Mr. Maciej Popowski:

Thank you very much, Chairman, Senators and Deputies. I will start with an apology for my complicated Polish names but I think by now you must be used to that in this country. I am very happy to have this opportunity to talk to the committee about the future enlargement of the European Union. As Members of Parliament, the committee members play a key role in any discussion on European issues and this is a key European issue, indeed, and also one that matters to our citizens.

I would like to start with the bigger picture and put the enlargement process in the context of the ongoing debate on the future of Europe and then I will say a few words on the strategy for the western Balkans and the recent package of reports on all the candidate countries that were adopted last week.

It was just over a year ago that the President of the European Commission, Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker, presented a so-called White Paper on the future of Europe. This was intended as a forward-looking blueprint on how Europe will change in the next ten years or so, from the impact of new technologies on society and jobs, to doubts about globalisation, security concerns and the rise of populism. It sets out five different scenarios which I will recall for the sake of completeness: scenario 1, carrying on the EU focus on delivering its positive reform agenda as per all agreements to date; scenario 2, nothing but the Single Market, where the EU gradually shifts its focus back to the Single Market, as the 27 member states are not able to find common ground for an increased number of policy areas; scenario 3, those who want more do more, where the EU proceeds as today but allows willing member states to do more together, which essentially amounts to a multi-speed Europe; scenario 4, doing less more efficiently, where the EU focuses on delivering more and faster in selected policy areas, and attention and limited resources are focused on them; and scenario 5, doing much more together, where member states decide to share more power, resources and decision-making across the board, which is the more Europe option.

The intention and objective of the White Paper was to stimulate debate among citizens, given that we are preparing for the elections to the European Parliament in May 2019. Also, when one looks at those different scenarios, they form an important background to all the ongoing big debates which the committee is no doubt following in this House, whether it is the governance of the eurozone, privacy laws or European defence. This debate on the future has picked up in all corners of Europe, citizens' dialogues are taking place regularly, including here in Ireland.

Last January, the Taoiseach was the first EU leader to reflect on the future of Europe with Members of the European Parliament in Strasbourg. In his speech he spoke of his vision for a European Union with more member states, a larger budget, and harmonisation in policy areas that have a proven European value.

Later on, in September 2017, President Juncker presented his state of the Union address to the Members of the European Parliament in Strasbourg and asked for a more united, stronger and more democratic Union, where solidarity and responsibility go hand in hand in all policy areas, from migration to the banking and monetary union, from energy to our common budget, a Union where the rule of law is not optional but the very basis of everything we do.

That leads me to the subject of the western Balkans, because in the same speech, President Juncker stated very clearly that if we want more stability in our neighbourhood, then we must maintain a credible enlargement perspective for the western Balkans and in the future the EU will be more than 27. That was a sea change because the countries in the western Balkan region were looking forward to, so this European perspective, a clear European perspective, I must say, was confirmed. Since then, we have put words into action and stepped up our support to our partners in the western Balkans. This has included the adoption of the strategy for western Balkans in February of this year. The strategy confirms that the door of the Union remains in principle open, beyond any doubt for the western Balkan countries. It is an important signal of encouragement to them. Now it is up to the countries concerned to build on that momentum. It is a fantastic opportunity, but there is still a lot of work ahead and there is no time to waste.

The western Balkans strategy is not a blank cheque. It is the beginning of a process in which established conditions have to be met. This will require an acceleration of reforms. The leaders of the region need to make a political and societal choice to embrace EU values, not only on paper, but in reality.

There is a target date in this strategy that has raised expectations and has led to many debates both within the European Union and the region, but a 2025 target date has to be read as a sign of encouragement in a best-case scenario but not as a given. It is not a guarantee, nor is it set in stone. It is an incentive. It is ambitious but doable for those most advanced.

There are no shortcuts or free passes on the way to the European Union, and the enlargement methodology, as established some time ago, will continue to apply. We call it the fundamentals first approach, which stands on the basis that any future accession will be purely merit-based, depending on the progress each country makes. The criteria are clear. The ball is very much in the countries' court. For the time being Montenegro and Serbia are front runners. They started accession talks and are ahead of others but front runners can fall behind if they do not deliver, while others can catch up.

