Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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The Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade is most welcome to Seanad Éireann for this important debate. The Tánaiste will address us for ten minutes. Group spokespersons will address the House for ten minutes and all other Senators for five minutes. The Tánaiste will be called on to reply at no later than 10.50 a.m. Statements are to conclude by 11 o'clock. This is a very important issue in respect of the ongoing attacks on Gaza.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I am very pleased to have an opportunity to be here today and I thank Seanad Éireann for inviting me. I have commitments in the other House so I will take this debate along with the Ministers of State, Deputies Thomas Byrne and Neale Richmond. I said in the other House yesterday and will say today again at the outset that I hope the starting and end point of this debate will be not be "Opposition good, Government bad" or "Government good and Opposition bad". People right across this country, including every Member of Seanad Éireann, are utterly horrified and repulsed at what is happening in Gaza. Nobody, no matter what their party jersey is, or none, has a monopoly on that. All of us, every single day we come to work, and I do not doubt anybody's bona fides on this, are working to do our very best as a small country to make a positive impact in a very volatile, dangerous and uncertain world.

As today is International Day of Peacekeeping, I also wish to thank the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann who are serving in peacekeeping missions, most particularly our UN peacekeeping mission in southern Lebanon in that region. They are working so hard to keep peace in a very volatile situation. I know that people right across the political divide and across our country are so proud of them and all that they do.

Last week, the UN Secretary General, António Guterres, stated that Palestinians are enduring "what may be cruellest phase of this cruel conflict". The escalating cruelty, the genocide, of 80 days of the Israeli blockade on humanitarian aid means the entire population of Gaza is now at risk of famine. The people of Gaza have been forced to flee from their homes, on an almost continual basis over the past 18 months. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA, has described them as being "treated like pinballs", being forced to flee "in search of safety that doesn’t exist."

On our television screens and social media feeds, citizens of this country are witnessing appalling humanitarian atrocities unfold in front of our eyes. What we are seeing is an affront to our collective humanity. What we are seeing is evil. As public representatives, we are compelled to act on behalf of our citizens, to put that collective action into a force for change. In the first instance, let me recall Ireland’s position, which I am proud to say has been consistent and considered. We unequivocally condemn the terror attacks by Hamas in Israel on 7 October 2023. We all do. We unequivocally condemn the taking of hostages by Hamas and have repeatedly called for their immediate release. We echo that call today. Hamas has brought nothing but death and destruction to the people of Palestine and Israel alike. They offer the people of Palestine no hope for the future. These are not just my words. That is the view of the President and the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority. I believe it is also the view of the vast majority of Palestinian people. There is too much whataboutery when people try to conflate Hamas, which is a despicable illegal terrorist organisation, with standing up for the people of Palestine, who deserve their sovereignty and their independence. Hamas offers them no bright future.

I condemn in the strongest possible way the continuing Israeli military operations in Gaza. It is clearly a war crime. It is clearly genocidal activity. I abhor Israel’s clear plans to not only persist but, extraordinarily worryingly, to go further and starve, displace, kill and reoccupy. We urgently need an end to all of this. Ireland is extraordinarily concerned by the latest assessment by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, IPC, the global hunger monitor, that the entire population of Gaza is facing high levels of food insecurity, with 500,000 people facing starvation. The obstruction of life-saving aid by Israel is a violation of its international obligations. The limited restart of humanitarian aid, if we can even call it that, into Gaza is clearly insufficient. It is a drop in the ocean of a vast need.

Israel has approved a new model for delivering aid into Gaza that no humanitarian partner could support. The humanitarian partners are clear that they will not participate in any agreement that does not fully respect humanitarian principles. The CEO of that new delivery mechanism resigned on Sunday, citing the impossibility of implementing the plan while also strictly adhering to the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. The UN has raised concerns that the proposed model cannot deliver aid effectively at the speed and scale required. It places beneficiaries and aid workers at risk, undermines the role and independence of the UN and our trusted partners, and links humanitarian aid to political and military objectives. If you want food, do this, go there; that is not how humanitarian aid works. We must be clear. Humanitarian aid can never be politicised. It can never be part of military activity. Quite simply, it is another outrage that is clearly designed to further control and restrict supplies.

We call on Israel to allow a full resumption of vitally needed aid at scale into Gaza, in accordance with international law and humanitarian principles. We also call on Israel to enable the UN and humanitarian organisations to work independently. Crucially, we urge everybody to get back to talks aimed at immediately agreeing a ceasefire and hostage release deal. There was a very brief moment when there was a faint glimmer of hope that after all of the conflict, pain and death, there was a ceasefire, hostages were released and aid was beginning to flow. We need to get back to that process. Humanitarian aid must be allowed into and throughout Gaza at scale. I should say to the Irish people that this is aid they funded. Enough aid funded by our taxpayers, our citizens, to feed around 6,000 Palestinians has been sitting in trucks in Jordan for four months. It could be in there today. The only reason it is not - there is no other reason - is that Israel will not allow it in. That is aid funded by Irish people, sitting there while people are starving. Amid these horrors, we have to ask ourselves if we are doing enough. Quite frankly the international community is not doing enough - nobody is doing enough - and we must challenge ourselves every day and ask what more can we do. I am very clear it is our duty and our obligation to stand up for our values which we hold dear and which have served our country well. I am proud that both Houses of the Oireachtas are upholding that obligation. It is our duty to stand up for multilateralism, the rule of law, human rights, international law and international humanitarian law. As a country which has its own experience of famine, it is a human catastrophe we cannot countenance.

Over the past few weeks, we have seen some progress on issues where Ireland has shown leadership. At the Foreign Affairs Council on 20 May, finally a majority of EU member states agreed to a review of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. Far too little, far too late. This step was first initiated by Ireland and Spain in February 2024 when just two of us were seeking this. Ireland has consistently called for a meaningful interpretation of Israel’s human rights obligations under the agreement. The human rights clauses in that agreement are not there for padding or to make the agreement longer. They have real meaning and need to be given effect. Both the Taoiseach and I have also said that at this stage the agreement should be suspended pending the review.

While the situation in Gaza is front of mind, we must also ensure adequate attention is paid to the situation in the West Bank, where Israel is conducting its single largest military operation in 20 years. At least 40,000 people have been displaced since January. A recent report from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has found that Israel is taking serious and accelerated steps to annex more and more parts of the occupied Palestinian territory. I agree with a recent statement from the EU High Representative which expresses deep concern over the Israeli incursions in the West Bank, as well as illegal practices such as settlement activities, home demolitions and settler violence. These actions undermine the rights of Palestinian people, threaten the prospects for a just and lasting peace and further entrench the offensive.

Ireland, alongside EU partners, is strongly opposed to the settlement policy and activities, including in and around East Jerusalem. We call on Israel to immediately halt these activities. Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory are illegal under international law. This is our long-standing position. Instances of settler violence have intensified in recent months. Ireland has strongly supported the sanctions adopted by the EU against both individuals and entities involved in settler violence. Again we call for progress on proposals for sanctions targeting violent settlers. We reiterated that at the most recent Foreign Affairs Council.

As well as these violent acts, I draw attention to some other troubling developments happening in the West Bank. Since January 2024, 616 Palestinians, including 115 children, have been killed by Israeli settlers or by the Israel Defense Forces. A further 4,512 Palestinians have incurred injuries, almost 1,000 of them children. Last year, the UN OCHA recorded the highest ever level of attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinians that resulted in casualties and damage. So far this year there have been 487 such instances recorded. The conditions of life for Palestinians in the West Bank are intolerable.

Last Wednesday, the IDF fired shots in the vicinity of a visit to Jenin by a group of diplomats, including two Irish diplomats based in Ramallah. Fortunately, no one was hurt but this is completely unacceptable, and let me put again on the record today my condemnation of this incident in the strongest possible terms.

I also condemn the brutal antisemitic murder of two officials from the Israeli Embassy in Washington last week. Our thoughts and condolences are with the families of those involved.

I am deeply concerned by the implications of Israeli legislation targeting UNRWA, which has been the backbone of the humanitarian response. Ireland stands with UNRWA. It has increased its funding to UNRWA and has worked with the European Union to make sure we collectively increased our funding to UNRWA and we continue to support UNRWA. It is an attack on multilateralism and on a humanitarian aid system and we cannot tolerate it.

Unfortunately, time is so tight to cover such a vast range of issues but I turn briefly to the occupied territories Bill. First, I praise Senator Frances Black for her tenacity but also for her decency in how she has gone about her business, and for working collaboratively and not caring who brings forward what Bill. There is no ego involved in this for her - I fully acknowledge that - and that it is about doing the right thing. We are going to do the right thing together. People will always argue there is more to do but this week we became the first country in the European Union where a government has said it will ban trade with the occupied Palestinian territories. That is the Government decision. I now have to draft legislation, get it to the Joint Committee on foreign affairs – I welcome its Cathaoirleach, Deputy John Lahart to the Gallery today – and I will work with the committee constructively. There are no policy differences with me on the issue of services. There are legal differences and we have to work and tease through those. That is what pre-legislative scrutiny is for. However, I want to pass this legislation. I want Ireland to pass this legislation. Does this fundamentally change things for Netanyahu? Of course not. Does it matter? Of course it does. It matters morally but I also hope it will have a cascading effect that other countries in the European Union who share our view will also say that maybe they can do that as well. Simply waiting for unanimity at European level is not an acceptable situation. Let us work constructively on this. I look forward to doing that and this House can do some good work.

