of the meaning and importance of consent can play a key role in reducing instances of sexual violence and, later this year, we will be launching a campaign to highlight the importance of consent in healthy sexual relationships. We have already been working closely with the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre to fund its research on consent in Ireland, and I was delighted to recently launch its “We Consent" campaign, which will help to start the discussion on this topic.

We know that well-developed and well-executed campaigns can have a strong impact on bringing about a change in societal behaviours and attitudes. We have successfully done this in the recent past through campaigns such as “No Excuses” and “What Would You Do?”, and I am confident we will continue to deliver excellent results in our forthcoming work.

The CSO will be busy too. I want to thank all of those involved in putting together this huge piece of work, which is the culmination of five years of research and development. Carrying out this survey was a big ask of the CSO and I am extremely grateful to it for taking the time to design and execute this survey in such a comprehensive but, importantly, trauma-centred way. I know it will be releasing a number of significant thematic reports relating to this prevalence survey over the coming months that will provide further information on the types of behaviours involved, on the frequency of the experiences and on discourse and societal attitudes. These too will be hugely important for helping us understand the extent of this problem and addressing the intersectional needs of different groups, something we are determined to do.

To conclude, much of the data to come out of the sexual violence survey are stark and difficult but, sadly, unsurprising. It is accepted, for example, that when it comes to reporting incidents of sexual violence to An Garda Síochána, reporting rates are much lower than the prevalence rates. We need to understand why this is and how we can fix it. We need to understand the full breadth of the problem and this report provides those data and that clarity. The results give us a new baseline for the prevalence of sexual violence in Ireland and we can use it to better provide supports and services, as well as measuring the effectiveness of various measures we put in place to tackle these heinous crimes.

We will continue to work to improve the criminal justice system to make it more victim-centred and ensure that victims have the confidence to report what has happened to them, confident in the knowledge they will be supported at every point and by everyone they encounter on their journey. We remain deeply committed to this. The implementation of the third national strategy is instrumental in ensuring we have a criminal justice system that works for vulnerable victims at every stage of their journey. I thank the Minister, Deputy McEntee, for all her work in this regard.

Regardless of the circumstances in which sexual violence occurs, victims of these horrific crimes should never be concerned about reporting what has happened to them and seeking the help they need and the justice they deserve. They can, and should, report what has happened to An Garda Síochána. I want any victim or survivor listening today to know there are now specially trained gardaí in every Garda district to engage with and support victims of sexual violence, no matter where one lives in the country.

Lastly, I again want to recognise the individual stories of bravery, courage and resilience that form the background to these statistics. This is a report of statistics but behind each statistic is a person, a person who came forward and who has helped Ireland on its journey to zero tolerance. I extend my personal thanks to them. Their willingness to share their experiences is truly appreciated and will help us to create a better country.

James Browne (Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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I echo the Minister, Deputy Harris, in thanking the House for the opportunity to discuss this very important topic. It is, of course, very difficult and sobering to read statistics that show that this level of sexual assault and violence has taken place in our society.

I pay tribute to all the survivors of sexual violence and those who are represented in this study for their strength, resilience and bravery.

When studying their responses and this excellent piece of work, it is important to recognise that we have seen a new willingness at a societal level to recognise sexual violence for what it is. Importantly, alongside this, we have seen a willingness for people to speak out about their experiences, and crucially, for people to listen. As a society we are more prepared to acknowledge what constitutes different forms of sexual violence and to talk about our experiences. We are better able to recognise this unacceptable behaviour for what it is. That is progress.

It is appropriate and helpful to consider the results of this survey through the lens of the work we are doing across the whole of Government. We are working to encourage more victims to come forward to seek supports. We are improving the system so that victims are confident in reporting these heinous crimes.

This unprecedented survey also demonstrates our move to a more systematic approach to the collection of data. The most recent data available on sexual violence in Ireland was collected in 2002 and there has been considerable societal change during this period. A stated aim of the third national strategy is that it will deliver an enhanced understanding of the root causes and impacts of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence across society and ensure significant and ongoing reduction in the incidence of this violence. The strategy recognises the importance of research to help us better understand the causes and prevalence of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence and how we can use that to inform better policy in this area. This sexual violence prevalence survey is an important part of delivering on this. We have also committed to working with the CSO to design and run an equivalent national domestic violence prevalence survey. These surveys will be alternated and repeated at five year intervals so that we continue to have up-to-date information to help develop the most effective policy, legislation and services. In addition, the new domestic, sexual and gender-based violence agency will have a dedicated focus on research and data collection.

The findings of this survey provide an evidence base or benchmark from which informed decisions and policy can be made, including in relation to supports and services needed. This information will inform policy in several areas, including justice, equality, health and service provision to victims and survivors, education and children. Over the coming months the CSO will be releasing follow-up thematic surveys based on particular areas and the information provided by those will also be very helpful to a number of Government Departments. We will also have information, not just on the prevalence of sexual violence, but on reporting rates and on the experiences of those who do report.

As I mentioned, the CSO will be repeating this survey every ten years. The findings from these repeat surveys will be particularly insightful in telling us important things like where we are making progress, where there are new challenges, what initiatives are really making a difference and where and whether increased reporting reflects an increase in sexual violence or an increase in the willingness of people to come forward.

I also hope that the data can empower survivors by helping them to understand that they are not alone and encourage them to report their cases and access vital services. The sobering results of this study also contribute to our work on making a significant and sustained impact on public awareness of the extent of the problem. This is vital in changing societal attitudes in the months and years ahead. We are determined to build on this awareness and momentum for change and to achieve zero tolerance for sexual violence and the attitudes that underpin it.

As a Government, we are committed to delivering on the goal of our third national strategy, which is a society that does not accept any form of domestic, sexual or gender based violence. We are determined to work towards creating a society that fully understands the impact and harm of non-consensual sexual behaviour. This survey helps our understanding. It provides important detail and insight on a very serious and sensitive societal issue. I am very aware that it would not have been possible without the support and participation of people who have experienced intense trauma at the hands of someone else. As well as the excellent work of the divisional protection services units in An Garda Síochána, I would also point to the availability of excellent front-line services provided by organisations such as the rape crisis centres, which offer non-judgmental support, a listening ear and information. Information on the full range of support organisations, including specialist support organisations, is available at www.victimscharter.iefor anyone affected.

Hildegarde Naughton (Galway West, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the publication of the recent results of the sexual violence survey by the CSO, following a Government request to that office to carry out this really important piece of work. The publication of this survey represents a new baseline, setting out the levels of sexual violence in Ireland. Additional detail will be published in the coming months around the prevalence of sexual violence in adulthood and childhood, attitudes to sexual violence, and the lived experience of those who suffered sexual violence, which will be of enormous benefit in the development of appropriate policy responses.

It is also important to note, as alluded to by my colleagues, that the CSO intends to conduct the survey again in ten years time. A key element in being able to understand and interpret the data is appreciating the range of experiences captured in the term "sexual violence". Sexual violence covers any sexual act which takes place without freely-given consent or where someone forces or manipulates another person into unwanted sexual activity. It covers experiences that can have a marked or powerful effect on those that experience them in their lifetime. This definition is based on national and international research including the Istanbul Convention, the EU survey on gender-based violence against women and other forms of interpersonal violence, the Luxembourg guidelines and relevant research from the United Nations, UN.

I join the Minister for Justice, Deputy Harris, and the Minister of State, Deputy Browne, in thanking everyone involved in this survey for taking part and helping to produce this very important piece of work. This survey required explicit questions to be asked of participants on very sensitive topics. For those who have not had experience of sexual violence in their lifetime, it may have generated unease while for those who have experienced sexual violence, it may have generated fear and distress. It is important to acknowledge the fact that so many people shared their personal experiences in this survey, which has resulted in this important body of work.

The true prevalence of sexual violence is difficult to identify but a survey may be a close proxy to the true prevalence level if it is collected in a way that reduces the risk of under-reporting, among other things. The CSO worked to minimise this risk principally by ensuring that the questionnaire met best international standards and by providing a confidential setting for the conduct of the survey so that respondents could safely and confidentially share their experiences of sexual violence at a time and location of their choosing.

While there is much information in the publication, some of the key points have already been outlined by the Minister for Justice, Deputy Harris. One thing that is very clear is that the incidence of sexual violence is very high. The survey also points to worrying experiences of sexual violence during childhood. It shows that one in five adults experienced unwanted contact sexual violence as a child and a similar number experienced unwanted non-contact sexual violence. The rate for unwanted contact sexual violence as a child was 25% for women compared with 15% for men. Child sexual violence was experienced by women and men across all age groups but young women aged between 18 and 24 reported the highest levels. For example, unwanted sexual intercourse as a child was reported by 10% of women aged between 18 and 24 compared with 2% of men in this age group.

Extensive consultation was a notable feature of the development of this survey, which was important to ensure that it was capturing the breadth of experiences in Ireland and that the resultant data met the needs of policy development. This survey could not have been achieved without the excellent work of the CSO, the support of the Department of Justice which provided funding for the survey, the range of stakeholders in the support service community and related agencies who all contributed on an ongoing basis to the development of the project and most importantly, the 4,500 respondents who completed this survey. I want to recognise the almost 500 respondents who acknowledged their own sexual violence experience for the first time. This is a testament to the sensitive and considered approach adopted by the CSO to all aspects of the survey.

The data represent a range of individual stories which speak to the lived experience of those who have and those who have not experienced sexual violence in Ireland. The suite of publications resulting from this survey will provide a lot of important detail and insight on a very serious and sensitive societal issue.

Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)
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We welcome the CSO sexual violence survey. It is a sobering reminder of the importance of the third national strategy on DSGBV. The importance of a report such as this, based on diverse sources, cannot be overstated. The CSO is to be commended on the report which, despite its disturbing facts, is a welcome development. I was taken particularly by what the Minister, Deputy Harris, said about the statistics on the number of people who have been raped in this country, 18% of women and 3% of men. For so long, the biggest road block for victims has been the lack of reporting as well as being met with silence or disbelief or even denial. It came up a lot on the justice committee that we were dealing with a paucity of statistics compared to what they have in other jurisdictions. The lack of information led to a negative cycle of powerlessness, withdrawal and depression for so many victims. The colossal task of changing these attitudes is starting to progress. The survey is one more aspect of this. As politicians, we cannot claim now to be ignorant or in the dark about the scale and depth of the issue.

It is worth exploring some of the headline figures to ensure they are on the record. The most obvious place to start is where the representatives from the Government started, with the fact that 52% of women reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetime, with the figure being 28% for men. The fact that the majority of sexual abuse victims are women, and the majority of women have experienced sexual violence, demonstrates the gendered nature of violence in our society. Many women in recent years deserve praise for speaking out. There are many stories out there that we have not heard yet of defiance, strength and overcoming the odds. As legislators, it is our job to ensure that these obstacles to justice are removed and understanding the issue in full is the first step in this battle. While the majority of perpetrators of sexual violence are men, in my view we also need to hear more from and about the 28% of men who have experienced sexual violence, which is a not insignificant number. Abuse and suffering abuse are wrongfully associated with being weak or meek in some way and these are attributes not considered to be manly or macho. The report states that the 53% of women who experienced sexual violence in their lifetime were more likely to have told someone compared to men, at only 34%. Both figures need to change. We are often told a man should be strong and not show weakness but we have seen this begin to change. I give credit to the consent education campaign of the Department of Justice, which depicts men as victims as well as perpetrators. We need to end the idea that male victims could have stopped their own abuse or are somehow not deserving of justice. I know the Department will be working in the short term with one of the larger sporting agencies to promote a campaign. They have already dealt with one on combating racism. This is the next step which is coming shortly. I welcome that.

As we build a better understanding of sexual violence, we need to ask how we can combat it. Better statistics on sexual violence must be our starting point. We currently lag significantly behind the United Kingdom when it comes to this. The gathering of data over there includes information on age, gender, ethnicity and so many other areas. I suspect that if we keep these data on a more regular basis, we will quickly learn the nature of sexual violence in the State and be in a better position to address it. It is worth noting that the DPP has asked for more resources for the gathering of data and NGOs have long been calling for it to be implemented.

The Istanbul Convention needs to be respected. The State's work in this area is currently under scrutiny by GREVIO, the independent expert body responsible for monitoring the implementation of the convention. A state visit has already been carried out and the report is due soon. It is hard to imagine that there will not be serious issues raised in the report, especially as we are working now only to cover multiple counties where there is poor or no provision of refuge space. I think there are nine counties out of the 26 in which there is no refuge space. I recently met with Catherine Casey from Adapt in Tralee. She says that they had 39 women or families admitted last year but space was refused to 29 separate women during that time. They need additional refuge spaces. While they are not currently on the priority list, I am agreeing with her call that Tralee should be included. On resourcing and delivery, as was mentioned by the Minister and the Minister of State earlier, the third national strategy on DSGBV is most important including for the creation of material to reach migrant communities. The third strategy must press for the rights of migrant women, who are often outside of the loop.

Within the courts and judicial system, much work also needs to be completed. The Minister, Deputy Harris, laid out the importance of preventing defendants who are lay litigants from cross-examining vulnerable victims. We want to avoid further traumatisation while at the same time protecting constitutional rights for a fair trial. As the Minister said, it is a huge piece of work around the change in attitudes. A National Women's Council report completed on behalf of the Department of Justice outlined the scale of the challenges. This document, A Report on the Intersection of the Criminal Justice, Private Family Law and Public Law Child Care Processes in Relation to Domestic and Sexual Violence", had clear conclusions. It is worth quoting from it:

One act or a series of acts of domestic or sexual violence can cause the activation of two and sometimes three distinct legal processes - the criminal justice process, the private family law process and the public law child care process - involving the same victim or victims and the same alleged perpetrator. While there is a very real factual overlap between all of those processes, legally these processes work more or less in isolation, despite the potential for real and beneficial liaison. Victims suffer as a result of this lack of collaboration between the various processes as vital information, which could serve to secure just outcomes, is sometimes lost in the 'gaps' between the three systems.

I recently met with the Offaly group dealing with women who have suffered violence. There is a big issue accessing solicitors. Many solicitors are leaving the area and they need to be funded better to prevent this happening. On foot of the O'Malley review of the treatment of vulnerable witnesses and the victim's journey policy, both focused on criminal proceedings, the report I mentioned previously is a reminder that DSGBV is very complex. There is a serious problem with victims being respected and believed across the board and this must change. I also want to speak briefly about pre-legislative scrutiny of the Bill. Witnesses want an inter-agency, whole-of-government report and support the insertion of a clause to give the agency the powers to compel other agencies to collaborate towards this. I will defer to my colleagues.

Louise O'Reilly (Dublin Fingal, Sinn Fein)
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The completion of this first sexual violence survey is very welcome. We can never have enough data. Unfortunately, the data show us what we do not want to confront or talk about and what we do not like to say about ourselves. I acknowledge the role of the Rape Crisis Network and the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre in ensuring these data were collated in a very comprehensive way. I also want to say a word of appreciation to the people working in the Aoibhneas support service in my own area. They do absolutely brilliant work. I will take this opportunity to say to the Minister that if they had more funding they could do even more of that brilliant work. If anything, what we see from this sexual violence survey is that there is plenty of work for them to do. There is a lot of need and demand there. The crimes that are described in this survey - that is what they are, although we tend to use different language - and the prevalence of these crimes should be a worry to every single one of us. However, these issues are not new. We did not just discover DSGBV. We have been living with it for a while. It is helpful that we now have data collated but we really need to see action following.

The fact is 52% of women and 28% of men reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetime. If that is not an epidemic level, I do not know what is. It means 40% of adults surveyed experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. It is really shocking. We must do all we can to eradicate sexual and gender-based violence, but where it happens - and it does happen and we see it does happen - supports must be in place and they must be focused on the victims and the survivors.

The programme for Government commits to tackling the epidemic of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence and to uphold the Istanbul Convention. That is really welcome and a very necessary aim, but to achieve this, funding must follow the data. We have the data and now we need the funding. As it currently stands, less than €2 million was provided to new domestic, sexual and gender-based violence initiatives in 2023. I am talking about new initiatives, and this data supports the fact we need new initiatives. I am aware there are many excellent and well-funded long-standing initiatives, but there is a real need for new funding.

There is currently a serious problem with respect to victims of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence being respected and believed, as outlined by the NWCI and the Department of Justice report. As a society, we must do much more to help victims speak out and ensure they are respected, they are believed and they feel empowered to be able to come forward. On this point, I make reference to victims and survivors who speak out in their workplace to get domestic violence leave. This is something I, our party president, Deputy McDonald, and Sinn Féin collectively have worked hard on for many years. I brought forward legislation to provide domestic violence leave. It was drafted in conjunction with stakeholders, with an eye to ensuring the level was set at what the victims and survivors need. It was superseded by Government legislation that did not match exactly the needs. It is really welcome it happened and I do not in any way dismiss it. It is absolutely groundbreaking and we are right to be proud we have done it. However, the Minister wears two hats and with his other hat on, he will be aware the men and women in the higher education sector in our universities and colleges have ten days of paid leave. That is what Sinn Féin would have given. It is what the advocacy groups have looked for. That amount gives victims and survivors a chance. It means they have enough time. The Unite trade union pointed out:

Given the lack of vital supports such as refuge places, five days’ paid domestic violence leave is not only inadequate but may actually mean that women are forced to return to an abusive situation because they do not have sufficient paid leave to complete their journey to safety.

That is the place nobody wants to be.

We can see 53% of women compared with 34% of men told someone, so I echo the comment by my colleague, Deputy Daly, by saying this is not a women-only problem, but a societal problem. I tell men and women, and people of all genders, that if they are in that situation, speak out. There is help. There is someone there.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Ba mhaith liom tréaslú leo siúd a ghlac páirt sa tuarascáil seo. The men and women who took part in this survey, difficult and all as it may have been, did us all a huge service because we have for some time been trying to grapple with the scale and frequency of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. This data is crucial as an underpinning for any policies and the allocation of resources to the area. Notwithstanding that and the fact many would have suspected there was under-reporting, "surprising" is perhaps not the right word, but that does not mean it is not shocking to see the numbers we are talking about. Some 52% of adult women reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetime, 28% of men reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetime and 18% of adult women reported being raped. That is absolutely horrifying.

This type of crime is insidious, it involves betrayal, relationships breaking down and trust in someone being destroyed because of their actions and people feeling isolated. It is not the only crime like this, but it is one that has consequences that last for many years, if not a lifetime with respect to the trauma it inflicts and the emotional impact it has and what it does to a person's self-worth. It is an extremely weighty crime and deserves to be treated with great seriousness and as a priority policy area for the Department of Justice.

