Lucinda Creighton (Dublin South East, Fine Gael)

I thank Deputy Costello for raising this issue. I have noted the points he made.

The governing party of Angola, the MPLA, has been in power since Angola gained independence in 1975, and President dos Santos has held the position of President since 1979, making him one of Africa's longest-serving rulers. Angola's first parliamentary election since 1992, and only the second since 1975, took place on 5 and 6 September 2008. The MPLA won a landslide majority, with 82% of the votes and a total of 191 seats out of 220, which gave it the two thirds majority in Parliament needed to change the constitution. An EU election observation mission said the elections represented a "positive step towards strengthening democracy", despite some organisational weaknesses and the state's control of the media, but did not go as far as describing the elections as free and fair. The elections passed off peacefully, which was significant, given that the results of the 1992 elections were violently disputed by the main opposition party UNITA, leading to the re-intensification of the civil war.

The adoption of a new constitution in February 2010 established a presidential parliamentary system, under which the Angolan President will not be elected by popular vote but will instead be the head of the party which has the most seats in the Parliament. A limit of two five-year presidential terms has been set, which would enable President dos Santos to remain in office until 2022 should he so wish, and should the MPLA retain the most seats in Parliament.

Angola's next legislative vote - elections to the Parliament - is scheduled to be held in September 2012. Given its dominance of the national media and of the apparatus of government, the ruling MPLA party has a major advantage going into the polls. Despite such advantages, economic difficulties, including such austerity measures as reductions in fuel subsidies, mean that a sweeping victory by the MPLA cannot be taken for granted.

In recent months, there have been reports of more loosely organised groups of protestors, inspired by the events in North Africa, using the Internet to try to organise support. The Parliament has passed legislation aimed at limiting the use of the Internet by such groups.

The European Union will in due course have to consider the question of mounting an election observation mission to Angola for the elections in September 2012. A number of factors will be important. First, the Angolan Government will have to invite such a mission to be present, an invitation which we hope would be forthcoming, in view of the observation mission in 2008. Second, the resources will have to be available to train, staff, and equip a mission in such a large country. Third, the situation will need to be assessed by EU heads of mission in the capital, Luanda, in advance of the election campaign, to see if the overall conditions permit a realistic assessment of the electoral process by observers.

It is too early at this stage to give a definitive view on these factors, but the Irish Government supports and regularly participates in such electoral observation missions, which are an effective monitoring tool. The EU collaborates on these missions with other international organisations, such as the United Nations, in seeking to ensure that minimum standards of debate, participation, transparency and accountability are observed during the election process. Ireland, which is accredited to Angola from our Embassy in Maputo, will consult our EU partners well in advance of the Angolan elections on the key issues which would surround such a mission.

I will raise some of Deputy Costello's points, particularly his concerns about the electoral commission, with the Tánaiste. I am not sure which one of us will attend the foreign affairs Council in June, but it will be on the radar and if there is an opportunity to raise it I will be happy to do so. I will speak with the Tánaiste about it as well.

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