Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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1. To ask the Taoiseach if the Dublin-Monaghan bombings were mentioned when he was last speaking with or when he met Prime Minister May. [39810/16]

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I discussed the Dublin-Monaghan bombings and other legacy cases with Prime Minister May when I met her in July and highlighted to her the importance of dealing with legacy issues and hoped there could be progress on the overall arrangements for dealing with the past.

This House unanimously adopted a third all-party motion on the Dublin-Monaghan bombings on 25 May, following the 42nd anniversary on 17 May. In our engagement with the British Government, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and I continue to raise and seek substantive progress on the Dáil motions and urge the British Government to allow access by an independent international judicial figure to all original documents in their possession relating to the these bombings.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, has raised the matter in his meetings with Secretary of State, James Brokenshire, on a number of occasions, outlining the importance of this issue for the Dáil and the Government and the expectation of a response. The Minister will continue to raise the Dublin-Monaghan bombings with the British Government and he has instructed his officials to remain in close contact with their British counterparts on the issue also.

The Government will continue to engage with the British Government on the request in relation to the Dublin-Monaghan bombings and pursue all possible avenues that could achieve progress on this issue, consistent with the request made by the Dáil and in the hope that this could bring some measure of closure to the families.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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As the Taoiseach said, there have been many all-party motions in this House about the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the need for the British Government to be far more forthcoming with the release of vital documentation that could bring clarity to the appalling attack and the loss of life incurred at the time. A total of 34 people, including an unborn child, were murdered as a result of the explosions that tore through the city centre of Dublin and Monaghan. We have had a significant number of inquiries such as the Barron inquiry, the McEntee inquiry and others which reveal very serious concerns and the non-co-operation of the British Government is unacceptable. Its refusal to make progress on the matter in response to a united parliamentary vote in this House is more than regrettable.

The Taoiseach said he raised this with the British Prime Minister in recent conversations and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, has also raised it on a number of occasions with the Secretary of State, James Brokenshire. What response is the Government getting? What is the British Government saying? What has the response been to the Taoiseach's proposition that an international judicial figure have access to the documentation? That would be a reasonable compromise, a reasonable avenue on which to proceed in pursuing this issue. It goes to the heart of the issues of the past and the need to make sure people are accountable. On this side of the Border we opened up our documents for various inquiries, such as those into the murders of RUC constables, and we held a judicial inquiry, the Smithwick inquiry. We fulfilled our side of the agreement but the British Government has not met its responsibilities. This can be said of others as well and I have had a scepticism about other paramilitaries from the time as to whether they are really that anxious to come forward and admit their guilt in various atrocities such as Kingsmill or other activities involving loyalist paramilitaries.

A lot of views have been given and there are genuine reasons to believe loyalist paramilitaries were involved in these atrocities and that British security forces, through inactivity or non-action, could have facilitated the atrocities. There is an urgent need to explore these issues fully and comprehensively and to get access to all the evidence. The British Government has stonewalled in the name of national security and this is damaging. It is injurious to British-Irish relations and the idea that, whatever about non-state actions, the state and governments have certain norms by which they must abide in the conduct of their duties. The potential orchestration of these explosions by elements of the British security forces should be fully examined. These were the worst atrocities of that period, coming as they did against the backdrop of the Sunningdale agreement, and we must spare no effort to get to the truth. I pay tribute to Justice for the Forgotten, which has been campaigning relentlessly over the years for justice and the truth.

The Taoiseach said he wanted to explore every avenue. Can he identify what "every avenue" might mean? What other ideas has the Government come up with to pursue the issue over and above what has been said to the British Government so far? What has the British Government response has been to the recent attempts by the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, to raise this issue?

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Just before Christmas, the former Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, acknowledged the feelings of this State when he recalled that the investigation into the Dublin-Monaghan bombings closed after just three months. He was trying to explain the complexities of dealing with the past. He made it clear, and we would endorse this, that it is totally unacceptable for the British Government to use national security as an excuse not to co-operate on this hugely important issue.

Mr. Justice Barron said, "Given that we are dealing with acts of international terrorism that were colluded in by the British security forces, the British government cannot legitimately refuse to co-operate with investigations and attempts to get to the truth". However, that is exactly what this British Government is doing. It is not just a passive British Government, it is actively working to undermine processes that can get to the truth. It is refusing to fund legacy requests, inquests and investigations, all in clear breach of international human rights obligations.