It is important and welcome we are having this discussion. It is even more important meaningful action comes from the discussion, and that needs to come in a variety of different ways. We must ensure we have fully-resourced safe refuges for victims of sexual abuse. Currently nine counties are without a refuge space. The consequences of not having available safe accommodation for victims are victims remaining in abusive relationships and abusive households as they have no other option to secure a safe refuge and escape the traumatic, dangerous and terrifying situation they are trapped in. In many other locations where there are refuge spaces, the number of spaces is very often inadequate and there are pressures on them. I take this opportunity to recognise the work of Cuanlee Refuge, Mná Feasa, Edel House and the other accommodation provided by the Good Shepherd services in Cork, as well as the Sexual Violence Centre.

We are clearly dealing with a challenging situation. There was a 9% increase in domestic violence year-on-year in the Cork city Garda division in the past 12 months. It is difficult to know whether that is increased reporting or increased incidents. It is very likely a mixture of both. While there has been investment in recent years, which I welcome, much more is clearly needed. It is now 15 months since Tusla published the Review of the Provision of Accommodation for Victims of Domestic Violence and we have yet to see any real, significant or regional strategy to roll out refuge spaces. We need a societal shift in how we treat and respect victims and survivors of abuse. We know this is an issue and that this approach, or the difficulties with our culture, can worsen the trauma and stop other victims from coming forward. I echo the calls from all the Deputies and Ministers to encourage women and men to speak out if they are suffering domestic abuse. We must also look at the area of education. In my role as Sinn Féin spokesperson on education, I highlighted the need for a review of, and change to, the social, personal and health education, SPHE, curriculum and especially the area of consent. It must be acknowledged that young people need to be given the appropriate tools, as much of the media in our society gives a very distorted picture of relationships and sexuality, in particular pornography, but also social media and other forms. Our young people need to be given the tools to combat that.

The completion of the first sexual violence survey is welcome. I give sincere thanks to the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre and Rape Crisis Network Ireland for ensuring this desperately-needed tool is available. I am out of time so I will conclude on that.

Mark Ward (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the CSO report, which will be a vital tool in combating domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. The information in the report will allow Governments to develop adequate services and supports. I thank everybody involved in the report. It is not an easy thing to do to give that information. I join the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre and urgently call on the Minister to reform the justice system into one where those who are victims of sexual violence can report in safety and confidence so they can get justice and perpetrators are held to account. We have to put appropriate and safe mechanisms in place to allow victims of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence to become survivors of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence.

As it stands, 80% of people do not report incidences of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. We as a society need to take a holistic approach that takes into consideration the myriad reasons so many people do not report these crimes. An article I read published by the Rape Crisis Network Ireland explains this much better than I ever could. It states:

Survivors are women, men, and children from all walks of life, who are making in fact a series of choices, about something that has the potential to have a massive impact on their lives.

Survivors live under a range of circumstances.

They may have families, loved ones, friends, jobs, dependents, illnesses, children, caring responsibilities, exams, bills, debts, mortgages, and all the myriad dilemmas, big and small that people deal with everyday all over Ireland ...

When someone is raped or sexually assaulted, then they have another set of choices. But those choices are not made in isolation, they are made in the context of complete lives.

What will reporting mean to my partner, how will I protect my children, will it affect my career, will it cost me financially, can I afford it, is there a risk that I will be approached by the perpetrator when I go to the supermarket to pick up dinner?

And filtering all those questions will be what survivors might know or believe about attitudes in society, how the justice process works, and what will be asked of them.

It is in that context that many people read the latest sexual assault case appearing in the papers.

The media has a large part to play in how it reports instances of sexual violence. There seems to be a culture of survivor blaming. I will use the word "victim" when discussing this matter, as that is often the word the media uses when portraying these crimes, saying that reports state that the victim was drunk, the victim was alone, or the victim left with the perpetrator willingly. I could go on. Rape is not caused by decisions that victims make. Rape is caused by an individual who decides to perpetrate a sexual crime on another person. The cause of rape is the rapist. Every such report informs survivors of what they might expect and, indeed, risk if they were to report. We need to start putting measures in place that enable survivors, victims or both - whatever they choose to call themselves - to come forward so that they can get the help they need.

The statistics from the CSO survey have been mentioned: 52% of women reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetimes; 28% of men reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetimes; 8% of over-65s reported experiencing sexual violence, both as adults and as children; and 78% of adults who experienced sexual violence at least once in their lifetimes knew the perpetrators. This last is an important statistic, especially in light of the amount of misinformation on social media about new arrivals into our country. These findings are shocking, but they are not surprising. This country has a dark history of sweeping things under the carpet and not dealing with them head-on.

In the brief time remaining, I wish to discuss Saoirse Women's Refuge in my area. I have seen at first-hand the incredible work it does. It provides short-term refuge accommodation and 24-hour support for up to six families at a time. It also provides an outreach service. Last year, Saoirse Women's Refuge could not accommodate 287 families because the refuge was full. Resources need to be put in place so that the refuge can continue providing this life changing, and often lifesaving, service.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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I welcome the opportunity to contribute on this debate on behalf of the Labour Party. The survey sadly confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence in Ireland. It is shocking, but not surprising, to read that 28% of men and 52% of all women experience sexual violence over the course of their lifetimes. This publication comes in the wake some years ago of the Sexual Abuse and Violence in Ireland, SAVI, report, which perhaps first disclosed the true extent and prevalence of DSGBV. It also comes in the wake of the much more recent Women of Honour report, which exposed the horrific sexual harassment and intimidation experienced by members of our Defence Forces.

We see in this survey, as we saw with the SAVI and Women of Honour reports, that there is a gendered dimension to this violence and that DSGBV is, unfortunately, all too prevalent in Irish society, as it is in other societies. Sadly, this is an international phenomenon. In Ireland, we have a particularly dark history as regards the treatment of women and the downplaying, and even dismissal, of sexual violence against women and children. That situation persisted for far too long. We are all thinking of the various carceral institutions in which women and children were confined for many decades, for example, the Magdalen institutions, the mother and baby homes and the industrial schools, in which much violence was perpetrated, but this survey highlights that the issue persists even after those institutions have happily been closed down and that there is still much more work to be done.

I pay tribute to the Minister without Portfolio, Deputy McEntee, who has done a great deal on DSGBV. The third national strategy was an important step forward. I know how closely stakeholders, front-line advocates and services worked with the Department of Justice and other Departments to try to achieve a clear pathway to the necessary reforms to address DSGBV.

The Joint Committee on Gender Equality, which I was proud to chair, examined the issue of gender-based violence. In particular, we examined the important recommendations of the Citizens' Assembly on Gender Equality. I pay tribute to the citizens who decided to include DSGBV within the remit of their deliberations and report. Their recommendations, and our action plan based on those recommendations, have to be actioned. Since we engaged with the Minister, Deputy McEntee, on the report, I know there is a commitment to doing so. That is important. We were considering the citizens' assembly's report in the aftermath of the horrific killing of Ashling Murphy in January 2022, which again shone a most awful light on the pervasiveness of sexual violence and, indeed, gendered violence in Ireland.

Despite the statistics that we are discussing, as disclosed by the CSO survey, the seriousness, frequency and pervasiveness of sexual and gender-based violence has been played down for far too long. It is almost never treated as the human rights abuse and human rights crisis that it is. It is the fault of our criminal justice system that incidents are often seen as isolated or that victims are even regarded as being complicit in some way. That has been a terrible undercurrent to many of our criminal justice procedures and rules for far too long. Some years ago, I had the opportunity to work with the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre on an EU-funded study of rape laws and trial procedures. We published that in 1998. At the time, we found there were hugely gendered assumptions and so-called rape myths that underlay much of the criminal law. For example, the rules around evidence specific to rape and sexual offence trials required corroboration of complainants' evidence and enabled defendants to bring in evidence of prior sexual experience, which is still the case.

While we have done a great deal and there has been important legislation - I should also mention the former Minister for Justice and Equality, Ms Frances Fitzgerald, MEP, who did much to reform our laws on domestic violence and sexual offences in 2017 - there is still far too much gendered violence. The statistics in this survey leave us wondering what we can do further to ensure that the next generation - our daughters' generation - will not be subjected to the same levels of sexual violence and everyday harassment experienced by me, my peers and generations of women before us.

It is especially important that we, as legislators, reflect on the specific gendered impact on women of sexual violence. The Ceann Comhairle has highlighted this as an issue among women public representatives. There has been a welcome disclosure about the levels of gendered abuse that women in public life endure. Misogyny is endemic in society; it cuts through all levels. As always, the least powerful are the most severely and adversely impacted, and women are in the least powerful positions, which is true across the world, not just in Ireland. We must address this issue and cannot just assume that it will not continue. The #MeToo movement has done a great deal to expose the reality of women's gendered experiences of harassment and violence. The common strand across the #MeToo movement and all the work being done by many important groups such as the NWCI and rape crisis centres is the imbalance of power between women and men in society - the patriarchal structures that enable violence, harassment and everyday intimidation to continue. That power imbalance must be redressed. We need to recognise the harm done by sexual violence and the way in which it not only contributes to the power balance, but is also caused by it.

We therefore need to adopt an approach that cuts across Departments and across society to ensure that educational measures are adopted and that, as early as the preschool stages, girls and boys are taught to be respectful of one another in order that we can build a society where women and men are truly equal. The understanding that underpinned the gender equality report and the deliberations of the Citizens' Assembly on Gender Equality was that sexual, domestic and gender-based violence cannot be seen or addressed in isolation from other aspects of gendered experience and gender discrimination in society.