To help the countries address these challenges, the Commission put forward the so-called six flagship initiatives on the rule of law, security and migration, socio-economic development, increasing connectivity, a digital agenda for the Balkans, and pushing harder for good neighbourly relations and reconciliation. Under these initiatives the EU announced its intention to support real progress, reform and change in the region. We are also going to offer additional financial support to those countries for all of those necessary reforms that need to be undertaken. As announced by my Commissioner, Johannes Hahn, the Commission intends to put on the table an additional €500 million until 2020 through redeployment of pre-accession funding.

To be clear, this new strategic opening will not replace the current process, policies and programmes but will enrich them. Enlargement policy, as such, remains unchanged which was confirmed again last week by the Commission when it adopted the so-called enlargement package. This is a set of six country reports from all of those countries in the region, and Turkey, and a general communication recalling the principles of enlargement policy. It takes stock of the state of play in the countries and draws conclusions on the implementation of the enlargement policy up to the end of January 2018, particularly as regards reforms in fundamental areas, including the rule of law, fundamental rights, governance, economic development and competitiveness. It simply reinforces the message of own merit as a key principle of enlargement policy and it shows, yet again, that this policy is not an end in itself but is a strategy of exporting stability to our immediate front yard. This underlines the importance of building broad public acceptance for enlargement policy in member states.

I will mention a few highlights of the of the package, namely, the Commission's recommendations to open accession negotiations with Albania and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. This was something new, and is based on the good progress made and the Commission's assessment that the necessary conditions set in 2016 have been met in both countries. It is an important step forward and underlines the importance of the EU response when countries deliver. This is what makes enlargement policy credible and incentivises countries to engage in far-reaching reforms.

However, and this applies to all the countries in the region, a lot remains to be done. All countries must now urgently tackle the key areas, including the rule of law, fundamental rights, the fight against corruption and state capture, and organised crime. Countries must also significantly up their game on economic reforms and tackling high unemployment. We also put a strong emphasis on reconciliation and ensuring good neighbourly relations. All pending bilateral issues must be settled ahead of accession, starting with a legally binding comprehensive normalisation agreement between Serbia and Kosovo.

If the committee allows me a side remark here, I would say that we want to help in this process of reconciliation between different communities in the Balkans. Ireland's unique experience of building and sustaining peace and promoting reconciliation on the island continues to be of great benefit to peace builders elsewhere, including in the Balkans. We want to build on certain practices within the European Union.

I will now say a few words on Turkey because Turkey is a candidate country too, although I know it is not a focus in the debate, but I will speak briefly on this. Our analysis shows that the country continues to move away significantly from the European Union, in particular in the areas of the rule of law and fundamental rights. We have repeatedly called on Turkey to reverse this negative trend as a matter of priority, and we make very clear recommendations to this end in the report. At the same time, Turkey is and will remain a key strategic neighbour. In this context, I commend Turkey's great efforts to provide shelter and support to more than 3.5 million registered Syrian refugees. The EU remains committed to assisting Turkey in addressing this challenge.

On my final point, which is the next steps to be taken, on 17 May, our leaders meet their counterparts from the western Balkans in Sofia. It is the first such summit since Thessaloniki Summit 15 years ago. This will not only be an opportunity to reaffirm the region's European perspective but it should also strengthen links between the EU and the western Balkans in infrastructure and digital and human connectivity, and bring us closer together to tackle common challenges. It will be a great opportunity for the western Balkans to confirm an unequivocal commitment to reform and good neighbourly relations.

There is this western Balkan momentum now that we will have to maintain, because we want to bring this project to a successful end. Enlargement is a priority policy of the European Commission, and in a way it is also a logical continuation of the notion of European integration as a peace project. That is where it all comes from. It is very important, and this would also be my message to the committee, to conduct a wide debate on the subject in all member states, because we need to raise awareness of the enlargement process but also build acceptance of the outcome of the negotiations in the future, and that is where national parliaments will play a key role. I am looking forward to an exchange of views with committee members and I thank them for their attention.