While a two-state solution seems further away than ever before, I am proud that this country recognised the State of Palestine a year ago yesterday, joining with Norway and Spain. Since then Slovenia has recognised it and Malta has said it will do so next month. I call for some of the bigger European countries to find the courage to do it as well. It would be extraordinarily helpful in keeping the prospect of a two-state solution alive. You cannot have a two-state solution if you do not recognise the existence of two states. There will be a major UN conference next month, at which Ireland will play a leadership role. It will be a really important opportunity for more countries to join the coalition for a two-state solution.

I thank everyone for constructively engaging on this. My Department and I and the Government will continue to constructively engage with Seanad Éireann on an issue which I know is causing extraordinary distress and concern to people in our country because what we are seeing are war crimes, genocide and the starvation of children and vulnerable civilians, and we all have to work on this.

Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Tánaiste for his contribution and his continued work on this. We can all agree the attacks in Gaza must stop. The vitally needed food and medical supplies must get in to Gaza, the hostages need to be released, and the step by the European Union of the review of the human rights clause in the EU-Israel agreement is a step in the right direction, although a year after Ireland first proposed it. It is a step in the right direction and, most important, a pathway forward for peace in Gaza, the West Bank and Israel. I remember calls nearly ten years ago for similar attacks in Palestine and Israel to stop, yet the cycle continues. What we need is to not continually repeat what has happened but to find a pathway forward in order that people can live together.

Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
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I am sharing time with Senator Kelleher, if that is agreeable.

I thank the Tánaiste. He is very welcome to the Chamber and thank him for being here. When we first talk about Palestine, Gaza and the conflict there, it is always important that we put on the record that what happened on 7 October was terrible. There were 1,195 people murdered by Hamas and 251 hostages taken. No one can possibly justify that. We call on those hostages to be released immediately.

Reflecting on Ireland’s response since then, we can say we were one of the leading countries in the world in our support for Palestine. We joined the South African court case. As the Tánaiste just noted, a year ago yesterday we recognised the State of Palestine and we now officially have an ambassador from Palestine to Ireland who is doing impressive work. In the programme for Government we stated our intention to have an occupied territories Bill, something which was first introduced by Senator Black and I note the excellent work she did. However, if we had said two years ago that those things would have happened or that we would have said we intended to do them, it would not have been seen as credible or that it might happen. As the Tánaiste said in his opening remarks, it is welcome that many EU countries have followed suit. That has not happened by accident. It is because of diplomacy behind the scenes by countries like Ireland and Spain trying their best to influence people to do the morally right thing.

When these things happen, which are called for by the Opposition and supported by the Government, people have different perspectives and views. There is no problem with that. Some people say we are not going far enough and we need to go further and that these are token measures. I do not think most people in the two Chambers here do not genuinely believe that. These decisions are not easy. You might think they are easy. Most people in Ireland are very supportive of decisions that are being made in support of Palestine but there are people who lobby saying we have gone too far, that we should support Israel and we should do this or that.I have witnessed at first hand people come to the Tánaiste directly to say that what he is doing in terms of supporting Palestine is disgraceful and wrong. I have seen him respond unequivocally to say that he will not change, on behalf of the people of Ireland, his views on the people of Palestine. In other countries we are seeing the influence of pro-Israel lobbyists working. For the life of me, I cannot understand how leaders in other countries and those in leadership roles cannot come above politics and see the moral obligation that we have. The current and previous administrations in America could have done more.

The line is always that Hamas started it and is a terrorist organisation, which, obviously, it is. However, 50% of the people in Palestine are under the age of 16. They have no involvement whatsoever in any terrorist organisation or anything that has happened during the war. Since Israel took action after 7 October, 17,500 children have died in Palestine. The very first week the war started, the Tánaiste spoke about the children of Palestine as innocent people being murdered. Of the 17,500 children killed, 1,700 were under the age of one. They cannot even walk. They have had actually no involvement in terrorism, yet they are being murdered on a daily basis.

Israel is hitting hospitals and schools, and has said this is being done because there are underground tunnels. Some 36 hospitals have been blown apart by Israel and there has been no evidence whatsoever of Hamas having secret tunnels or locations in these schools or hospitals. The Tánaiste said we need to do more, and everyone needs to do more. From our perspective, it is about influencing other countries. I understand that this cannot be done in front of TV screens, but at every private meeting we have with other leaders of other countries I ask the Tánaiste to continue to do more to support these people.

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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Gabhaim buíochas leis an Tánaiste as ucht teacht chuig an Teach inniu chun labhairt agus éisteacht linn mar gheall ar na heachtraí ar fad i nGaza agus conas is féidir linn, mar thír bheag i bhfad ón gcoimhlint, tionchar dearfach a bheith againn ar chúrsaí agus ár mballraíocht den Aontas Eorpach a úsáid chun dul i mbun oibre leis na ballstáit eile chun todhchaí níos fearr a chruthú do mhuintir an Mheánoirthir go léir.

To put my contribution in context, I will clarify that I and pretty much all of those with whom I have engaged on the subject over the past 18 months are neither antisemite nor pro-Hamas. I am opposed to the horrific attacks by Hamas on the State of Israel on 7 October 2023, but I also oppose the massively disproportionate genocidal response we have seen from the Israeli Government and defence forces, the latter of which seems to have become a misnomer for over 18 months.

I remember as a 14-year-old boy in September 1993 watching the historic handshake between Yasser Arafat, the then leader of the PLO and Fatah, and Yitzhak Rabin, the then Prime Minister of Israel. I remember the hope we all had that this would lead to a lasting peace. Over 30 years later, that has proven not to be the case, but we must look at the strong international leadership that was shown prior to that point in 1993 when we arrived at the historic handshake and try to provide that leadership at an international level, in particular among our EU counterparts. I am sure we all agree with the Tánaiste's remarks that not enough is being done at an international level.

Strong leadership is something that is needed on the Israeli and Palestinian sides. Regular polling in Israel shows that over 70% of people oppose the course of action being led by the incumbent Prime Minister. That is a cause of concern. We must also recognise that there is a significant majority of people in Israel who are opposed to an awful lot of what is happening, and are instead in favour of the return of hostages and bringing the war to an end.

I have spoken in this Chamber on two occasions recently about the importance of the EU in the area of conflict resolution. The EU must step forward and play a central role in helping to bring the war to an end and working with other international partners to create the conditions necessary for Israel and Palestine to emerge from their decades-long conflict and exist side-by-side as two separate states. Many news outlets regularly report on this as the Israel-Hamas war. It is not Hamas that is being obliterated; it is Palestine.

I welcome the review of the EU-Israel association agreement, as referenced by the Tánaiste. I also welcome the indication from the Tánaiste that he and the Taoiseach favour suspending the agreement pending the review. I also welcome the stronger stance being taken in recent days by the new Bundeskanzler, Friedrich Merz, and the German Foreign Minister, Johann Wadephul, on sanctions against Israel. They have said Berlin would not export weapons used to break humanitarian law.

I have strong concerns, which I have articulated to the Tánaiste on a previous occasion, about the widespread adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, IHRA, definition of antisemitism because I feel the definition and the reasons articulated in it are being misconstrued and abused in order to stamp out any legitimate criticism of the actions of Israel. At EU level, this is something we need to address because it is a definition that is commonly adopted and accepted in a lot of our EU institutions.

The atrocities we have seen, and which have been referenced by the Tánaiste and Senator Ahearn, the blockade of aid and food into Gaza, the starvation of people in Palestine, the recent deliberate shooting in the direction of diplomats and horrific events such as those on the news the other evening of the murder of nine of ten children in one family, the mother of whom is working in a hospital as a paediatrician, is not strong leadership. It effectively ensures that the next generation of Palestinians will be prepared to take up arms against Israel. This is something that we need to take a strong stance against.

As well as the importance of international-----

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I am afraid you have run out of time. I have to bring in all of the other speakers.

Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
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I want to re-emphasise the importance of working with Senator Frances Black, who has done such excellent work to ensure the Houses of the Oireachtas pass the occupied territories Bill.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Before I move to the next speaker, I thank the Tánaiste for coming here to address this important issue this morning and for his commitment to bringing forward a Bill as soon as possible.

Michael McDowell (Independent)
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I welcome the Tánaiste, and the substance, tone and inclusivity of his remarks, his identification with the occupied territories Bill and his indication of co-operation with those of us who support it. Senator Frances Black introduced the Bill, which was passed by a majority of the House in 2017. That happened in circumstances where the Israeli Government accused those of us, including myself, Senator Ivana Bacik, as she then was, former Senator David Norris and Senator Frances Black of being antisemites. I will come back to that in a moment.