I will wind up by acknowledging the positive changes that have been made and by underlining a few of the really important measures that need to be taken. I again pay tribute to those who have done so much to move forward our understanding of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. I refer to organisations like Women's Aid and the rape crisis centres. I particularly commend Noeline Blackwell, the outgoing head of the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre, for all her work. She is now stepping down but she has done a great deal through her own advocacy to highlight issues and the changes that need to be made.

I particularly note that the positive changes to our criminal trial processes and to our support systems were largely brought about because of the brave women and men who have spoken out about their experiences as victims and as survivors. We have seen really powerful advocates speaking from their own personal experience. Despite these positive changes, there are still key issues that need to be addressed. I will now highlight some of them. Under-reporting and case attrition are very significant problems and have been for as long as I can remember while working in the criminal justice service. We see these issues again in this survey. Less than half of adults, 47%, who experienced sexual violence in their lifetime told someone about it. The rate is lower again for reporting to the Garda. We still need to do a great deal to encourage higher levels of reporting and to ensure there is no attrition after the reporting stage, that is, that cases are not redesignated. A classic instance of this we have come across a great many times is where a woman reports a rape but this is then downgraded to another sexual offence in the statistics. This shows attrition even between the reporting and recording stages.

We know there are also great difficulties with regard to disclosures where violence is inflicted by an intimate partner, the so-called domestic violence context. That is a real problem. Again, through different legislation, particularly in 2017 and 2018, we have sought to ensure that intimate partner violence is recognised as particularly pernicious and that it is addressed. Some years ago, the Oireachtas justice committee did an in-depth study of the laws and procedures around domestic violence. One of the issues that really stood out to me from the testimony of the witnesses and survivors who spoke to us was the question of why they were the ones to need refuges. Clearly, we do need refuges. We need to see more investment in refuges. Progress has been far too slow. This is one area where there has been very valid of criticism of Government, which has been far too slow in rolling out refuge spaces. However, there is also the question of why it is the women and children who have to leave their homes when we see violence perpetrated. Why have we not turned our system around to ensure that perpetrators lose their homes where they are guilty of violence and human rights abuses within a family? Traditionally and for far too long, abuses within families have been seen as not worthy of the same level of response from a criminal justice perspective. That must change. I will finish by again saluting the bravery of those who participated in this study and those very many survivors who have told their stories and helped to change our society.

Patrick Costello (Dublin South Central, Green Party)
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The numbers outlined in this survey have been spoken about a lot so I will not necessarily start quoting the figures again. We are better served by focusing on the grim reality of the picture they paint. As a previous speaker said, these figures are shocking but not surprising. It is important to remember that behind each one of these numbers and statistics are survivors, victims and individuals who have been on the receiving end of sexual violence, domestic violence and, as Deputy Bacik has just said, an abuse of their human rights. We need to recognise that. I will also underline the fact that behind the victims are children. Behind the women are families and we need to remember them. I implore the Minister for Justice to remember that, while the divisional protective services within An Garda Síochána are doing an excellent job, they could be much improved by the secondment of duty social workers from Tusla into them. I recently said the exact same thing in a Topical Issue debate. I have said it to the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, and I will say it to Minister for Justice. Both agencies, An Garda Síochána and Tusla, can very easily improve their practice in the areas of families and domestic violence simply by working more closely together to ensure that victims do not fall through any safety nets that are there.

We need to talk about these safety nets and about some of the social structures and agency structures we have and ensure they are working effectively. Quite frankly, the numbers suggest they are not. Rape Crisis Network Ireland estimates that only 14% of sexual assault cases are reported to An Garda. After being reported, many of these cases may never make it to court. They may fall away or get reclassified. That system simply is not working. Why is it that people do not have the trust in the system to be able to report cases? What is their fear about our criminal justice system and how they are getting to be treated within it that blocks them from coming forward? We need to look at the role of the courts in this regard.

I look to two reports from the Joint Committee on Justice. In one, we look at the treatment of vulnerable witnesses in the criminal justice system while the other is our pre-legislative scrutiny report on the forthcoming criminal justice amendment Bill that will strengthen criminal definitions around rape. In both of these reports, we have made recommendations regarding the need to protect witnesses in order that people not only feel safe to report, but to follow that journey through. It is only if they are able and facilitated to follow the criminal justice journey to the end safely that we will see perpetrators punished and it is only if perpetrators are punished that we will see meaningful consequences that will begin to feed into prevention. We need to look at all of these things.

I will again point to things like the family courts. We have been promised developments on the Family Courts Bill 2022 but it seems to be making very slow progress. In Dublin, the special family courts building on Hammond Lane remains a rather large hole in the ground. I would not even call it a building site. It is nowhere near being a building site. There is a lot of work to be done to get it to the point of being a building site. It has been sitting there for a very long time. These are structural things that we need to develop and push on. Others are civil legal aid and the provision of more judges. We are seeing progress on these matters but it is not nearly quick enough. Again, we need to get this out there. We need to ensure that our criminal justice system is not a barrier to survivors coming forward or to perpetrators receiving consequences and that it therefore actively contributes to the prevention of sexual violence. As I have said, I do not believe we are quite there.

I will now turn to the role of education in the prevention of sexual violence. We have to start in our school system. I have heard other speakers talk about reforms to the social, personal and health education, SPHE, curriculum. I would really welcome such reforms. Conversations about consent at an earlier age and informing and developing minds are really important in this area. However, it cannot be the case that we do something in the classroom and then ignore issues in the corridor. Surveys in the past have shown frightening levels of sexual violence in schools and young girls being on the receiving end of sexual harassment and sexual violence in schools. That is not good enough. There is no point in improving our SPHE curriculum if we do not tell schools that they need to improve what is happening in the corridor. A lot of work is being done at third level with regard to sexual harassment and sexual violence policies. These can easily be replicated at second level. The Department has a role in leading the way on and demanding this. We demand anti-bullying policies and child protection statements of schools. We should demand that they actively address the sexual harassment and sexual violence happening in their corridors, to which there seems to be no response right now.

There has been a rise in smartphones, which produces new forms of sexual violence and new risks. While we teach one thing in SPHE, young people learn something entirely different from social media or the Internet. Part of it is about having the education to withstand the pressures and understand, as well as improving our SPHE along with that. It is not one or the other; it is both.

A figure in the survey was that 78% of those who experienced sexual violence knew their perpetrator. There are people right now trying to use the issue of sexual assault to target migrants and refugees in vulnerable communities. The CSO figures show that these false claims are just that, false. I reiterate that 78% of people knew the perpetrator personally. This is simply not a result of immigration. We must push back against those false narratives and dangerous lies. If somebody knows the perpetrator and they are known to them so well, why is there no justice? Why are there no consequences for their actions? This brings me back to where I began, when I spoke about the structural issues that block victims. If a person picks up the phone and calls 999 looking for help, will that call be answered? Will she get help? Our laws around domestic violence are not strong enough. There are many ways in which they can be improved. Beyond that, there are also many structural things that get in the way in the courts system. I hope that in a few years' time we will not be back here having a similar debate with similar numbers. I urge the Government and Ministers to address the structural barriers, which are under their control, and which stop victims getting the justice they need.

Ruairi Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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According to Women's Aid Dundalk, sexual abuse and sexual violence are often among the last things to be revealed by a woman coming to its service. This is because the bodily integrity of the woman has been violated and is only disclosed when the woman has gained trust in the service and gained confidence in how her other disclosures were dealt with. As the research shows, it is not only women who are victims and survivors but, unfortunately, the huge majority are. In this research, there is a relatively high level of reporting of sexual violence when it is perpetrated by a stranger but it is far lower when it is done by someone the woman knows. This is also because it is often perpetrated by a person who is supposed to love and care for the victim or survivor. It is good that the research has been done and publicised. It is welcome that the strategy of zero tolerance is being progressed but the report shows that a huge amount of work still needs to be done. Coercive control, including sexual and domestic violence, has a deeply corrosive and eroding effect on victims. By the time they reach out to seek help, they have suffered for a long time and often present to organisations like Women's Aid, asking if it was really abuse. They worry it is somewhat in their imagination when it is in fact very real.

Waiting lists for services looking after domestic violence and sexual violence victims in my locality like Women's Aid, Rape Crisis North East, Dundalk Counselling Centre and others are absolutely through the roof. They are finding it difficult to deal with the numbers coming to them. This is a particular issue for one-to-one and children's support services. There is a need for State services, whether they are local authorities, the Garda or social protection, to continue to progress their understanding of domestic and sexual violence and how victims present. We know there are still failings despite improvements; many spoke before about the huge issues when someone tries to get a service and how they are treated. We also spoke about refuges. Though far from the perfect solution, when there is a need for a service like that, it must exist. Currently, the reality for women leaving domestic and sexual violence situations is that the State services they reach out to are not flexible enough. Perhaps people have not been trained sufficiently to examine this situation. It is easy to say "instinctively understand" it, but we must ensure the people dealing with those at the end of their tether, having gone through what they have, provide a fit-for-purpose service to facilitate and help these people. These services were not set up to examine situations through the lens of domestic or sexual violence. We must ensure there is something which can respond to those with these very specific needs.

We often deal with a presumption that women can just leave. People often ask why they did not do it sooner. This question goes to the heart of our understanding around survivors and entirely ignores the more correct question of, why did he do that to her? Responsibility is often heaped on the victim in these situations without any regard to the abuser and the acts they committed. It ignores the fact that the survivor often has put up with years of coercive control, physical and sexual violence or financial abuse, is often isolated and the corrosive effect that has on human beings. For those who speak out, they often reveal their abuser as someone who is violent, abusive and threatening. In many cases, the abuser is a pillar of the community, someone who is outwardly a good, sound person, a hard worker and a great pal. Society and often the authorities do not recognise the person, often the man, the woman is describing, so it baulks from her description and turns away. The question is, who knows the abuser better than the person who has had to go home with him or her every night for many years?

