Tommy Broughan (Dublin North East, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 17: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement on the position regarding the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. [5220/09]

Liz McManus (Wicklow, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 59: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the holding of a referendum which would resolve the conflict in the Sahara between the Saharaoui and Morocco. [5225/09]

Joan Burton (Dublin West, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 60: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the granting by the EU of licences for exploration activity in the territories formerly known as the Spanish Sahara. [5226/09]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I propose to take Questions Nos. 17, 59 and 60 together.

The Government has consistently supported the right to self-determination of the people of the Western Sahara. Ireland has not taken a position on the future of the Territory, be it full independence, autonomy, or integration under Moroccan sovereignty, so long as it is decided in a genuine exercise of self-determination.

We strongly support the continuing engagement of the United Nations in the search for a political solution in the Western Sahara based on the principle of self-determination. UN Secretary General Ban has recently appointed former US Ambassador Christopher Ross as his new Personal Envoy for Western Sahara. I wish Mr. Ross well in his new role, and we will give him our full support.

Under the auspices of the United Nations, representatives of the Government of Morocco and of the Polisario Front have held a series of four direct meetings in Manhasset, New York, to discuss the future of the Territory of the Western Sahara. The most recent meeting was held in March 2008. There has unfortunately been no substantive progress at these talks so far. Morocco has set out its vision of an autonomous Government in the Territory, operating under Moroccan sovereignty. In response the Polisario Front has set out its position in favour of the creation of an independent State in close association with Morocco, and with protection for Moroccan vital interests. Morocco has refused, however, to discuss any proposals which include independence as one of the possibilities for the Territory.

This is the same impasse on which previous UN plans to organise a referendum in the Territory foundered. It is difficult to see how genuine self-determination can be exercised without a referendum in which the people can freely choose between all of the possible options, ranging from full integration with Morocco to full independence. Such a referendum was also recommended in the Baker Plan.

Although there is clearly a broad gap between these two competing visions of the parties, I regard it as a positive and helpful development that both sides have set out their proposals for the future, and the measures they can envisage to accommodate the concerns of the other side. The most recent round also agreed some extension of confidence-building measures in relation to family links between Saharawi people in the Territory and in the refugee camps in Algeria. The parties have agreed to meet again, at a date to be decided.

Finally, any exploration and exploitation activities that proceed in disregard of the interests and wishes of the indigenous people would be in violation of the principles of international law applicable to natural resource activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories. It would not be for the EU to issue any licenses relating to exploration activities in the Western Sahara but I am aware that Morocco has done so.

Joanna Tuffy (Dublin Mid West, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 18: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs the details of discussions which have been held between the European Union and the Southern African Development Community regarding ongoing efforts to restore normality to Zimbabwe; if, in this context, it is expected that a power sharing government will be able to govern in that country; and the offers to assist such a transition which have been made by the EU. [5197/09]

Dinny McGinley (Donegal South West, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 35: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs the steps he has taken to deal with the crisis in Zimbabwe; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [5334/09]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I propose to take Questions Nos. 18 and 35 together.

The situation in Zimbabwe remains extremely grave. Since March 2008 the country has effectively not been governed, and infrastructure and social services are in a state of collapse. Rampant inflation, the result of disastrous economic mismanagement, has led to the effective abandonment of Zimbabwe's currency. Millions of Zimbabweans — more than half the population — are dependent on food aid, and many more rely on what friends and relatives can send from abroad. The ongoing cholera epidemic is now estimated by the World Health Organisation to have caused the deaths of more than 3,300 people. Those who protest against the appalling situation in the country and against the abuse of human rights have been subject to arrest and imprisonment.

The political process in Zimbabwe had effectively been at a standstill since the broad agreement on the principles of power-sharing reached by Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai in September 2008, essentially due to the refusal of ZANU-PF to relinquish its grip on power. However, an Extraordinary Summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) on 26 January set out a sequence for the formation of a government of national unity between ZANU-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The terms agreed fell short of what the MDC had held out for since September 2008, but, in part because of the gravity of the humanitarian situation, the MDC has decided to accept them.

Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in yesterday as Prime Minister, and I wish him well in his new role. Already, in choosing his cabinet team, Mr. Tsvangirai is showing his determination to make the most of this opportunity to bring real reform. However, past experience advises caution as to whether the arrangement will provide a sound basis for sustainable government, which must involve a real change in decision-making processes — effectively, the transfer of some power from Mr. Mugabe to the MDC. In particular, I would hope to see positive developments on the situation of political prisoners very soon.

Despite these doubts, my EU colleagues and I have repeatedly stated our willingness to support the economic and social recovery of Zimbabwe once a government is formed which reflects the will of the Zimbabwean people, and which returns to respect for human rights, the rule of law and responsible macroeconomic management. We will be waiting for tangible signs of reform before there is any change in policy, or any relaxation of the EU restrictive measures against individuals and companies linked to the Mugabe regime. Of course, this may require some leap of faith, since we will not be able to wait for absolute certainty before supporting reform.

Ireland and the EU will be monitoring the situation closely in the coming weeks, and maintaining contacts with key African partners, as it is Zimbabwe's neighbours who can bring the greatest influence to bear on the situation. SADC and its members are among these partners, and regular political dialogue between the EU and SADC has consistently addressed the question of Zimbabwe, most recently at the last EU-SADC Ministerial Troika meeting in November 2008.

Ireland has made its views on the situation abundantly clear to the Zimbabwean authorities, and to our partners in the region. Irish Ambassadors have conveyed our position directly to the governments of our key partner countries in Africa, and African Embassies based in Dublin have been made aware of Ireland's views. Ireland continues to offer significant humanitarian aid to alleviate the suffering of the Zimbabwean people. In 2008, Irish Aid provided almost €8 million in funding for Zimbabwe, channelled through non-governmental organisations and UN agencies. We have also made specific funding available in response to the current cholera emergency.

The appalling humanitarian situation in Zimbabwe has continued for too long, and the country urgently needs a responsible government which can take the measures necessary to end the suffering of the Zimbabwean people. I very much hope that rapid progress can be made towards this goal. Ireland will continue to press for the crisis in Zimbabwe to remain high on the international agenda.

Jan O'Sullivan (Limerick East, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 19: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the recent elections in Iraq; and his further views on the future progress there. [5212/09]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

The local elections held in Iraq on 31 January have given perhaps the most positive indication yet of the significant improvement of the situation in Iraq in the last two years. There are a number of aspects which I find particularly hopeful.

Only a few months ago there was still real doubt that the elections could be held at all. In the event they took place almost completely peacefully, including in the provinces which have been most racked by violence.

Secondly, and in contrast to the previous general elections in 2005, Iraq's formerly dominant Sunni community have taken part fully in these elections, reflecting their improved re-integration in the political process and their large-scale turning away from violence.

There had been concern that the local elections might worsen inter-communal rivalries in contested areas, and threaten such fragile political understandings as existed. Instead, Iraq has shown greater political maturity and robustness than perhaps many expected. Not only the election but also the announcement of the results passed off peacefully.

There have been significant shifts in the distribution of power between the parties and the communities, without any attempt to contest the outcome. To take one instance, the city of Mosul, which has been a flashpoint for ethnic tensions during the past year, has switched from overall Kurdish control to a local Sunni majority, without so far sparking any evident negative reaction.

Overall, there has been a perceptible shift within both Shi'a and Sunni communities away from the more radical and more strongly religious parties, while campaigning was more secular in tone than formerly. A clear strengthening of support for the coalition of parties around Prime Minister Al-Maliki's government can perhaps also be taken as support for the direction it has been taking. Commentators have suggested that voters have rewarded parties they feel have been delivering, and reduced support for others, and that the elections have thus helped contribute to a very important sense among the electorate that they can actively influence the political life and future of Iraq.

As I have made clear to the House on other occasions, there nonetheless remain very significant problems to be overcome in Iraq, which will require the continued support of the international community. Ireland and the EU will continue to offer that support.