This morning, a gentleman called Bezalel Smotrich, who is the Finance Minister in the current Israeli Government, announced that the Israeli Government intends to create a further 22 settlements in the West Bank. That is creeping annexation by any standards, but it should not surprise us because this man has, over the past ten years, clearly indicated what the agenda of his party and the extreme right in Israel is.The coalitions that have been formed by Benjamin Netanyahu have been voluntary coalitions in which Netanyahu has escaped prosecution for corruption by remaining the Prime Minister of Israel. People talk about Israel being a democracy. What kind of democracy has a man like Smotrich in it? I will let the Senators in on a few things he has said. In 2015, he gave an interview where he said, "The Palestinian Authority is a burden and Hamas is an asset." He stated that, while the Palestinian Authority was harming Israel in international forums, Hamas's status as a terrorist organisation meant that no one would recognise it, no one would give it status at the International Criminal Court and no one would put forth a resolution at the UN Security Council. It was a cardinal principle of the right wing in Israel that it should support Hamas to weaken the arm of the Palestine Liberation Organization, PLO, which was trying to edge Palestinian opinion towards a two-state solution and trying to secure international support for that.

When one looks at Hamas and condemns it - as I absolutely do, and I condemn the atrocity it unleased on 7 October 2023 - we must remember that it was nurtured by people like Smotrich who wanted it there to destroy the possibility of a two-state solution. He bears the moral blame, and so does Netanyahu, for putting 2.2 million people under the control of a terrorist organisation which was by no means democratic and putting them into a pressure cooker where that group was enabled to unleash the atrocity of 7 October. It must be put on record that the Israeli Government which is there now backed Hamas because it suited it to do so. It did not expect what happened on 7 October 2023. To this day, I wonder what madness infused the minds of the people who organised the atrocities that were committed that day, but it was the Israeli Government which arranged that the Qatari Government would finance Hamas. It was the Israeli Government which was happy that Hamas should be there and the PLO administration, the Palestinian Authority, should be reduced to impotence. If it is a democracy, it has elected and re-elected governments to pursue that policy.

There is such a thing as collective responsibility. I recognise that there are many good Jewish and Israeli people who completely abhor what is going on in Gaza. I recognise that. If it is to be regarded and held up as a democratic state, let us remember what it is doing and what its elected Government is doing, which is shocking. By any standard, it is completely shocking. It is saying, in effect, that the atrocity that is now going in the West Bank and in Gaza is justified by virtue of the activities of Hamas, which, when it suited the Israeli Government, it propagated and described as an asset.

Smotrich has said, "There is no such thing as a Palestinian people." Where did these people come from? They came from the circumstances in which Israel was founded. They were isolated in three areas: Gaza, the occupied West Bank and in southern Lebanon in refugee camps. That is where they came from. They did not flood in from Saudi Arabia or Jordan or anywhere else. They were people who lived in Palestine until the violence of that period. I am not going to look back now and say who was right and who was wrong in 1948, but to say that there is no such thing as the Palestinian people is deeply offensive. In November 2023, immediately after the incursion and the atrocity in October, Smotrich said, "There are 2 million Nazis in [the West Bank] who hate Jews exactly as do the Nazis of Hamas-ISIS in Gaza." Just think about that. That is what the Israeli finance minister, the man who is expanding their settlements today by 22, illegally and contrary to international law, is saying. In May of this year he said, "Gaza will be totally destroyed," and, concerning the Palestinians, "They will be totally despairing, understanding that there is no hope and nothing to look for in Gaza, and will be looking for relocation to begin a new life in other places." Those words are just fresh out of his mouth. That is what we are dealing with. That is genocide. It is contrary to every principle of international law.

Ireland has consistently backed Resolution 242 of the United Nations to the effect that Israel has a right to exist and to defend itself within its internationally recognised boundaries. We have never queried that and those of us who supported Senator Black's Bill have never argued that was not the case. None of us have ever argued that was not the case. We are now in the position that, unfortunately, the stars are aligned such that we have President Trump in Washington DC and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, his envoy to the Arab nations, was the first person to articulate the idea that everybody could be cleared out and the land given to Israel to establish it as a piece of real estate. He has armed Israel. He has sent weapons to Israel. If he had any moral authority or difference in ultimate aim from his son-in-law's plan or from Smotrich or Netanyahu, he could have made it very clear that all of this had to stop, but he is a paper tiger when it comes to this. He is operating on a very different wavelength.

What has happened in Gaza is indefensible. What happened on 7 October 2023 was completely barbarous, but we must live with the truth that one atrocity should not beget another. The two million people in Gaza who are being bombed and whose homes are being destroyed are innocent people. They are the victims of circumstance. They are the people whose affairs were run by Hamas with the active encouragement of the Israeli Government because Hamas was an asset and the Palestinian Authority was a burden. When people talk about the rights and wrongs of what is going on, one cannot kill more than 50,000 people, one cannot kill women and children in pursuit of a dwindling number of hostages whose chances of survival are dwindling with the extent of the savagery of what is going on, one cannot justify any of this, and this will not be forgiven. Senator Kelleher mentioned the definition of antisemitism, a definition with which I totally agree, but those who are defending, justifying or equivocating what is happening in Gaza are the agents of international antisemitism; none of us are.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State for being here. I acknowledge the presence of Deputy Lahart, who is Chairperson of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade. I thank the Tánaiste for being here. I thank the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, and the Taoiseach for their leadership on this matter across the world. I stand here on behalf of my party, Fianna Fáil, thinking of the 54,000 dead in Gaza, their families and their friends. On average, ten children per day lose at least one limb. Imagine the impact of that on their future lives, if they have a future, that is. I think of those toiling to save the injured in horrific circumstances but, most of all, I think of Dr. Alaa al-Najjar, who, as she was working to save and heal her neighbours, this week heard of the devastating and unthinkable news of the death of nine of her ten children. Her family was practically wiped out in one fell swoop. Gaza is truly a hell on earth. It is a holocaust by any other name.The horrific, heinous and barbaric events of 7 October will never be justified and should never be forgotten. However, what followed afterwards must and will forever rank as the most punitive and disproportionate military attacks by a sovereign state in modern history. Israel must know the world is watching. That is why it is important to have these debates in our Houses. As helpless as we all feel, we just cannot stand idly by. We must demonstrate, in every single way we can, our abhorrence at the murder and maiming we see on a daily basis.

We have already shown leadership in this country by consistently advocating for a two-state solution and by calling over the last 12 months for a review of the EU-Israel association agreement, which, finally, Kaja Kallas has agreed to call for. This needs to be acted on quickly, and the conclusions need to be implemented. We need to enact the equivalent of the occupied territories Bill before the summer. I acknowledge the excellent work Senator Black has done in this area. I absolutely commend her on that.

The ceasefire and hostage release deal agreed in January brought hope, which was all too soon dashed, to both Israelis and Palestinians. The Fianna Fáil Party absolutely supports the Government's call to return to talks aimed at immediately agreeing another ceasefire and hostage release deal for the few who remain. I acknowledge that the Government has consistently called for the unconditional release of all hostages held in Gaza and for the immediate resumption of the desperately needed humanitarian aid and adequate humanitarian aid to Gaza. There is no doubt that we are witnessing in real time on our screens, be that a television, phone or iPad, or in the newspapers a humanitarian catastrophe of staggering proportions. In Gaza, every day, we see homes reduced to rubble. We see children pulled lifeless from beneath concrete slabs. Hospitals are overwhelmed, many of them targeted. A population, half of whom are children, are trapped with nowhere to run, no safe corridors and dwindling hope. The cries from Gaza today are as deafening as they were in October two years ago. We have to listen, and we have to act.

Young children growing up in Ireland today and all over the world laugh and play. We all have children in our lives, whether they are ours, our nieces and nephews, neighbours, friends or in the community. A common question is, "What are you going to do when you grow up?". The children in Gaza may play a little, but they do not laugh anymore. They do not talk about what they are going to do when they grow up because to actually survive would nearly be a miracle. Imagine the lifelong consequences for those children - the trauma and loss, their futures stolen before they have begun.

Many years ago, as a child, I was given this book - I have the date of 1977 on it - the diary of Anne Frank. I remember as a child reading it and asking the adults in my life how this happened, and the answer always was that the world did not know this was happening. Today, however, the world knows. Being fascinated by it, in my late teens, I went to concentration camps and when I was 23, I went and lived on a kibbutz for six months in Israel. It was 6 miles from the Gaza Strip. Palestinians worked in harmony with the Israelis on this particular kibbutz, which was called Kibbutz Yad Mordechai. I met and befriended Palestinians - men and women with families, hopes, humour and humanity. I sat at their tables and drank tea. Those friendships shaped me deeply and informed me. They remind me now that no child is born to hate. The cycle of violence and bloodshed must end. This is also very clear in Colum McCann's book, Apeirogon, which tells about the perspective of two fathers who both lost daughters, one on either side of the conflict. They travel the world telling their story, trying to bring about hope. Countless families, Israelis and Palestinians alike, have lost loved ones. Children are killed in their sleep. Parents are mourning in ruins. There is absolutely no justification for this scale of suffering. Ireland is a small country, but we have a significant voice and a significant global footprint to advocate for peace. We must continue to use this footprint to raise awareness for the plight of the people of Gaza. We need justice for Palestine, and we need hope. Hope got us through our own occupation. It is hope that brought about peace in Northern Ireland. We must make the case for hope in today's world. We must raise our voice. We must demand an end to the bloodshed. We must call for an immediate ceasefire, full humanitarian access and an international commitment to peace rooted in justice. Let us be clear; this is not about taking sides. It is about taking a stand against genocide and a stand for humanity, law and peace.