Holly Cairns (Cork South West, Social Democrats)
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Fifty-two percent of women have experienced sexual violence in their lives, while this figure is 28% for men. Moreover, 21% of women and 5% of men reported experiencing non-consensual sexual intercourse. The vast majority, almost 80%, knew the perpetrator. The Central Statistics Office Sexual Violence Survey 2022 is a difficult but important report. It presents a grim overview of the sheer prevalence of sexual violence in Irish society. More than 4,500 people participated in the survey, which was administered using international standards. We can have confidence that this presents an accurate indicator of sexual violence in Ireland. Too often, statistics can be thrown around in political debates but behind each of these numbers is the bleak reality that so many people have suffered sexual assault and harassment. One in two women and almost one in three men have experienced sexual violence. Those are truly shocking figures that demand we reconsider the scale of this issue and how the State supports survivors and pursues perpetrators. We need to have a candid and honest conversation about rape, sexual assault and harassment in Ireland. The narrative of a few bad apples just does not stand up to any kind of scrutiny any more. This is a massive cultural and societal issue and needs to be understood and treated as such. It is about our justice system, health services and education but also about challenging behaviours and not tolerating the attitudes that facilitate and overlook sexual violence. We also have to face up to the fact that we keep having these discussions. Every International Women’s Day, we condemn sexual violence and look for more action.

This area overlaps with gender-based violence. In January last year, the murder of Ashling Murphy was supposed to be a watershed moment. There were vigils across the country and thousands of people called for change, for a radical new approach and for an end to cultures and systems that protect perpetrators.

We cannot keep having the same discussion when women are dying, when so many children are being abused and when 1 in 5 women are raped, in most cases by men they know. If we were told about a condition that affected almost 40% of the population, there would be a massive health campaign to address it. New staff would be recruited and there would be centres of excellence and public information campaigns. Sexual violence should be treated no differently. It is a public justice and health issue. This information has to inform a new, all-of-government response.

Crucially, any actions should be developed in conjunction with the incredible sexual violence support services across the country. From the Sexual Violence Centre in Cork to the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre, these organisations help thousands of people annually. They can offer invaluable insights and direction for a Government response. Significantly, they have already provided the Minister of State and the Government with advice on what needs to be done. Every year these organisations release recommendations, briefing papers, research reports and pre-budget submissions. These can and should be used to shape Government policy and resource allocation. I examined a selection of these many documents and there are common threads among all of them which I want to highlight today.

First, there is the need to ensure that our public services have the staff and capacity to respond to sexual violence. Survivors and victims of sexual violence can present at any number of services from GP offices and accident and emergency departments to Garda stations and housing offices. Staff in these areas need to have sufficient training to react appropriately to immediate disclosures, and then to be able to refer the individuals to specialist services, if required. For example, the six sexual assault treatment units and their outreach services do incredible work in treating and helping victims who are in a highly vulnerable state. There was a rise of almost 25% in the number of people using these services last year. A greater geographical spread would help address this serious social and criminal issue. There is a clear need for these centres, and the trend shows that a roll-out of these services will help more people.

The CSO survey also highlights the need for long-term impacts. One in five adults has experienced unwanted contact sexual violence as a child. Research shows that childhood sexual abuse can have significant negative psychological outcomes, such as post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety and depression. Simultaneously, our mental health services are threadbare. Waiting lists are unacceptably long. Figures from January show that the child and adolescent mental health services, CAMHS, team for the south Lee area, which includes Bandon and Kinsale, had a waiting list of 349 children and young people, with 149 waiting over a year. The recent report from the Ombudsman for Children highlights major problems in the mental health services for children and teenagers. It provides a damning assessment of how CAMHS is operating. We need to have a public mental health system that can support and help children, young people and adults experiencing sexual violence.

Second, rape crisis centres, domestic violence support organisations and others desperately need improved investment. We all know the invaluable work they do annually on shoestring budgets. They do as much as possible, often with paid staff and volunteers going above and beyond every week, and this is thanks to donations from the wider community. The West Cork Women Against Violence Project provides so many different services for people in west Cork, including a crisis helpline, a drop-in service, court accompaniments and a safe house. In 2021, its contacts rose by over 30% to 3,369 and it noted that the complexity of circumstances it encountered had given rise to extensive levels of support work. This is just one organisation in one part of the country that has relied heavily on donations and philanthropists. The difference this organisation makes is genuinely lifesaving and life changing.

The Government needs to ensure these organisations are properly funded. The Dublin Rape Crisis Centre, in its recent pre-budget submission, pointed out that rape crisis centre health services are underfunded, with a failure to reverse austerity cuts. While other public services gradually have had their staff pay and conditions restored, Tusla-funded services have not. This restricts their capacity to provide vital services. Rape Crisis Network Ireland has highlighted that there are hundreds of survivors on waiting lists for counselling. In July 2021, this number stood at 967 survivors, with 556 waiting more than a year. Moreover, insufficient funding of these organisations means there are pay disparities between healthcare professionals, such as expert therapists, in the HSE and other organisations. The Minister of State is more than aware of the larger issues created by the underfunding of section 39 organisations, Tusla-funded section 56 organisations and for section 10 homeless services. This is causing recruitment and retention issues in sexual violence organisations. The CSO survey has revealed the scale of the issue. Support organisations are central to any response, and they must be funded properly.

Third, there is the need for a cultural shift. This is another point that has been raised again and again. These statistics are not possible without cultural and social systems that permit them and that protect perpetrators. In almost 80% of cases the perpetrator is known to the victim. No one likes to confront these realities, but these heinous crimes are being carried out by partners or former partners, family friends, colleagues and relations. The report on sexual assault and bullying in the Defence Forces shows how this culture is institutionally facilitated, while the very public shows of support for convicted rapists reveal the ugly and disturbing side of social networks.

I have repeatedly urged the Government to accelerate the implementation of curriculum reforms around sexual and relationship education. Teachers and schools need to be properly assisted to implement these programmes and any external bodies teaching this subject must be committed to factual, evidence-based approaches. Already, some groups are scrambling for exemptions from this vital education. In the face of what we know about sexual violence, I cannot think of any good reason to deny a child or young person access appropriate knowledge. Education does not just stop in school. The West Cork Women Against Violence Project, for example, runs awareness and training programmes. This is the type of model that should be rolled out through community organisations all over the country to help everyone learn about this serious issue.

The CSO sexual violence survey needs to lead to real understanding and actions to address this endemic issue. I accept that strategies and programmes are in place and that the survey has come about as a result of a request from the Department of Justice and the Government. It is very clear, however, that more needs to be done. We need more public services to be able adequately to support victims and survivors, the NGOs doing vital work on behalf of the State need to be resourced fully and we must do everything possible to bring about a serious, national conversation and a cultural shift around sexual violence. We all know the scale of the issue; the Government has a responsibility and obligation to respond by investing in public services and we all have a duty to contribute to this long overdue cultural change.

Emer Higgins (Dublin Mid West, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak about the CSO's first survey on sexual violence. At the outset, it is important to welcome that we are starting to collect this data. I say this because we know that sexual violence is a widespread issue, but without the data, it is hard to measure the full scale of the issue and how the prevalence of sexual violence is changing in Ireland. This is why I welcome that this is the first of six future reports. These reports will be game-changing in helping us to address this problem.

I wish I could say I was shocked by the findings of the survey, but, unfortunately, I am not. The findings are very much a confirmation of the stories, reports and experiences of sexual violence that we hear about far too often. The report does provide much important detail on and insight into a serious and sensitive societal issue. It is particularly important that we acknowledge that behind the data are individual stories. Each story speaks to the lived experience of those who have experience of sexual violence. I found the definition of the word "violence" very interesting in this report. This is because, as the report suggests, violence is often associated with the use of force. In this report, however, it is recognised that violence can be also defined as something "having a marked or powerful effect on someone". This is very important.

While physical violence, sexual assault and rape all fall under this report, we are also recognising that sexual violence can be psychological, coercive and less obvious. That is a really welcome inclusion because all experiences of sexual violence leave a lasting impact on victims, whether they are non-contact or involve physical violence.

In terms of the actual findings of the report, four out of ten adults have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. That is a huge figure. This varies by age and gender. Some 28% of men have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. That is a cohort we do not often focus on, but clearly it is an issue that impacts men and over a quarter reported experiences of sexual violence. We know men are also far less likely to report sexual violence or talk about it. I commend the men who felt able to speak up about their experiences in this report.

About half of all adults, 47%, who experienced sexual violence in their lifetime told someone about it. Women were more likely to have told someone, at 53% compared to men at 34%. Disclosures were far less likely if the experience was with a partner rather than someone else. It is quite shocking that we have a situation whereby well over half of the population, 52% of adults, who have experienced sexual violence never told a soul about it. That has lot to do with shame. There can be a lot of shame around sexual violence for victims and is important that we say here, on the record on the Dáil, for anyone of any gender, age or sexuality who has been a victim of sexual violence that the shame is not theirs to carry. The more we speak about reports like this, the more we take away some of that shame and the more people can move on with their lives towards healing.

