Joanna Tuffy (Dublin Mid West, Labour)
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Question 96: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs the position pertaining to Kosovo in the first weeks of its having declared independence; the contact made between Pristina and Dublin in those weeks; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10288/08]

Olwyn Enright (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
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Question 104: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs the correspondence he has had with the Serbian Government since the declaration of independence by Kosovo; if he will make a copy of any correspondence available; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10336/08]

James Bannon (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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Question 150: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he has had communication with the administration in Kosovo, since its declaration of independence; if a copy of such correspondence will be made available; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10335/08]

Dermot Ahern (Louth, Fianna Fail)
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I propose to take Questions Nos. 96, 104 and 150 together.

At the General Affairs and External Relations Council on 18 February, EU Foreign Ministers agreed a common response to Kosovo's declaration of independence of the previous day, noting the uniqueness of Kosovo's situation, arising from the conflict of the 1990s and the eight years of UN administration which followed, and reaffirming the EU's willingness to play a leading role in strengthening stability in the region including by means of the planned ESDP rule of law mission. The Council also agreed that Member States will decide, in accordance with national practice and international law, on their relations with Kosovo. Since then, 15 EU Member States, including Ireland, have recognised Kosovo's independence. At least 21 of the 27 EU Member States are expected to recognise Kosovo in the short or medium term.

It is regrettable that lengthy negotiations failed to produce an agreement between Belgrade and Pristina. A new UN Security Council resolution clarifying the position would have been greatly preferable to the current situation. But the clear reality is that Serbia effectively lost Kosovo through its own actions in the 1990s. The legacy of the killings of thousands of civilians in Kosovo and the ethnic cleansing of over a million made the restoration of Serbian dominion in Kosovo unthinkable. As the European Council agreed in December, the status quo in Kosovo was inherently unstable. More than 90% of the population wants independence, and this is supported by our major partners in the EU and beyond, many of whom have already recognised Kosovo. Taking all of the circumstances into account, the Government decided on 28 February that Ireland would recognise the Republic of Kosovo.

On the same day, I wrote formally to the President of Kosovo. In my letter, I welcomed the clear commitment of Kosovo to the full implementation of all obligations contained in the Comprehensive Proposal of the UN Special Envoy, Martti Ahtisaari, and informed President Sedjiu of the Government's decision to recognise the independence of the Republic of Kosovo and to establish non-resident diplomatic relations from our Embassy in Hungary. This decision was communicated separately to the authorities in Belgrade through our accredited Embassy in Athens. Through its Embassy in London, the Serbian Government has sent a Note protesting at the recognition of Kosovo and urging that the Government think again. Our Ambassador in London has made our position clear to his Serbian colleague, and a written reply will issue in due course. I will arrange to place in the Dáil library the formal exchange of letters with Kosovo and Serbia on this matter.

I have made it clear that our decision to recognise Kosovo is based on a careful assessment of the political and legal circumstances of this particular case. It is in no way intended as an act of hostility towards Serbia. I know that Kosovo's independence is painful for Serbia and difficult to accept. It is important however that Serbian reaction to this event should confine itself to legitimate, peaceful protest, in line with commitments freely given by the Government in Belgrade. Violent incidents of the sort seen in Belgrade and on the border between Serbia and northern Kosovo are in nobody's interest, and must be clearly condemned. Such violence serves only to evoke the spectre of the long Balkan nightmare of the 1990s.

I believe that the future for Serbia and Kosovo lies with Europe and I urge all sides to refrain from taking any action at this sensitive time which will impede and delay the realisation of this European perspective. It is in everyone's interest that the international civilian and security presences should be allowed to operate unimpeded throughout Kosovo in support of the development of a democratic, secular and multi-ethnic republic, which protects and promotes the rights of all communities. The closest coordination between the EU and the UN in relation to the future international presence is therefore clearly called for.