Mary Fitzpatrick (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State for being here this morning. I thank the Tánaiste also and everyone in the House for making time.

I believe there is unanimity in this House on the condemnation of the atrocities of 7 October. It goes beyond words to describe the horror that was experienced and visited upon the Israeli people when more than 1,000 people were killed and injured and more than 250 were taken hostage. Everybody condemns that, but the only atrocity that has surpassed it has been the military operations of the Israel Defense Forces. It is beyond words to articulate the horror the Palestinian people are experiencing. The barbarity, depravity and lack of humanity that must exist in those who are perpetrating it is beyond comprehension. Ireland is a very small country. We are a very privileged island. I am proud that we have used what influence we have to condemn the atrocities, genocide and war on humanity. I am proud that as a small country, we have tried to lead other bigger countries to join in our condemnation and work for a ceasefire and a two-state solution.

Before the Minister of State, the Tánaiste said that it is not enough. The Minister of State recognises that it is not enough. We all recognise that it is not enough. We are a strong member of the European Union. When history is written, the European Union will not have covered itself in glory or anything near that. The European Union needs to act with strength. It is not sufficient to review the agreement between the EU and Israel. There must be an immediate suspension of that agreement.

Finally, I ask that the Irish Government seeks permission from the Israeli Government to go and visit the EU office in Gaza and demand that the European Union retains that office in Gaza.

Maria McCormack (Sinn Fein)
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I acknowledge the Tánaiste’s opening speech on this. I find this a very difficult topic to talk about - 19 months of genocide, 55,000 dead, 50,000 children killed or injured, and if the bombs do not kill them, starvation will. They have no food, no water and no medicine. The word "horrific" does not even feel adequate as it is just so awful. We must play our part in doing what we can as a nation to oppose this genocide as Israel continues to act with impunity.

I feel so ashamed to be a public representative looking at what is going on. Why did this Government abandon the occupied territories Bill? I commend Senator Frances Black on her work with the occupied territories Bill. Why did the Government shut down Sinn Féin's Bill on the Israeli war bonds? I have to speak plainly this morning, because what happened in the Dáil on Tuesday was a disgrace. Sinn Féin brought forward a Bill, led by my colleague, Deputy Pearse Doherty, that would have empowered the Minister for Finance to stop the sale of Israeli war bonds through Ireland. This was a straightforward, lawful and moral action that would have shown that Ireland will no longer facilitate genocide.

I agree with Senator O'Loughlin, who said we are all on the same page here, but on Tuesday her Government shut this down. It blocked a chance to act and voted against a chance to make a real difference, while the slaughter in Gaza continues, while babies are pulled from the rubble and while homes, hospitals and entire communities are levelled. I am in opposition; I do not hold the power. It does not matter whether a Member is in government, in opposition or groupies in the middle; we are all humans. I am a human and the Minister of State is a human. What is happening at the moment is inhumane. We cannot just stand by and put it off and off.

I was watching "The Week in Politics" on Sunday. A Minister whose name I do not know was on the programme. He was talking about the importance of the triple lock, He said that if committees need to meet twice a week, we need to do as much as we can to work to get this through. Why are we not doing this when it comes to Gaza? I understand there are restrictions - perhaps amendments need to be made to the Bill proposed by my colleague, Deputy Pearse Doherty - but why are we not moving quicker in this regard? These children are looking on as so many are injured before the age of one. They have never even had a chance to have a voice. We know there are things that we can do. I feel powerless and I believe that we have to stand up more and work together. This is about being human, not about being politicians. All I hear from the Government week after week is that it is thinking about it, considering it or exploring pathways. It is circles and circles of conversations and it feels like Groundhog Day.

The facts are that the occupied territories Bill has not been enacted and that war bonds linked to Israel are being sold through our financial system. We could do small things. Yes, what is going on there is not our fault, and I commend the work that was done, but there is more we can do. We are standing idly by while children are starving. I was listening to a doctor on my way to the House. They do not sleep or even sit down. They are starving and begging for anyone to be able to do anything. We have a voice. We are a small but mighty country, and I feel there is more we need to do.

While the Government speaks about watering down our neutrality and ending the triple lock, the message it is sending to people is not good. Irish people feel deeply about our history of colonisation, occupation, dispossession and starvation. They are protesting in their thousands. Irish people are livid that this Government is allowing the Central Bank of Ireland to facilitate the raising of funds for Israel's genocidal regime. The world is watching and history will remember who stood up and those who stood by. It is now, not in a couple of months, that we need to act. The children who are starving do not have time. I say this with all my heart: I am sorry to the people of Gaza because we should be doing more in this Chamber. We could be doing more. When Gaza burned, and Ireland had a chance to act, what did we do? Let this House be clear: not in our name.

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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Last night, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael showed their true colours when it comes to Gaza and genocide. The Tánaiste stands up in front of this House, or on TikTok, to talk about how much he cares about the Palestinian people and how he hopes someone should do something to help them. The Tánaiste speaks about his Government, how it is so committed to Palestine and how it is, in fact, on the international forefront in support of the people of Gaza. The Tánaiste is taking the Irish people for fools.

We are now 20 months into the genocide in Gaza. What does the Irish Government actually have to show for its rhetoric? What action has the Government taken beyond words, thoughts and prayers? Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are proud of the fact that they recognised the State of Palestine last year, but conveniently seem to forget they vigorously opposed calls by Sinn Féin and others on the left to recognise the State of Palestine since 2014. Recognising the State of Palestine is welcome, but it does nothing to end the genocide or sanction Israel. It was only after months of indiscriminate slaughter of men, women and children in Gaza, and months of pressure by activists on the street, that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael finally decided to reverse course and acknowledge the basic right of Palestinians to their own sovereignty.

In the past week, the Government is patting itself on the back for initiating legislation that would prohibit trade of goods with the occupied territories in the West Bank, as if we do not remember the shameful way in which it played political games with Senator Black's occupied territories Bill for years. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael did everything they could to delay and obstruct this Bill. Now, after introducing their own significantly weakened and watered down version, they are pretending they were champions of the Palestinian people all along. The Government is constantly talking about how the Irish State is perceived as one of the most pro-Palestinian countries in the EU and how it has consistently advocated in favour of Palestine at a European level. To me, that perception speaks more of the Government's skill at PR than its determination to show political leadership in support of Palestine.

It is very clear that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are well able to speak out of both sides of their mouths on Palestine. They tell the Irish public that they are doing everything they can to stop Israel's aggression and crimes, knowing that the Irish people would accept nothing less. Behind closed doors, however, to their friends and cronies in the EU, in Washington and in big business, they simply fall in line behind the Western imperialist machine. When push comes to shove, this Government will do nothing to support Palestine or to punish Israel for its actions if it believes it may draw the ire of its bosses. A stern glance from Brussels is all it takes for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to drop any notion of solidarity with Palestine. This was plain as day last night. The Government had a clear opportunity to take a step toward stopping the slaughter of Palestinians and it shamefully chose to take the side of Israel and Netanyahu. The Central Bank of Ireland is the only central bank in Europe that provides the permission Israel needs to sell its war bonds anywhere in the EU. It is the central cog in this bloody fundraising machine. Israel has raised $12 billion through these bonds for its genocide fund, and Ireland has been complicit since day one.

On Tuesday night, Paschal Donohoe gave disgraceful excuses for why the Government would be opposing Sinn Féin's Bill to stop this, claiming that it was contrary to EU law solely on the advice of the Attorney General it politically appointed. That is the same empty excuse the Government gave for not supporting the occupied territories Bill at the start. Let us not kid ourselves: they are cynical, convenient excuses for the Government to avoid taking a stand on Palestine. Ireland cannot stand by and be complicit in the genocide of Gaza, whether through the sale of war bonds or the well-documented transit of weapons through Irish airspace.

As the Tánaiste demonstrated this morning, this Government is happy to speak at length about Israel's many crimes and the immense tragedy and destruction in Palestine, but we need more than just words. We need to make clear that this genocide is not happening in our name, and that we will not stand idly by as Israel tramples over human rights, dignity and international law. Ireland needs to take action against Israel's genocide. Today, the genocide is in Gaza, but I can tell the House that the genocide has already started in the West Bank. We have heard from Senator McDowell that this is the plan. Gaza, the West Bank and the entire Palestinian community are going to be wiped out and Ireland is standing idly by, complicit in that destruction.

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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I will share time with Senator Cosgrove. I thank the Minister of State for coming in. In his opening remarks, Senator Ahearn commented that he thinks the Opposition are just playing politics with this and that we do not really believe the Government has not done enough. I take great umbrage at that comment. As someone who grew up in post-conflict Belfast and who has worked for years in peace building and human rights activism, I really do not believe the Government has done enough. I am not trying to say that the Opposition is good and the Government is bad, as the Tánaiste said. It is not about that at all. It is that inaction is bad and action is good, as my colleague Deputy Gibney said this week. The Tánaiste asked what more we can do. I am delighted he asked that question because I am going to outline some tangible and meaningful actions we can take in respect of Gaza.