When it comes to the female experience, we see that over half, 52%, of women have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. The experience of young women is particularly harrowing. Some 65% of women aged between 16 and 24 have experienced sexual violence. Think about that. The majority of young women sitting in any senior cycle classroom or lecture hall around this country have experienced sexual violence.

We often hear about a culture change when it comes to sexual and gender-based violence, and a statistic in this report which highlights the cultural change is the fact that 78% of adults who experienced sexual violence knew the perpetrator. There is very little difference between genders. 79% of women and 75% of men knew the perpetrator. The vast majority of the time, the perpetrators of these heinous crimes are not masked strangers down dark alleyways preying on vulnerable people. The vast majority of the time they are friends, family, partners or former partners - they are trusted people. With such a huge prevalence of sexual violence, this is becoming part of our culture.

I have spoken in the House on a number of occasions on sexual and gender-based violence. It is my strong view that sexual violence find its roots in the acceptance of actions and comments that normalise it, in particular when it comes to violence against women. The comments and actions that objectify and disrespect women and girls every single day have a role to play. We see it everywhere. We see it in our WhatsApp groups, locker rooms, media and politics. Of course, it is not just women. The prevalence of sexual violence in the report goes across both the genders and tells us all we need to know about the widespread culture of sexual violence.

We need action to change that culture. We need action in our homes, classrooms, workplaces and social media groups and among our friends and family. That means calling out the misogyny, micro-aggressions and inflammatory language that normalises sexual violence. We need action on top of action because our law makers and enforcers, those of us in the Chamber, need to work together to achieve the zero tolerance policy in the approach we strive for. When we have that, the cultural impact, coupled with political action, we will see real change.

I was struck by the fact that approximately 500 respondents to the CSO survey indicated they had not disclosed any of their sexual violence experiences to anyone. These respondents felt comfortable enough to share their experiences with the CSO. That shows huge bravery on the part of the respondents and speaks volumes about the approach of the CSO. I would like to commend it and all of those who took part in this important piece of work, which has given us critical information that we all need to work together to build on.

Réada Cronin (Kildare North, Sinn Fein)
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As a member of the Committee on Gender Equality, which was established to go to through the recommendations of the Citizens' Assembly on Gender Equality, I am glad to have a chance to speak on this report. The statistics speak for themselves. Today, I want to speak in a way that is more reflective than reactive because although this is the first report from the CSO, how many other reports have we seen before the House?

I want to mention past generations who were the victims of sexual, gender-based or domestic violence and were silent or silenced. Instead of being protected, they were accused. Instead of being seen, they gave birth in fields, grottos or sheds. Instead of being minded by the community, they were shunned or bundled off to the local institution for fallen women. These women were not fallen; they were felled by hypocrisy, injustice, fear of the church and a pious State looking for a pat on the head from the same church for being good little Catholic politicians. Above all, they were felled by the patriarchy.

I think of all the women and children who contacted me about the mother and baby institutions. I think of the tears on the phone and having to have a box of tissues in my constituency office. There were tears of sorrow, but also of rage and disbelief at what happened to them, how they survived it and how they were and continue to be treated. The Bill is going through the Seanad.

According to the Rape Crisis Centre, 80% of people subjected to sexual violence did not report it to the Garda. That is why, when we talk about sexual violence, we should be mindful of what we say because none of us knows what another person is carrying. The 80% of the unseen survivors are all too real, like the trauma and pain they carry.

Part of my new brief as Sinn Féin spokesperson on defence is to work with the Women of Honour, and I am honoured to be able to do that. These women wore the uniform of the State and were proud and diligent members of the Defence Forces. They carried out their duty at home and overseas. When reading the report on the IRG into their experiences I had to stop many times. The language did not spare the reader, just like how the actions did not spare the members. There were criminal behaviours, abuse of rank and power, and a culture of misogyny. It did not come as a shock to any woman to hear that, at best, the Different Forces barely tolerated women. At worst, there was verbal, physical, psychological and sexual abuse of the women in its ranks. This did not happen 50 years ago; colloquially it was just the other day. There is work to be done for these women and Sinn Féin will do it. We know from reports from the National Women's Council and the Department of Justice that there is a serious problem with victims of DSGBV being attended to properly and professionally.

I am concerned about the type and quality of training being given to gardaí and others who have to deal with victims of sexual violence professionally on behalf of the State. In the case of the Garda, this training must be monitored by the Policing Authority and by means of other suitable mechanisms. Quality must be guaranteed. It cannot be hit and miss. It cannot be a case of with any luck, someone will get the right person and without luck it is a case of "Sorry about that".

Just as equality is required, so too is action. We need immediate action on safe accommodation. We have wonderful refuge accommodation in Teach Tearmainn in Kildare, but there are not enough apartments. I would like to thank the amazing people who run it and those who depend on them. Fifteen long months after Tusla published its accommodation review, there has been very little Government action on provision or strategy. So far, nine counties have no safe accommodation and that is not good enough. We have a refuge in south Kildare, but the county has a large enough population that it could do with two refuges. I will speak about that again.

Despite our obligations under the Istanbul Convention and State-wide obligations for the third national strategy on DSGBV, the Government has committed less than €2 million to the necessary initiatives. It is not good enough.

Less than €2 million is a pittance. I appreciate what is being done and I appreciate the report. It is good to have the statistics. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, the Minister of State, Deputy Butler, and everyone else in charge of this have their hearts in the right place. Nonetheless, swift and proper action must quickly follow.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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People Before Profit welcomes the publication of this survey. The SAVI report was completed 21 years ago, in 2002, but unfortunately successive governments have been very slow to provide the funding and resources necessary for the desperately needed recommendations in that report. Despite the claims or perceptions that we have progressed in this society or somehow become more liberal or progressive, there remains a deep-seated and deep-rooted crisis in sexual and gender-based violence, mainly against women, children and the most vulnerable in our society. No real progress has been made on eliminating that violence and sexual abuse. This survey confirms that. Today, the CSO finds that 52% of women have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. The SAVI report found 21 years ago that 42% of women reported experiencing sexual abuse or assault in their lifetime. The SAVI study on abuse and attacks by strangers in 2002 showed that strangers were in the minority of the perpetrators, that more than 80% of children were abused by those known to them, which is quite shocking, and that almost one quarter of perpetrators of sexual violence against women as adults were intimate partners or ex-partners.

I pick these statistics out to highlight that sexual and gender-based violence remains endemic in this society; that its prevalence is very deep-seated; and that it remains the case that threats and dangers to women, children and other vulnerable people come overwhelmingly from those known to them - family, partners, ex-partners and others. For those victims, the chief issue is what supports are available to get them out of that situation and what concrete supports the State has in place. A physical, safe place may be needed, such as an alternative home that can be accessed to give them safety. They must receive the supports they need. Indeed, it may be possible for them to remain in their own home, with the perpetrator being removed.

We have been promised a doubling of refuge spaces within the timeframe of the current Government plan. It is worth noting that even if this promise were delivered, it would not meet the Istanbul Convention targets for refuge spaces. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, told the Dáil last year that the strategy would aim to meet only the minimum standard obligation for shelter spaces. That is a sad level of ambition by the Government, when Ireland clearly needs an additional 500 spaces. Last year, Women's Aid said it had to inform two out of three of its callers to the national helpline that there was no space available and it could not do anything for them. Saoirse Domestic Violence Services found that in 2020, it was unable to provide refuge accommodation in response to a staggering 78% of requests it received. We have to be clear: the ambition and targets of the Government on refuge and shelter spaces and the wraparound supports are inadequate and represent only the minimum obligations on the State.

We have an ongoing campaign by far-right and anti-trans activists of intimidation of library staff throughout this country, based on lies, misinformation and near hysteria on the part of those who pretend to be concerned about the safety of children and women. We should all be concerned about the safety of children and women and the level of threat of sexual violence and intimidation. Unlike the myths spread by those harassing librarians, the survey shows us two very interesting things. The threat to women and children is not from strangers, from migrants or from transgender ideology. The real threat is, literally, much closer to home. The one thing with which we could equip children and young people to fight against this threat is genuine, non-ethos-based sex education and consent training. The same bigots that tour our libraries want to keep children and young people in the dark and in ignorance. Those claiming to be concerned with protecting children and young people are facilitating the continued abuse of children by pushing against age-appropriate sex education. We in this House and more so in the Government have to push back very strongly.

In light of recent events - I refer to the targeting of asylum seekers and migrants - it is worth on reflecting on this contradiction or exposure in the survey. Again and again, we hear of concerns by local residents about migrants being housed in their area. Far-right activists and fascists are spreading their ideology, which is couched in concern for the safety of women and children, to create a myth and hysteria that women must be protected from foreign men or men of colour. I will repeat the facts for those out there who are listening: the overwhelming threat to women is not from strangers, the mythical monster or migrants; it is from those they know. This threat is deep-seated and deep-rooted in a sexist and misogynistic society.

Although this may not be entirely appropriate, I feel the need to express to that young man in Navan, who apparently was beaten up because of his sexuality, that he is not alone. He has our solidarity and we will never allow bigots, homophobes and far-right thugs and their hateful bile and anger to win, especially over young people such as that young person in Navan.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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More than half of women in Irish society experience sexual violence in the course of their lifetime. That is a shocking statistic which speaks to an epidemic of sexual violence in Irish society. Education is a key tool in combating the misogyny and toxic masculinity which gives rise to so much of this violence. A recent poll in Australia found that 28% of teenage boys there look up to the viral misogynist Andrew Tate. There are no comparative figures for Ireland, but I think it would surprise few if the numbers here were broadly similar. To get a taste of Tate's ugly messaging, consider the following: "You can’t be responsible for something that doesn’t listen to you. You can’t be responsible for a dog if it doesn’t obey you ... or a woman that doesn’t obey you". This man is under house arrest in Romania for sexual assault and human trafficking, but he has nearly 7 million followers on Twitter. In fact, it is reckoned that Elon Musk's company could make £10 million per year from advertising through traffic generated by Tate. It would seem that misogyny is big business for some.