I put this to the British Secretary of State in a number of conversations over the last week or so, but I asked myself why he should he listen to me if the same point is not consistently being made by our leaders here in the Government. Raising this or another issue with the British Prime Minister or Secretary of State is not the same as having a consistent domestic and international strategy in Britain and Europe, and at the United Nations, to persuade the British Government to co-operate. I put the same point to Teachta Micheál Martin when he was in government as Minister for Foreign Affairs, that if the Government is serious about helping victims it needs to publicly challenge the British government on this national security excuse.

The Stormont House Agreement proposes the establishment of an independent commission on information retrieval, which would cover both jurisdictions on this island and deal with all conflict-related deaths. As part of that process, both Governments drafted and published an international agreement to establish the independent commission on information retrieval. It was led jointly in the Houses of the Oireachtas and Westminster in January, but it has not yet been commenced. It is sitting there because the British Government objects and uses this national security excuse. So what is the Government doing about that? The Government has an obligation to proceed with ratifying this legislation irrespective of what a British Government may do. The Government has a responsibility to show leadership on this issue. Both Governments signed up to the Stormont House Agreement which is sitting there now, so I call upon the Taoiseach to move on this issue. Perhaps then we will get the British Government to co-operate in a way it had not done thus far.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The Stormont House Agreement provided for the establishment of a number of things, including a suite of bodies to address the historic investigations unit and to take forward outstanding investigations in Northern Ireland into troubles-related details. There is also the independent commission for information retrieval which, as Deputy Adams pointed out, would enable victims and survivors not just to seek, but privately receive, information about the troubles-related deaths of their next-of-kin. The Oral History Archive is providing a central place for people from all backgrounds throughout the UK and Ireland to share experiences and narratives related to the troubles.

Deputy Martin asked me if I raised this matter with Prime Minister May, which I did. It is not the first time that this has been raised. I told the new prime minister that this was a matter of serious concern to people in Ireland. We want elements of the past to be focused upon and action taken on them.

The last motion that was passed on 17 May 2016, which was the 42nd anniversary of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, requested the Government to continue raising the matter with the British Government. It directed the Ceann Comhairle, the Clerk and the Chairs of relevant committees, when appointed, to do likewise with their respective British counterparts in order to actively pursue the implementation of the 2008 and 2011 all-party motions.

I discussed this with Prime Minister May's predecessor, David Cameron, in Stormont. If people are serious about this, the independent commission for information retrieval holds out the possibility of providing information that is requested from anybody who lost a loved one from any side, and that all of the information will be made available to them by an independent, international judicial figurehead. I raised the question specifically as to whether this would be blocked by the British military machine. At that time, Mr. Cameron answered that as he was only a child when most of this was going on he had no objection to this kind of information being made available in terms of the truth. This has not been commenced yet, but the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Flanagan, the British Secretary of State and the Northern Ireland Executive took part in a meeting to review the Stormont House Agreement. Part of the case the Minister made was that we should get on with the business of implementing the three suites that were part of the Stormont House Agreement.

The Independent Reporting Commission, which comprises Professor Monica McWilliams, Mr. John McBurney, Mr. Tim O'Connor and Mr. Mitchell Reiss, will meet - if they have not already met - in January this year. The Government approved the general scheme of an independent reporting commission Bill for priority drafting. The legislation will be brought before the Oireachtas in the near future.

Despite our conversations about Brexit and a focus on Northern Ireland, when I get the opportunity shortly I will raise this matter again. If we are serious about it, and if the Stormont House Agreement is to mean anything, this would hold out a real opportunity for people on either side to find out information about the cause of death of their loved ones. I recall being up in Ballymurphy, as Deputy Adams is aware, seeing a copy of the faxed sheet stating that his father was dead. These are legacy issues of the past about which Deputy Martin has often spoken. They are very hurtful for people and they need to be dealt with.

What was put together in the Stormont House Agreement holds out the possibility, if people are willing, of dealing with what is locked away in files wherever. In that way, the information people need to know concerning how they lost loved ones on either side would be made available. I will raise the matter with the British Prime Minister shortly when I have an opportunity to do so.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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That is not promising.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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We are out of time, so we will now move on to Questions Nos. 2 and 3.