I believe everyone in this Chamber feels the same level of horror, disgust and, perhaps, helplessness as I do when we read about and see every day the onslaught of violence and terror taking place in Gaza, where almost 60,000 are now dead. I am not trying to take any ownership of grief or pain in that regard. However, while we all share in the same words of condemnation, it is simply not enough. We have seen incredible levels of civic solidarity in action from normal everyday people in Ireland. It is something that makes me really proud to be Irish. We have seen actions of solidarity from this Government. Notable among these is the recognition of Palestinian statehood. I do not take that as a small action. However, for many months, the Government has cited this quite frankly meagre action as evidence of how well we have done in response to the killing of tens of thousands of innocent civilians. There is a genocide taking place in Gaza and we have legal obligations under the UN Genocide Convention to take credible action on it.

This week, the Tánaiste said we do not need any more strong words on Gaza, that we have had enough strong words and that we need strong action. I welcome those remarks but it is frustrating because we have been asking for strong action for a very long time. While Ireland might be seen as a leader in the world for its stance on Gaza, the self-congratulatory back patting has become a little bit tiring and frustrating for people when we have been calling for more meaningful action. While the Minister of State might not agree with me, I believe the Government has been wanting on this. It has failed to respond to the will of the Irish people to impose any meaningful sanctions because of what is happening in Gaza. For too long, we have relied on strong words of condemnation.

I welcome the Tánaiste's commitment to passing the occupied territories Bill but I would still like an answer as to why it has taken this long and the motivation for delaying it up to this point. We have heard from the former Minister, Roderic O'Gorman, that, when he was in government, the Attorney General did not have any issue with the services component of this Bill. Services make up the vast majority of trade with the occupied territories. The watering down of this Bill does not denote the strong action on Gaza the Tánaiste claims to want. When the ICJ told us to do everything in our power to oppose the genocidal actions of the Israeli state, why did we not immediately expedite the passing of the occupied territories Bill? Why has the Government prevaricated up to this point? Why do we not have a commitment to include services in that Bill? What are we waiting for? Are we waiting for Gaza not to exist any more? Are we waiting for the genocide to spread into the West Bank? When are we going to consider it safe enough and politically expedient enough for us to actually take this action?

Last week, my colleague Deputy Hearne called Gaza "an open-air extermination camp". These are strong words that will, for most of us, evoke the most gruesome and inhumane part of the 20th century. While we look on, history repeats itself. As the small nation we are, Ireland alone cannot stop this genocide. I know that. I am not naive. However, we could be doing a great deal more to put pressure on the Israeli state and to lead in Europe with credible action. Why is the Central Bank still selling Israeli war bonds, which effectively finance the actions of the Israeli state? The OPLA provided advice this week that stated there is no legal issue with the Central Bank restricting the sale of Israeli war bonds. The Central Bank is facilitating the sale of these war bonds. That is the truth and the Irish Government seems to have no interest in doing anything about it. My colleague Deputy Cian O'Callaghan stated clearly yesterday that legal advice from Oireachtas lawyers says that stopping the sale of these bonds is compatible with EU, international and Irish law.

Again, I ask why we are permitting the use of the IHRA definition of antisemitism, which this Government has endorsed. This basically condemns any criticism of the actions of the genocidal Israeli state as antisemitic. Why has this Government endorsed that? It is not credible action. Why are we allowing dual-use products and military weapons to fly over Ireland, effectively facilitating the delivery of arms that are being used to kill children? Why are we doing that? If we say that we are doing everything in our power to meet our obligations under the Genocide Convention, why are these things still happening? That is what people are out there protesting and campaigning for every day. It is not a matter of Opposition versus Government as Senator Ahearn has suggested. We believe these actions will make a difference and go beyond solidarity and state recognition. I welcome the new words we are hearing from the Government and I will work with Government on the foreign affairs committee to get these things done. The Minister of State knows that.

Senator Ahearn should not laugh; I am being genuine. I am devastated by what is happening in Gaza. We all are but there is not enough action being taken. We have called for this and I am delighted that we are finally having a debate in this Chamber on the matter. We have been in the Seanad four months now and this is the first time we are having statements on this. This is not a laughing matter. I am sorry that I am getting emotional but we are all emotional. We all watch what is going on in the news, we all feel helpless and we all feel like we are not doing enough but I have outlined many credible and meaningful actions we could be taking here. I hope the Government will take it seriously and that we will take credible action on Gaza.

Nessa Cosgrove (Labour)
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The Minister of State is welcome. It is very hard for me to come after that. All of us here know what needs to be done. I also disagree with the idea that the Opposition really does believe we are doing enough. We do not believe we are doing enough. The world has changed and is never going to go back to the way it was. We have been really brave over recent years. We know what it is like to live under a state-enabled famine and a colonial genocide. We can do more. We have nothing to lose now. We are seen as a pariah and renegade state in respect of Israel as it is. In my opinion, we should go all in. We have the tools to do it. The occupied territories Bill, which includes services, is ready to be passed. We have nothing to lose. Why are we hiding behind Europe? Europe will not be able to hold its head high and say it did enough but we could. The Sinn Féin Bill debated in the Dáil yesterday should have been supported. There is no reason for us to hide behind Europe. We can be brave, we can stand up and we can do more. As we have heard, warplanes and ammunition are passing through Shannon. That can be stopped. Everyone is exhausted. As a country, we feel this so much because we have been victims of genocide ourselves. The Irish people want us to do more.

I am delighted that Senator McDowell pointed out in his address that Israel is delighted with Hamas. It has supported it and wants to encourage it even more because it wants Gaza to be wiped out. It does not even recognise the Palestinian people. Israel wants Palestine gone as a state but we do not. We know what we need to do. The idea that we are doing enough is not okay. The Opposition is often accused of speaking empty platitudes but the Government has been sitting back for the last number of months. There is no doubt that we were brave at the start but why can we not be brave now when we really have nothing to lose? We see the influence that Israel has around the world. These states are all bought. America in particular is bought and Europe is also bought by Israel. We can see how much influence it has. We do not have to be, however. The mechanisms are there. The Opposition and Government can work together to enact the Bills that have been proposed. Why water down the work Senator Black has been doing, supported by the Opposition? Why not support the Sinn Féin Bill? Why not place an embargo on the transport of arms? I honestly believe we have nothing to lose. We are going over and back and around in circles. It is almost as if we want to outdo each other as to how sad we are but we all feel the same way. Let us not just talk any more; let us do something.

Frances Black (Independent)
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I will share time with my colleague Senator Higgins. The Minister of State is very welcome to the House today. I welcome the Cathaoirleach of the foreign affairs committee, Deputy John Lahart, here as well.

For over a year and a half, we have been confronted with scenes in Gaza that are so horrific that they haunt us long after our screens go dark. Only this week, we saw the devastating image of a child crawling through the flames of a makeshift hospital camp trying to get to safety. More than 55,000 people, Palestinians, are dead. Patients have been burnt to death as they lie in their hospital beds. Doctors, journalists and aid workers have all been murdered. Countless more are maimed and living with horrific injuries. There are children with no families and parents with no children.

On the inhumanity and brutality, these are not just isolated incidents. They are part of a relentless descent into darkness and yet, even as we witness these horrors, we feel absolutely powerless. Our hearts are absolutely broken, but let me be clear. I say to the wonderful activists and advocates who were marching weekly through horrific weather through the winter months that their actions, voices and relentless pressure can and are making a difference.

This week, I listened to a haunting interview with Dr. Victoria Rose, a front-line surgeon working in Gaza. She told us of 2,300 families completely wiped from the Palestinian civil registry - wiped out; they have been annihilated. Dr. Rose spoke of 42,000 children, innocent and vulnerable, who are sole survivors of their families. These children are known by a chilling initialism, WCNSF - wounded child, no surviving family. It is absolutely off-the-Richter-scale horrific.

When I think about all of this, I imagine the trauma, loss and despair of children who have known nothing but conflict and destruction. We have heard condemnation from many, but what are these words worth if they are not backed by concrete actions? Words without deeds are empty. Our outrage, if not translated into meaningful action, is meaningless. I acknowledge the Tánaiste and the decision by the Government to take action with the occupied territories Bill. This will be a first small step towards real action but it is only the beginning. I first tabled the occupied territories Bill in 2018. It has taken seven long years of delay, suffering and persistence to reach this point. I welcome the progress but the urgency is now greater than ever. We cannot afford to waste another moment. We have a duty to ensure this legislation is absolutely solid. We must pursue a full ban on all trade with illegal Israeli settlements, not only tangible goods such as fruit and vegetables but also intangible services such as technology and IT. This aligns with demands of the International Court of Justice, ICJ. I believe that if the political will is there, we can do this right and can get it right.

Beyond our own Government, we must look to Europe. Despite declaring these settlements illegal and despite the obligations set out by the ICJ, no European country has yet taken tangible steps to prohibit trade with these settlements. My colleague, Senator Alice-Mary Higgins, and I visited Brussels recently and some of the countries are open to this conversation. They want to see Ireland lead on this. There has never been a targeted trade measure of this nature before at the EU level, and if we are serious about upholding international law, we have to break that status quo. I repeat: the years of condemnation must finally be matched with real material action. Trade has to be on the table. It is just unacceptable. We are at a crossroads. If we are serious about upholding international law, we must break that status quo. Trade measures are not only symbolic; they are a moral necessity.

