Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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Question 80: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he is in a position to make a statement on the prospects of an amendment to the electoral law in Burma in advance of the forthcoming elections such as would render these elections suitable for international monitoring. [13326/10]

Frank Feighan (Roscommon-South Leitrim, Fine Gael)
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Question 81: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the recently announced restrictions by the Burmese Government which formerly annul the National League for Democracy's 1990 election win, under laws enacted for polls expected later in 2010, which will prohibit pro-democracy leaders, including the detained Aung San Suu Kyi, from participating in those elections; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [13260/10]

Bernard Durkan (Kildare North, Fine Gael)
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Question 295: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will report on the situation in Burma; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [13528/10]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I propose to take Questions Nos. 80, 81 and 295 together.

As Deputies will be aware from many previous statements in this House, the Government has long been deeply concerned about the situation in Burma. We are actively engaged in the EU and international efforts to support the Burmese people in their struggle for justice, democracy and development.

The Burmese authorities are pushing ahead with plans to hold elections later this year, although no date has yet been confirmed for these elections. Despite a broad view that the terms of the discredited 2008 Constitution virtually precluded the possibility of credible elections, the international community felt it important to do all in its power to urge the regime to conduct elections, and an electoral process, which were free, fair, inclusive and transparent. We also made clear the need for all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, to be released without delay and for a process of national dialogue and reconciliation, involving all opposition and all ethnic groups, to be initiated in advance of the elections. Ireland, the EU, the UN and even a number of ASEAN Members played an active role in such efforts. UN Secretary Ban Ki-moon was particularly clear in articulating international expectations during his visit to the country last July.

As Deputies will be aware, however, none of this happened. Efforts by the new US Administration to try to engage with the regime, in the interests of promoting the agenda of credible elections, have also met with virtual silence. Instead of being given her freedom, Aung San Suu Kyi's detention was extended for a period of 18 months in August, to ensure that she would not be in a position to contest the elections or lead her party in them. Few other political prisoners have been released. No effort was made to initiate national dialogue. While the regime has tried to induce some of the ethnic groups who have agreed ceasefires with them to endorse, and participate in, the electoral process, few are prepared to accept the regime's terms. Meanwhile, military offensives against a number of other ethnic groups continue, designed to crush their resistance in the lead-up to the elections.

There was little surprise therefore, when the publication of the new electoral laws in the last few weeks confirmed that the elections were going to lack all credibility; that, in place of inclusivity, there would be heavy restrictions on the registration of political parties and individuals; that Aung San Suu Kyi would be among the many opposition and ethnic representatives rendered ineligible to participate in the elections or even to belong to a recognised political party; and that the elections would be run entirely on the regime's terms. If there was any element of surprise, it was perhaps the extent to which the Burmese regime so blatantly ignored the demands of the international community, and the absence of even the smallest concessions to placate international opinion. The regime has made it clear that it intends to control every aspect of the preparation of the elections, their outcome and the future government that will emerge from them.

Many Burmese opposition and ethnic groups have responded quickly, making clear their views that these elections are a sham. Aung San Suu Kyi declared the new laws 'unjust' and her NLD party has announced that they will not register for, or contest, the elections on the basis of these laws. Among the international community, there have been strong expressions of concern. There is need, I believe, for the international community to assess the situation in a careful and co-ordinated manner, to listen to what the people of Burma are saying and to prepare a clear and coherent response to these developments.

With this as my objective, I have proposed to my colleagues in the EU Foreign Affairs Council that we have a full discussion on Burma at the earliest opportunity, and particularly on the implications for the EU and international community, of the new Burmese electoral laws. Unfortunately, it was not possible to do this at last week's Council, due to a very full agenda, but it was agreed that this discussion would take place at the next Council in April.

As Deputies may recall, the EU had agreed in December that we should send an exploratory mission at official level to Burma with a focus on the electoral process, essentially to investigate whether the EU could play any part in encouraging a credible electoral process. Clearly we will now have to review our position very carefully. It will be important also for the EU to liaise closely with the US and other international partners in the preparation of a strong and co-ordinated response to these developments.