This ideology needs to be countered effectively by relationship and sexuality education in our schools. Sex education in our schools needs to be fully inclusive of LGBTQ+ students. When I say fully inclusive, I mean not just the LGBQ+, but the "T" as well. The Catholic Primary School Management Association wants to counter education about trans people in our primary schools. One may ask what this has to do with sexual violence, but the connection is clear; if one devalues the identity of some human beings, one is creating a situation where some people are less-than. When people are less-than, it is easier to discriminate against them, treat them unfairly and enact violence against them.

The State must not make concessions to those who want the education system to devalue the existence of trans people, including trans children. It is not acceptable that the final curriculum specification changed the draft specification, which had referred to gender ID being experienced along a spectrum.

That is a concession that was made by the State, and it was wrong. This concession and any other concessions to the anti-trans lobby will be vigorously opposed from the People Before Profit-Solidarity benches and, I suspect, by many people in society, especially among the young.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I could use the words "I welcome the opportunity", but "welcome" is not the word when we are talking about this topic. I wish we could monitor the implementation of the third strategy on a regular basis, and have an implementation discussion as opposed to statements. I have made statements continuously since 2016. Repeatedly, I acknowledge that progress has been made. I acknowledge theoretically that the third national strategy was finally published, but, as always, I look back.

I have before me - it is worth looking at it - the detail of the finance in this regard. This tends to appeal to the male mind more than the female mind. According to Safe Ireland in conjunction with the University of Galway, the national estimated cost of domestic violence in a 20.5-year period is €56 billion. I find it hard to credit it. Details of the costs associated with hospitalisation and loss of productivity, etc., are set out clearly over and again over a 20.5-year period. I often make the point that even on an economic level - in the context of what we are discussing and the horrific figures, it is not really funny - this is how much it costs, at a conservative estimate.

We are looking at the results of the first ever CSO survey on sexual violence, as published on 19 April. I understand it is part of a series of publications between April and July of this year, and then over the next five years. It is the largest examination of the issue of sexual violence in the State with over 4,500 participants between May and December of last year. I welcome the updated figures but, as usual, I want to put this in perspective.

We usually get sense at the age of 21. In the past, it was when we got to vote. I think that any government has to look at what are we being told, 21 years later. It is 21 years since the SAVI report on sexual abuse and violence in Ireland, which was published in January 2002. When I was re-reading it, I realised that it was a play on the word "savvy", in relation to being savvy about the statistics and the extent of the violence. I had forgotten that. In the 21 years since 2002, 181 women have died violently in Ireland. The recent survey from the CSO shows that very little has improved in terms of sexual violence prevalence since the SAVI report, which means that efforts at reducing sexual violence have not been effective.

It is truly shocking that 21 years elapsed before any research was done. My colleagues and I have stood up on this side of the House repeatedly to beg for the SAVI report to be updated. In fact, I will quote one of the original authors, Professor Hannah McGee, in relation to it. The seventh of the report's eight recommendations was that there would be ongoing research. Of course, it never happened. When Professor McGee looked at the figures in relation to the CSO, she acknowledged there were caveats in comparing the two sets of statistics. However, there is a huge communality in relation to the prevalence of violence and sexual abuse in our country. It should be said that it is mostly carried out by people who are known to the victims. That is very important, given the wider discussion or absence of discussion that is going on outside the Dáil in relation to fear of strangers. Professor McGee, who was one of the original authors 21 years ago, has said:

The 2022 figures are shocking. Half of adult women and more than a quarter of adult men reported some lifetime exposure to sexual violence. Yet almost half of women (47per cent) and nearly three-quarters ... of men, did not disclose these experiences to anyone ...

Because I am conscious of time, I will not go into it. It is here on the record and we are all aware of it. Going back to SAVI, Professor McGee has said:

Having collected the voices and stories [at the time it was ground-breaking research] of 3,120 women and men sharing their experiences [back then], I cannot notlook back at what those statistics tell now, whatever the statistical caveats. They tell me that not much, if anything, has changed for the better in 21 years. Sexual violence is an iceberg – huge and hidden. And we need a serious national dialogue to figure out how to change it ...

That is what Professor Hannah McGee, deputy vice-chancellor for academic affairs at the RCSI university of medicine, is telling us.

The year my second son was born, the Report of the Task Force on Violence Against Women was published. The foreword was by the then Minister of State at the Office of the Tánaiste, Eithne Fitzgerald. Does the Minister of State, Deputy Butler, remember Eithne Fitzgerald? Ms Fitzgerald set out, "The Task Force’s aim is to ensure women experiencing violence ... have real options," and she talks about programmes for men and perpetrators. That was in 1997. They set out recommendations. Nothing happened. The report talks about the injustice of the perpetrator staying in the house and victim having to leave the house. Nothing much has changed in relation to that.

We still have not got the promised report on homicides. There is no report on that. We still have no report on the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017. No report is available. It is the same person doing both, which in my opinion is madness, and we are still waiting. Such is the lack of value we place on women's affairs. Ms Sinéad Gibney, chief commissioner of the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission, IHREC, stated in January this year that "Violence against women has reached crisis levels in Ireland."

My time is finishing. I am not here to lambast. I am here to highlight that violence is endemic and we as a society have failed to deal with it on any level, notwithstanding the wonderful strategies and the wonderful promises. This is merely the tip of the iceberg in relation to the reports to date. We are committing to doubling the number of refuges. That is after sustained pressure, where nine counties have none. Also, we are still not complying with our obligations under the Istanbul Convention.

Marian Harkin (Sligo-Leitrim, Independent)
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I could not believe what was in front of me when I was reading this report. When you look at the statistics, you see the reason that 2022 was the deadliest year of the decade for women in Ireland with 12 deaths in the State, two in the North and one Irish woman in the UK. That means 15 women died violently last year. Five children also died in siblicide and domestic homicide. That reveals for us the manifold elements of domestic abuse. The Garda informs us that 52% of murders had a domestic violence motivation. As I said, these figures are truly shocking. When we see the figures from the CSO, we see to a large extent what is underpinning those crime statistics.

Some 52% of women and 28% of men reported experience of sexual violence in their lifetime. When I looked at that, I was horrified, as I know the Minister of State, Deputy Butler, is, because that says a great deal about our society. It is not enough anymore to talk about awareness. We need to move way beyond that. Also, the low levels of disclosure were fairly frightening as well.

Safe Ireland speaks about this. I will quote what it says because it says it better than I could:

Safe Ireland stresses the importance of developing measures which bring about significant cultural transformation in the attitudes and behaviours underpinning violence; and that promote a culture that positively promotes an esteem for women in all aspects of private and public life.

It continues:

There is a need to shift from conventional public awareness campaigns towards a more meaningful measure that address the root causes of violence against women and brings about radical transformation in attitudes, beliefs and behaviours. Responsibility must extend beyond role of the State to also include the judiciary, the private sector and the media, as well as geographic and interest-based communities.

It is telling the truth.

It is saying that this is the approach we need to take if we are to do anything about those figures.

Before I sit down, I have a piece of good news. I spoke to the Domestic Violence Advocacy Service, DVAS, in Sligo today and it informed me that in the past few days a motion was passed by Sligo County Council that would be the first step in the development of a refuge for Sligo. There is a still a long way to go and a lot of steps on the road. We are hoping that Leitrim County Council will also approve such a message in the near future. While a refuge is only one small piece of the jigsaw, it is something we have been asking for for a long time and it seems we have started with it.

Brian Leddin (Limerick City, Green Party)
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Last month, the CSO published a groundbreaking report marking a significant milestone in addressing sexual violence in Ireland. This report, which is the first of six, sheds a light on the pressing issue of sexual violence in our communities and is the result of the first CSO survey that documents the frequency of sexual violence in Ireland. The survey findings reveal a truly alarming prevalence rate of sexual violence, at 40% for all adults, 52% for women and 28% for men.

Behind those figures are personal stories affecting individuals and families, which numbers and statistical significance cannot fully portray. While we must be mindful of the trauma that such experiences cause, we must also collectively address the issues. It is the intention that the CSO will gather data every ten years, which will allow us to monitor progress and drive change effectively. By focusing on respondents' experiences of a broad spectrum of sexual violence and harassment, the survey serves as an important tool for understanding the scope and impact of these issues and marks an important step towards raising awareness, developing support services and informing policy development.

On the subject of sexual violence, we are all aware of the risks to women – it is primarily women - working in the sex trade. Just a few weeks ago, in my home city of Limerick, Geila Ibram was murdered. She had not been long in the country when she was brutally killed, leaving her children without a mother. It might be uncomfortable for our society that the sex trade exists with all the problems it brings, such as trafficking of women, health impacts and violence. Our instinct is to try and regulate the trade and in doing so minimise the problems associated with it. Our law seeks to do that.