How to we make Israel accountable for its crimes against the Palestinians? We have to do more. Empty rhetoric will not stop the slaughter but concrete economic and diplomatic pressure can, and that means enacting the occupied territories Bill as soon as is possible and the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill 2023 to undermine the economic and political viability of Israel's settlements in the West Bank. It also means pushing for an arms embargo, the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement and recognising that, from the river to the sea, Israel is committing the crime of apartheid against the Palestinian people.

We have to do the right thing here. There must be no more excuses and no more delays. The suffering in Gaza, in the West Bank and across Palestine demands nothing less. Let us remember the true measure of our humanity is how we respond to the suffering of others and let history judge us by whether we had the courage to stand up, to speak out and to act. Let us be on the right side of history.

Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
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I thank the Minister, Deputy Harris, for what I believe is genuine from him in terms of a commitment to moving forward, although we will, with others, and I see the Chair of the foreign affairs committee here also, be looking to ensure we do not see a dilution of the occupied territories Bill and that we see its full meaning, impact and compliance with international law reflected.

We also need to puncture some of this narrative of self-congratulation which I am also seeing coming through from certain other Ministers and from certain other narratives. There is this idea that Ireland has always been consistent. Ireland has been consistent but Ireland has also been complacent and at times complicit in the normalisation over decades of a situation of colonialism, of casual and continued breaches of international law, and of a message that international law does not apply and that business as usual continues and rewards those who breach international law. That has been the situation for decades.

Sadly, we have had a false logic. I am proud to have been a co-sponsor, back in 2017, of the occupied territories Bill but we have heard a narrative for years that in Ireland we are such wonderful master diplomats that we are not going to do anything and we are going to wait and bring everybody along with us slowly and the tide might turn. The tide turned for the worst and it turned based on inaction and failure to show that we are serious about international law.

I believe now Ireland is acting but the message is not, "Wasn't it great we waited?" The message is: you do not achieve change by hiding behind a culture of complicity and going along with business as usual. You achieve anything by acting, and Ireland will. I was with Senator Black in the European Parliament and we met with people from many different countries. They are realising - the penny is dropping - that we are living in history now and that how we act now will be the history books of the future.

It is useful that Ireland is acting rather than hoping there might a change in position because we have to be realistic. There are nine countries in the European Union who still are not concerned about human rights breaches by Israel in relation to the association agreement and that is why we must act. Passing, in its full form, the occupied territories Bill is action and leadership and I believe other countries will follow if we lead.

Also, that ICJ ruling's key line, the obligation of member states "to take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory", is crystal clear. That was not created last July. The ICJ has reminded member states of the obligations they already had under international law, but if we are serious about that ruling, it needs to follow through into full divestment of the Irish State from any area. It needs to follow through in relation to ensuring we give leadership in saying we will not approve prospectuses that fail to even mention international law, we will not facilitate the sale of bonds offered by the finance minister we have heard quoted at length earlier in this debate who has a clear agenda, and we will not be complicit in relation to dual-use goods - the technologies of war. Bear in mind, this is the kind of technology that brought us things such as "Hello, daddy", the idea that, when a father arrives home, you bomb the family home.Let us be consistent. Ireland will be a leader and will be consistent with its words and with what I believe to be the passion, belief and hope for a world of international law that the public wants when we have dual-use goods, action in relation to our powers on inspections, proper penalties for those who breach our laws by flying weapons over us without even seeking approval, divestment in full form, removal of the sale of bonds and the passing of the occupied territories Bill. That is what is on the docks right now.

Alison Comyn (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State for attending today and the Tánaiste before him. Unfortunately, two minutes simply do not allow for enough words to describe the horror, the anger and, to borrow the words of the Tánaiste, the repulsion I feel watching 600 days of atrocities in Gaza. What little time I have must contain words like condemn, genocide and slaughter of innocent people. I would like to stand here as a human being - a mother - crossing party boundaries to unite in doing whatever we can to stop these crimes against unborn babies, children, mothers, fathers and medics. When this insanity started on 7 October 2023, I was still a journalist reporting on what was taking place. Now I stand here as a politician who can use more than words to make that change. I feel these two professions in particular need to be allowed into the heart of the settlements as a matter of urgency to relay the real truth of what is taking place. That is on both sides of the conflict. Sadly, I imagine it is far worse than we are hearing and that is already more than 60,000 deaths.

Our Government has consistently been at the forefront of international support for Gaza and the Palestinian people, often taking pioneering steps that distinguish it within the European Union and globally, as acknowledged only recently by the Palestinian ambassador to Ireland. As far back as 1980 we were the first EU country to call for Palestinian statehood and, last year, one of the first officially to recognise the State of Palestine and pledge €20 million to aid relief. However, we have to do more. We have to metaphorically starve, through trade bans, those who are carrying out these murders, just as they are actually starving people by withholding life-saving services. The occupied territories Bill must be enacted. Following the drafting of a revised Bill, I will stand proud as part of a nation to become the first EU member state to implement such a ban. The ceasefire and hostage release deal agreed in January brought hope to Israelis and Palestinians. I now call on all parties to return to talks aimed at immediately agreeing to a ceasefire and hostage release deal. The remaining hostages must be released. We, as a Government, have consistently called for that.

We cannot do this alone. This has to be part of a united global push to stop what is taking place right under our noses. My colleagues on the other side of the House last week endeavoured to read out some of the names of those murdered in Gaza. It would take all day or even all week. I am sure I speak for everyone here when I say no more names must be added to that shameful list which has happened during our lifetime.

Shane Curley (Fianna Fail)
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I am not a history teacher, but a few years ago I had the opportunity to teach the concept of genocide as part of third year history. The example we used at the time was the Srebrenica massacre in the former Yugoslavia. It was a hard thing to teach, to show videos of documentaries of people visiting mass graves that included their parents and their siblings. That was tough. That is the future for the current people of Gaza. They will visit mass graves in years to come, visit their relatives and look back on an horrific massacre. I fear for what will be contained in the history books. Senator Higgins talked about the future history books. I fear for the future in these history books. We can all agree that Europe will not be on the right side of history in this. We need to make sure Ireland is. We have the chance to do that. We all agree that bombing hospitals, flattening primary schools during school hours and starving women and children to death is genocide. We all agree on that. That will be in the history books. There is nothing antisemitic about calling that out.

With our own history in Ireland, we know what it is like to be brutally oppressed. We must do all we can to stop it now. Ireland's role in the future will be how to stop this from happening again. Right now, we need to get Europe to come to the table with regard to bringing in huge economic sanctions against Israel. Money talks. Money will talk in this and stop Israel from carrying on what it is doing.

Ireland has another role. As I said, I taught students about the Srebrenica massacre. Two people, Ratko Mladi and Slobodan Miloševi, the former currently in jail and the latter who died in jail, faced the consequences of what they did. I believe that people like Benjamin Netanyahu need to face their war crimes in years to come in The Hague. The first thing we can do is campaign for proper justice for what has happened. The second thing we can do is along the same lines. In our own country we saw what happened when brutal oppression drove people to extremes. Right now we have one country armed to the teeth by the USA and another country that does not even have an airport. We need to create equality where people have a chance at life so that they can actually achieve economic prosperity and be normal human beings. That is how to stop this from happening again, by stopping people from being driven to extremes, which they were. Hamas is a terrorist organization. We all agree on that. It has been driven to extremes by constant oppression for years since 1948. Whether we agree or not on the formation of Israel, Hamas and the people of Palestine have been driven to extremes. That is why we saw what we saw on 7 October. It was wrong, but that is why we saw it.

Joe O'Reilly (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State and acknowledge the fact the Chair of the foreign affairs committee, Deputy Lahart, has been at most of this debate. As I serve on that committee, it is good that he is taking the matter so seriously. I acknowledge the Tánaiste as a politician who, from day one, has been strong on this issue and is not a newcomer to it.

This is a story of depravity. It is a story of inhuman activity. It is unquestionably genocide, with 55,000 dead by 14 May last. It is complicity in famine with the 80-day blockade on aid. It is so bad that future generations will, open-mouthed and aghast, ask us where we stood and what did we do. It involves the demolition of homes, hospitals, schools and infrastructure and the complete displacement of people. As I mention displacement, sadly, we have the prospect, and it was referenced earlier, of 22 new settlements in the West Bank, which is a horror that could slip through very handily in the midst of this and not be noticed. This is an assault on women and children predominantly, which is an aspect that needs to be remembered. Women and children are at the forefront of suffering here, and no more than that extraordinary case of the doctor who lost her nine children.

