Joe Costello (Dublin Central, Labour)
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I welcome the Tánaiste and the Ministers of State. Angola is not a country which looms large in terms of Irish and African relationships. Since the long-running civil war of 27 years ended in 2002, however, a degree of relationship has built up between Angola and Ireland. Irish Aid is making a contribution in the fight against AIDS, in regard to good governance and combatting the abuse of human rights.

The country is oil rich. The economy is largely based on oil exports which account for 85% of GDP, although the majority of the population live on subsistence and farming. In that regard, we can see the great diversity and the disproportionate nature of the operation of the economy.

A general election is planned for 2012, which is welcome because elections were sporadic during the course of the civil war and afterwards. The previous election took place in 2008, and it was observed by a European Union mission. The European Union mission was critical of the conduct of the election and the results were challenged by the main opposition parties. Subsequently, the President, Don Eduardo dos Santos, reneged on his promise to hold a popular election for the presidency in 2009. Instead, with a majority in parliament he introduced a constitutional change which appointed him to the presidency for a further two year term. It is with some trepidation, therefore, that we look at the possibility of the elections going ahead in 2012.

In any case, certain provisions have been made to prepare for the election. A national electoral commission has been established for the purpose of preparing for and running the election. The problem, however, is that it is composed largely of the ruling party, the MPLA, the popular movement for the liberation of Angola.

Democracy is still very much in a fledgling state in Angola and there are serious concerns about corruption, intimidation and so on. Angola rates poorly in terms of governments. It scores as low as 44th out of the 48 African countries and fares particularly badly on participation in human rights, sustainable economic opportunity and human development. The track record on good governance, anti-corruption measures and a fair legislative and judicial system is not the best. From that point of view, it would be desirable if the European Union and the international community got involved at the earliest stage possible to ensure the forthcoming elections are free and fair.

It would seem that the appropriate approach would be to appoint an EU or international observer mission at the earliest stage possible to supervise, in the first instance, the national electoral commission currently in place because it is disproportionately in favour of the ruling party. That is the stage at which all the registration will take place and where the identification and the authenticity of the electoral process will be determined. If there is not a supervisory body in place to be present throughout the preparatory electoral process, an observer mission, as happened in 2008, will be coming in cold and will not have the full facts at its disposal.

I urge that this aspect be examined. It is not something the European Union has given sufficient attention to, particularly as very often in a case where there has been a former colonial past the particular country, in this case Portugal, has probably been left with undue responsibility in the area, and that is not necessarily the most desirable way to proceed. The European Union and the international community should examine it more carefully and get involved at the earliest stage possible to ensure an observer process is established, not just when the election takes place but well in advance of that.

I ask the Minister to raise this matter at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, which would be an appropriate forum. There have been only two elections since 1975 and we would not want an election to be held without it being a proper free and fair election. Also, I ask if it could be raised in any other appropriate international forum.

Lucinda Creighton (Dublin South East, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Costello for raising this issue. I have noted the points he made.

The governing party of Angola, the MPLA, has been in power since Angola gained independence in 1975, and President dos Santos has held the position of President since 1979, making him one of Africa's longest-serving rulers. Angola's first parliamentary election since 1992, and only the second since 1975, took place on 5 and 6 September 2008. The MPLA won a landslide majority, with 82% of the votes and a total of 191 seats out of 220, which gave it the two thirds majority in Parliament needed to change the constitution. An EU election observation mission said the elections represented a "positive step towards strengthening democracy", despite some organisational weaknesses and the state's control of the media, but did not go as far as describing the elections as free and fair. The elections passed off peacefully, which was significant, given that the results of the 1992 elections were violently disputed by the main opposition party UNITA, leading to the re-intensification of the civil war.

The adoption of a new constitution in February 2010 established a presidential parliamentary system, under which the Angolan President will not be elected by popular vote but will instead be the head of the party which has the most seats in the Parliament. A limit of two five-year presidential terms has been set, which would enable President dos Santos to remain in office until 2022 should he so wish, and should the MPLA retain the most seats in Parliament.

Angola's next legislative vote - elections to the Parliament - is scheduled to be held in September 2012. Given its dominance of the national media and of the apparatus of government, the ruling MPLA party has a major advantage going into the polls. Despite such advantages, economic difficulties, including such austerity measures as reductions in fuel subsidies, mean that a sweeping victory by the MPLA cannot be taken for granted.

In recent months, there have been reports of more loosely organised groups of protestors, inspired by the events in North Africa, using the Internet to try to organise support. The Parliament has passed legislation aimed at limiting the use of the Internet by such groups.

The European Union will in due course have to consider the question of mounting an election observation mission to Angola for the elections in September 2012. A number of factors will be important. First, the Angolan Government will have to invite such a mission to be present, an invitation which we hope would be forthcoming, in view of the observation mission in 2008. Second, the resources will have to be available to train, staff, and equip a mission in such a large country. Third, the situation will need to be assessed by EU heads of mission in the capital, Luanda, in advance of the election campaign, to see if the overall conditions permit a realistic assessment of the electoral process by observers.

It is too early at this stage to give a definitive view on these factors, but the Irish Government supports and regularly participates in such electoral observation missions, which are an effective monitoring tool. The EU collaborates on these missions with other international organisations, such as the United Nations, in seeking to ensure that minimum standards of debate, participation, transparency and accountability are observed during the election process. Ireland, which is accredited to Angola from our Embassy in Maputo, will consult our EU partners well in advance of the Angolan elections on the key issues which would surround such a mission.

I will raise some of Deputy Costello's points, particularly his concerns about the electoral commission, with the Tánaiste. I am not sure which one of us will attend the foreign affairs Council in June, but it will be on the radar and if there is an opportunity to raise it I will be happy to do so. I will speak with the Tánaiste about it as well.