In 2017, Ireland introduced the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act. The key provisions of this law include criminalising the purchase of sexual services and related activities such as solicitation and advertising while decriminalising the selling of sexual services. The law also includes provisions for support services for those involved in sex work, such as access to social, health and educational services. Ostensibly, this law aims to protect those involved in sex work by shifting the criminal burden from sellers to buyers, and by providing support services to help individuals exit sex work and access healthcare. Supporters of the law argue that it addresses the exploitative nature of sex work and reduces demand for sexual services and human trafficking. However, there are also concerns that the law itself has put sex workers at increased risk of violence, stigma and discrimination by driving the sex trade further underground, that it may hinder sex workers' ability to work safely and negotiate their terms of service, and that it may lead to decreased access to healthcare and support services.

A review of the law was due to be delivered three years following its enactment, in 2020. We are now a further three years beyond that deadline. I do not claim to know enough to say whether the law is the right one but I do believe we have a responsibility to Geila Ibram and others in the sex trade who have been the victims of violence and to those who are telling us that the law is part of the problem. Peer-reviewed research shows that there has been an increase in violence against people involved in the sex trade in this country since the legislation was brought in in 2017. This research does not say there is necessarily a causation; it may simply be a correlation. However, the increase in violence has happened coincident with the legislation being enacted by these Houses six years ago. If we want to reduce violence in the sex trade, we have to be open to reviewing the legislation that is in place. When we hear from those involved in the sex trade that the legislation is leading to increased violence, we should listen carefully. We should put aside any misgivings we might have about the particular trade, do the right thing and seek to legislate so that those involved in the sex trade are protected as much as possible. That review is well overdue and I ask that the Minister of State discuss this with her colleagues. I understand some movement is being made on it, which I welcome, but it is long overdue.

Jim O'Callaghan (Dublin Bay South, Fianna Fail)
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As everyone in this House knows, being a Member of the Oireachtas is a great privilege but with that privilege comes a great responsibility. The reason it is a privilege and there is such a responsibility is we are the people who make laws for everyone in this country. Coming with that, there is a requirement on us to be aware, when we enact laws and debate, that what we are doing is correct. We need information to do that. If we want to combat any particular type of criminal activity, it is essential that we have up-to-date information in respect of that activity. If we were to introduce legislation in respect of financial crimes or fraud, we would need the information as to how those crimes were being perpetrated in society. Similarly, if we are serious about trying to combat the incidence of sexual violence in our society, it is essential that we have up-to-date, timely and accurate information in respect of the incidence of those crimes in our society. That is why it is so important that we have this report from the CSO.

It has probably been more than 20 years since a previous survey was done on the incidence of sexual offences in Ireland. That was done through the sexual abuse and violence in Ireland, SAVI, report from the early part of this century. Having a report from the CSO is of even greater benefit than the SAVI report because it comes with the absolute professionalism and independence of the office. We now know from the information before us about the incidence and, I regret to say, the prevalence of sexual violence in our society. We also know it is accurate because this report was conducted by the office over seven months, from May to December 2022, on 4,500 respondents. As politicians, we all know the accuracy of that type of polling. More important, we also know that these people were contacted by the CSO - they could not opt in themselves - and they filled out the survey privately. What we have here, I regret to say, is extremely accurate information in respect of the incidence of sexual violence in our society.

As others speakers have indicated, this report reveals a very troubling set of data. What is most troubling from my point of view is that 21% of women in Ireland reported experiencing non-consensual sexual intercourse over their lifetime. That is an astonishing statistic. Looking back at the SAVI report, a similar statistic was produced 20 years ago. The percentage of men who experienced non-consensual sexual intercourse over their lifetime was 5%. There can be no doubt anymore about the incidence and, I regret to say, the prevalence of sexual crime in our society. As policymakers, I think we were aware of that and in the legislation we have introduced over the past five to ten years, we have recognised the rising incidence of sexual violence in Ireland.

The legislation we have introduced has been very useful and beneficial but, as other speakers said, it is not simply a matter of trying to change the law. Other organs of the State need to play their part as well and I think they are doing so. There are greater prosecutions in respect of sexual offences in the courts. It is apparent from speaking to practitioners that juries are now more likely to be less sympathetic to persons accused of sexual offences. Previously, going through the criminal process was a very difficult experience for victims of sexual offences. I know it is still a difficult experience but I think the Courts Service, the DPP and, in particular, An Garda Síochána are making the process more welcoming and more acceptable for people who are victims of sexual offences.

When we look at the incidence of sexual violence and the role that can be played by this House of the Oireachtas and the courts, we recognise that this is really a societal problem. We will never be able to resolve it unless we recognise that we need a societal response to it. What comes with that is recognition that we and everyone in society have a responsibility to emphasise the essential nature of consent when it comes to any sexual encounter between people. We talk about consent being important but we all have a responsibility as politicians, citizens and parents to inform people, particularly people who are developing and growing up, as they get to their teenage years, about the absolute imperative that if they are going to engage in a sexual encounter with another person, they have to be absolutely satisfied that that sexual encounter is consensual and that the other party is comfortable engaging in that sexual activity.

Many sexual encounters in Ireland, of course, take place with the involvement of alcohol. Let us be honest about this. That clearly seems to be the case. It is important that we emphasise to younger people that because they have taken alcohol, they need to be much more careful than would otherwise be the case. Alcohol has an impact and reduces people's sensibilities and awareness. Young boys who are taking drink, in particular, and any partners who are taking drink too, have to be more careful than ever when it comes to sexual engagements when alcohol has been taken that there is full consent.

This report will be enormously impactful and of huge assistance to policymakers in years to come. The CSO is going to set out a series of other reports over the next months based on the surveys that they conducted between May and December 2022. I hope this will become a regular survey that will take place every five or seven years. It is essential that we are aware of it. We have a fairly stark indication of where sexual violence is in this country at present. Let us hope that when the next CSO report comes out, we will see a decline in it. Let us hope people will feel more comfortable about coming forward and reporting sexual crimes that have been perpetrated against them. One of the most astonishing statistics contained in the report, hidden near the end of it, which is not one of the top findings, is that in the case of 500 of the 4,500 people who were randomly selected, the first time they ever reported the sexual violence to which they had been subjected was when they filled out this survey. It is astonishing that there were people who had never told anyone about a sexual assault that had been perpetrated against them other than the CSO.

This is a problem in society that has probably been hidden for many years. We have not spoken sufficiently about it. In the past 20 years or so, we have begun to speak about it more openly. We need the information and unless we have information about its incidence and prevalence, we as policymakers will not be able to respond. I want to conclude by commending the Minister of State on the work she is doing in respect of this issue. It is essential for young Irish people to know that they can enjoy their sexual engagement and at the centre of that, they must be absolutely, 100% satisfied that when they engage in sexual activity with other people, that activity is done on an absolutely consensual basis.

Thomas Gould (Cork North Central, Sinn Fein)
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Today marks the International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia. I know that sexual violence can be, and still is, used as a form of oppression against marginalised groups in our society. Today, I want to send a clear message of solidarity to members of the LGBTQI community, my friends, my family and to everyone who has ever experienced discrimination based on their sexuality or gender identity. It is disappointing that this survey did not ask people whether they identified as a member of a marginalised group. We lack information on the experiences of gay and transgender people in this State. This would have given us evidence to support the stories that we hear on the ground. However, this survey does find that, shockingly, 52% of women reported experiencing some form of sexual violence in their lifetime. That is one out of every two women. Some 28% of men have also experienced sexual violence in their lifetime.

We have a serious problem across society with attitudes and behaviours and with the way we approach consent and autonomy. This survey makes that clear. We need to recognise that this problem affects women much more. Men often stand here in the positions of power and condemn violence against women. They often attempt to create empathy for these women. They call them our friends, mothers, wives and daughters. They are all of those things but women are more than just their relationships to men. Women are our leaders, icons, inspirations and comrades. Women are more than what they just mean to men. Women are their own people. No person deserves to feel scared walking down the street. No person should be afraid to break up with their partner.

When the results were released, the head of Cork Sexual Violence Centre, Mary Crilly, said, "I just hope the whole country is shocked by it". I echo that statement. This needs to be a wake-up call. The team in the sexual violence centre does Trojan work. They are there for people who need them regularly. They helped to rebuild countless lives throughout Cork since the centre's establishment 40 years ago. I want to mark those 40 years here today and send my best wishes to the team, who contribute to Cork through campaigning, through advocacy and support and, most of all, through empathy. It cannot be undermined. I also want to make it clear that this problem will not just go away of its own accord or because this survey has been released. This issue is ruining lives and destroying childhoods. Children, who are often the most vulnerable in our homes, are the victims too when there is violence in the home. This is an issue that so often stems from deep-rooted misogyny and the ability of too many people to turn a blind eye when they see abuse.

Failing victims and survivors is happening at every level. Coercive control is destroying people's housing situations, employment opportunities and futures. There is, unfortunately, a lady in my constituency who I am trying to support and whose case I have raised in the Dáil before. For the past two years, she has been waiting to move house. She managed to see her ex-partner prosecuted for some of the vile abuse she was subjected to, yet he knows where she lives and has undertaken a campaign of intimidation and harassment. This is a very vulnerable person with four children who, two years later, still lives in the same location after everything she has been through.

We need to change attitudes across the board, in the courts and among the Garda, local authorities, HSE, Tusla and schools. Many brave people in the system stand up for victims and survivors. They must be commended on their work. Bravery and courage in this situation takes many forms. Bravery is planning and preparing. Bravery is leaving and walking away. It is standing up and saying this is not right. Bravery is inspiring others to do the same, to build a new life.

There is much more I would like to say but in conclusion, what we need to see is more shelters, more supports and more aid for those suffering. This is a basic human right and the Government is failing to deliver for those vulnerable people. I ask the Minister of State to do everything she can to deliver for them.