It is shocking that we have the looting and the food sitting on the trains. The humanitarian aid is in trucks, including Irish aid, and not getting in. The question arises as to what we do. At this point it would be churlish not to acknowledge the extraordinary pioneering work of our good colleague Senator Francis Black in this area over a number of years. We must acknowledge that. We should salute her in that. We should and we are now implementing the occupied territories Bill. We should not go into recess this summer until that is implemented. There has been a late conversion by such countries as England, and France and Germany within the EU. We should be at the forefront of keeping the momentum to that late conversion. We should be out there in the EU pushing for that to continue. We should be strongly against the arms going into Israel. An embargo on arms has to take place at this stage. There is no equivocation on that, no counterargument. There cannot be, given what is happening there. We need to be taking these actions immediately. When the Minister of State responds, and I know he is active on these issues, he will state clearly that we are going to act on all these fronts. It is a multifaceted approach. It is the occupied territories Bill, the embargo on arms, a call for the ceasefire, getting the aid in, supporting the new EU initiatives and pushing for more.There is self-interest here. This is a tragic reality, and we would be horrified if it happens, but we are giving rise to and creating the conditions for a new generation of suicide bombers. Let us have no illusions about a 15- or 16-year-old child who sees their family obliterated, their home obliterated and their people displaced. If that child is intelligent and bright he or she could potentially and tragically become a suicide bomber. It is the wrong response but it is the response we will have. Relations of ours, generations back or down, will walk along Trafalgar Square or the Champs-Élysées, or in Dublin or Germany or wherever, and unfortunately may be victims. This is coming and there is a self-interest here. That is not the reason to do it but it is a by-product we are going to have.

Let us get one misnomer out of the way. In taking strong action, and we have to take strong action, there is not a shred of antisemitism in this. The people who are horrified by Gaza today and the proposed 22 new settlements in the West Bank are similarly horrified by antisemitism and horrified by the events of 7 October.

The last thing I would say is on the excellent speech by Senator McDowell. The Senator is right. Israel did create these conditions over a number of years. It did feed into this situation with settlements and with support of Hamas, and unfortunately this is the tragic outcome. Action is needed now. I look forward to the Minister of State outlining a programme of actions here.

Joe Conway (Independent)
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I will begin by addressing the several truckloads of words that have been used in this Chamber and in the other House with regard to the horrific happenings in the Middle East over the past couple of years. The problem in that regard, as it is manifested in parliaments and societies all over the world, is that we somehow get inured to the sufferings of people in the Middle East. It almost anaesthetises us from the horrific state of affairs there.

In respect of our own performance as a country and a sovereign nation it is said, "By their fruits shall you know them". If one was to look at the fruits of our efforts with regard to Israel over the years, I do not believe that any country would bear a riper fruit than ours. Let us consider the vilification that has been done to Ireland by the Israeli Parliament, leaders and state. I do not think there is another country in the world that has had its mission closed and ambassador withdrawn because of the stance taken by its government. That is not just the present Government. This goes back significantly, back into the beginning of my memory of politics anyway. We should maintain a sense of balance here. There is so much that a government can do. They are in a cleft state because they have to feed their own population, they have to negotiate their own deals and the world is a very pragmatic place. I do not know a whole tonne about international financial affairs but I know this much: if we stopped dealing in Israeli bonds tomorrow, the next day somebody would take up the slack and we would, apart from what would be a manifestly empty gesture, be just that bit poorer. I sympathise with the Government that it has to take those things into consideration.

A few minutes ago, Senator Black referred to a "descent into darkness". More than that, I believe Europe as a continent is sleepwalking into doom. It is often said that the only thing we appear to learn from history is that we never learn anything from history. Looking at the history books, what we have at the moment is a shocking replication of what happened between 1933 and 1945. Sovereignty is belittled by the aggressors all over the world but it is very close to us now in Europe and on our borders in the Middle East. It is a frightening vista because we are manifestly unprepared or unwilling. We have had such a sybaritic prosperity over the years since the end of the Second World War that we are unwilling or unable to stand up to aggressors, and we do not have the stomach to do so. That is profoundly dangerous for Europe.

I commend the Government. Countries in the EU are basically divided into two categories: the former colonisers and the formerly colonised. As a formerly colonised country Ireland has a rich pasture to till in the other nations that were colonised. Even Spain, one of the countries that was a coloniser, is very close to us in our stance on Israel. We should in Europe be tilling the field of goodwill in like-minded countries so that we can build up this head of steam in the European Union.

When we read about the historical happenings in France, for example, during the Second World War, when there was an atrocity such as a Gestapo soldier being shot, the usual knee-jerk reaction was to take out 20 people from the village and execute them the next morning. This is the very same thing that is happening with people in the Middle East bombing schools and hospitals. There may be a Hamas leader in there sheltering but the approach is "So what? Let us kill off those around him." It is just an horrific repetition of history that this is countenanced.

We should continue to call out Israel but we should really work very hard in the European Union to build up the head of steam so that we are not just on our own shouting in the wilderness but, rather, have people at our side who can make the call more strongly.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I thank the Senator. Before I call our next speaker I wish to welcome to the Public Gallery the IADT retirement group who are guests of Deputy Cormac Devlin. I hope you enjoy your visit to Leinster House today and especially to the Seanad. You are welcome.

Eileen Lynch (Fine Gael)
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I wish to first acknowledge the Tánaiste's statement on this matter. I thank him for being in the Seanad this morning and for his continuing commitment to peace. I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, here today.

Gaza, unfortunately, is now synonymous with suffering, displacement, human tragedy and genocide. Let me begin by reaffirming a belief shared across this Chamber, which is the right of all people, Palestinian and Israeli, to live in peace, dignity and security. Let there be no ambiguity here. The scenes we have witnessed in recent months are heartbreaking, with families torn apart, children killed and homes reduced to rubble. Ireland is not indifferent to the suffering of civilians no matter who they are or where they come from. In regard to Gaza and the rights of civilians we have been a leader in Europe. It is disappointing that so many of our European counterparts are not taking the same position. The European Union as a collective needs to act now because there is no excuse.

I rise today not just to express sympathy, important though that is, but to address how this debate is unfolding in our national discourse. I am concerned that the tragedy of Gaza is increasingly being used in Irish politics as a blunt instrument to signal virtue, to provoke and to divide rather than to heal, to inform or to help. It is being politicised in a populist fashion that is doing little to advance peace and even less to honour our own values of integrity, diplomacy and justice. Ireland has long had a proud tradition of supporting peace processes, from East Timor to South Africa to the Middle East. We have sent peacekeepers, diplomats and humanitarians into some of the world's most dangerous conflict zones, not to posture but to protect. That tradition carries a moral weight and a diplomatic responsibility. What we increasingly see today, in this Chamber and beyond, is a rush to the megaphone rather than actual resolution. We see slogans in place of substance and anger in place of engagement. There is a difference between passionate advocacy and populist grandstanding. When the issue is as grave as the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza, we owe it to Palestinians and Israelis, and to ourselves, to do better. We cannot be disingenuous on this. We need to work as a team across all parties and none. Let us be clear, the path to justice for the Palestinian people does not run through our social media feeds. It runs through complex, painful and sustained international diplomacy, the kind that requires more than condemnation. It requires courage, compromise and consistency. Fine Gael has long supported a two-state solution based on international law whereby Israel and Palestine can live side by side in peace.We have consistently called out the occupation and the expansion of settlements. We have also defended the right of Israel to exist and to protect its citizens from terror. These are not contradictory positions; they are the foundations of any real peace. History, especially our history, teaches us that conflict is never simple and peace is never easy. It must be built, it cannot be imposed. It requires voices that do not seek applause but seek answers. We cannot be arrogant enough to think we can empathise with the trauma innocent Palestinians are going through every day. We can only sympathise. Some 56,000 men, women and children have been killed. There is an obligation on all of us to do what we can.

To those who wield the suffering of Gaza as a political sword, this is not a contest for who can shout the loudest but a test of who can lead with compassion and truth. Let us use our platform here not to outbid each other in our outrage but to champion diplomacy, humanitarian support and constructive engagement. Let us support international efforts to bring about an immediate ceasefire, the release of hostages, humanitarian access and, ultimately, a political resolution. Let us do so, not for points scored in an Irish debate, but for the very real people in Gaza, Israel and across the region who live every day with the consequences of a conflict they did not choose.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I thank Senators from all parties and none for their very thoughtful, considered and genuine contributions here this morning. There is no way I will be able to respond in ten minutes to all the issues raised or be able to give this debate the respect and dignity it deserves. I will endeavour to do my best because I truly appreciate the opportunity to respond to the debate.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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If the Minister of State runs over time, I will not stop him.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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That is very generous of you, a Leas-Chathaoirligh. That is the spirit and the mood of the House. We all recognise that. Before I respond to some of the issues raised and speak about the issue more generally, for the benefit of the House I would like to focus more specifically on humanitarian aid, because it is my specific brief as Minister of State with responsibility for international development.

As we all know, over the course of the past 18 months, we have witnessed the unfolding of a humanitarian catastrophe of staggering proportions in Gaza. It is not a new catastrophe, but it has moved to a certain level that none of us ever envisaged, in particular those in the House who have been long-time campaigners in this area. I am not one of those. I acknowledge Senators Black and Andrews. I remember Senator Andrews and I attending an event in Ballinteer St. John's GAA club a number of years ago when he brought a young football team from Gaza.

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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I worry about the kids. Some of them may have been killed since then.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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Senator Andrews took the words out of my mouth. The Lord knows what has befallen most of those children since. I know everyone in this House has a personal commitment, some for different periods and others in various regards.

In recent months, more than 54,000 people have been killed, more than 123,000 injured, and 90% of the population has been displaced, some up to 13 times. When we speak about the 123,000 who were injured, we are not talking about cuts and scrapes. We are talking about catastrophic injuries that cannot receive the level of treatment, rehabilitation or required level of care in this situation. We continue to witness appalling scenes from Gaza every night on our television screens. The renewed offensive in Gaza and plans to establish full control of the Gaza Strip are not just alarming, they are illegal and worrying and, to be quite frank, morally depraved.

Let me also be clear in my condemnation of Hamas, for its terror attack on Israel, for continuing to keep hostages in captivity, and for the death and destruction it has brought to Palestinians and Israelis alike. The humanitarian situation in Gaza in particular is truly horrific. While there has been a limited restart of humanitarian aid into Gaza, the understatement of the century is that this is clearly insufficient. The obstruction of lifesaving aid by Israel is a violation of its international obligations. Israel decided on 4 May that it would take control of the distribution of humanitarian aid as a condition to lifting its blockade. The UN has described this as unacceptable and "designed to further control and restrict supplies". The UN relief chief, Tom Fletcher, has called it a "cynical sideshow". Ireland and the European Union have been clear that the use of humanitarian aid as a tool of war is prohibited under international humanitarian law. The effectiveness of the UN and the delivery mechanisms of humanitarian aid, in particular by UNRWA, was clearly proven to be the best available system during the ceasefire from 19 January until Israel's unilateral decision to block all aid supplies into Gaza on 2 March.

I welcome that the EU High Representative, Kaja Kallas, issued a joint statement with Commissioners Šuica and Lahbib earlier this month, stating that the new mechanism "runs counter to humanitarian principles, as underlined by UN agencies and humanitarian partners". I also reiterate that there can be no forced displacement of the civilian population in Gaza nor occupation of the Gaza Strip by Israel. This was made clear by Ireland and other EU member states at the EU-Israel Association Council in February.

Ireland has provided more than €87 million in support of the people of Palestine since January 2023. Of this, more than €75 million has been provided in humanitarian assistance in response to the suffering caused by the conflict in Gaza since October 2023. This includes €58 million for UNRWA since 2023 to support its programmes in Gaza and the West Bank. I know these statements are on Gaza but it is important that we also refer to the situation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, as well as in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, which are also equally horrific. We have been steadfast in our defence of UNRWA at EU level. While several EU countries halted their funding to the organisation, putting it at existential risk, instead we contributed an additional €20 million. We have been clear that there is no realistic alternative to UNRWA - that it is the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza and the main provider of education, health and social services in Gaza. Its work is irreplaceable for millions of Palestinian refugees in the region, particularly in the current context in Gaza.

We have also been providing humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza through other agencies, including the World Food Programme and the Red Cross and Red Crescent societies. Through Ireland's rapid response initiative, 116 tonnes of relief supplies, including family tents, tarpaulins, blankets, water cans and hygiene kits have been provided. There are currently two consignments of humanitarian aid in Jordan awaiting entry to Gaza. Both consignments had received approval to enter Gaza but were unable to do so following the imposition by Israel of the blockade. We are talking about tarpaulin, which people need to use in place of the house or apartment they were living in a matter of months ago. At this point, we are not allowed to send truckloads of tarpaulin, basic medicines and food into the Gaza Strip. Debates outside this Chamber and jurisdiction lose focus on the sheer basic necessities for life that are being restricted.

In February 2024, Ireland and Spain wrote to the President of the European Commission requesting an urgent review of Israel's compliance with humanitarian obligations under the association agreement. Since then, the situation has become immeasurably worse. Ireland has deliberately led on this issue. We welcome the growing number of EU member states who now also support a review of Israel's compliance with these obligations. I also welcome last week's announcement that the EU will conduct a review of the association agreement with Israel. I attended this meeting on behalf of the Tánaiste and spoke strongly in favour of the EU taking this step. This is an important decision reflecting the grave concerns held by member states on the ongoing military operations by Israel and the limited restart of humanitarian aid entering Gaza. As the death toll in Gaza continues to rise, the EU must use all levers at its disposal with the urgency the situation demands.

I will go off script, for the want of a better description, and give a little bit of information to this House. Those who were present at the foreign affairs committee under Deputy Lahart's chairmanship earlier in the week will have heard me go into this detail. Senator Lynch referred to shifting EU opinion. It is important to focus on the fact that when Ireland and Spain tabled a review, given that it is blatantly obvious to anyone with eyes and ears that human rights abuses are going on in the Gaza Strip, only two member states supported it. Last week, 17 member states supported taking such a step, an increase of 15 over the course of a bloody horrific year that has seen tens of thousands of people killed in the Gaza Strip. That is very important.

I appreciate what Senator Stephenson said about it being time to stop hiding behind the EU. I do not necessarily accept that we are hiding behind the EU, but there are opinions in other EU member states to an extent that she and I, and anyone in this Chamber, would simply not recognise that the situation being discussed is the same one we know and care so passionately about.

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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I did not actually say that.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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The Minister of State should be allowed to speak without interruption.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I am trying to be helpful in what I say and not in any way to be combative or to disagree with the point the Senator makes. However, it is useful for me to lay out what the Irish Government is genuinely trying to do to move the European obstacles out of the way and achieve consensus, but also shift the dial regarding the perception of the conflict in certain member states. Two member states backed our proposal in April of last year and the number is now 17. Do I believe the proposal is 1% of what is enough? Absolutely not. I recognise that. It is nowhere near what is required to save enough lives or stop the conflict quickly enough. It is but one of many tools and processes open to us. Senator Stephenson listed a number of them and I am going to respond to them in due course, so she should not worry in that regard.

The proposal gives us an opportunity and a responsibility. Representatives in the European Parliament, of all parties and groups and of none, have been relatively united on this. I was in the European Parliament with the Slovenian Prime Minister for last week’s debate on Gaza. It was toxic, to be quite frank. Some of the rhetoric from members of my own political family, the European People’s Party, and equally from the far right and various other groups, both centre and centre left, was just so alien to what we are discussing. In the debate we are having here in Ireland, we will get frustrated with one another and the Government will be castigated by protesters in opposition. I hear that and I am not countering it. I am not going to dismiss it for one instant, but it is important to set out the context of this debate.

Senator Cosgrove referred to the debate in the United States. We know that is alien. Senator Black, who spends an awful lot of time in the United States, knows that what is being discussed there is something we would not recognise. At European level, and previously at British level, the debate was one we would not have recognised, but it is shifting. I say that to give an indication of what should and can be achieved and what we are genuinely trying to achieve.

Senator Higgins referred to the legislation on the occupied territories that will soon go to the foreign affairs committee for pre-legislative scrutiny. It is not there yet. Let us wait until we get there. The discussions between Senator Black and the Tánaiste are ongoing to ensure we get something robust that best represents the original legislation and that is within the confines of international law.

The Slovenian foreign minister has stated Slovenia is going to replicate whatever we pass. She said that to me on the floor of the European Council. While this is great, Slovenia is but one country and there are 25 more to go. We have seen indications from other member states. They have seen where moves have been made on recognition and are slowly coming around. There is an extremely important conference in New York organised by France and Saudi Arabia on maintaining the importance of the two-state solution. One of the main reasons Ireland, like Norway and Spain, officially recognised Palestine last year was not just the long-standing, righteous call from many in this House and outside. It was, at a very perilous time, about maintaining our true belief in the future of a two-state solution and providing the pathway.

There are issues concerning the role of Hamas and governance that other EU member states have been referring to for many months, but these are starting to be addressed. I had a conversation on this with the Palestinian ambassador to Ireland last week and, indeed, her EU counterpart this week. We can get more states to recognise Palestine in the coming weeks. That is really important, not just for its symbolism but also for what it will mean in the wider debate on how we move on regarding the likes of the association agreement, trading practices, and getting other EU member states to adopt legislation of the kind that will be passed swiftly in these Houses once it is subjected to pre-legislative scrutiny.

Senator Black and I sat beside each other in the Seanad when she introduced the occupied territories Bill more than eight years ago. Senator Higgins was one seat behind me and my dear friend, Anthony Lawlor, was on the other side, in from where Senator Lynch is now. I spoke against Senator Black’s Bill at the time. She will remember the tone of the debate. I did not disagree with one iota of what she was trying to achieve, as we discussed on television not too long afterwards. There was someone on the panel who very much disagreed with us. However, I was wholeheartedly in agreement, as I am now, that if we are to pass anything, it must be fully in compliance with international and EU law. If we are to pass something, it must in the first instance be something we can stand over legally and, second, something that allows us to show the path to other member states and countries around the world.

South Africa got ahead of us regarding the work concerning the ICJ. We have been able to join that case. We have seen what the South Africans could do, and perhaps we can see what we can do. The legislation that comes out of this House, on its own, will not end the conflict overnight, as we all accept, but it is an important step. That is why, as someone who definitely took a different approach to the conflict in the Middle East than Senator Black, Senator Andrews and others – we would have had robust debates over the years – I find myself in my current position. I very much find myself in the same position as so many Members in the UK’s House of Commons, who stood up a couple of weeks ago and said that, traditionally, they would have absolutely believed in the right of Israel to exist first and foremost and, indeed, its right to defend itself but that what it has done over the past 23 months or thereabouts has really made people like them completely change their opinions and open their eyes to the level of deprivation we are seeing among an oppressed people. I am ashamed of myself – I genuinely and sincerely mean that – but still maintain my belief that whatever we agree on has to be binding and legally enforceable. That will still guide me but it does not take away for one instant from the level of commitment, compassion and empathy of all Members of this House.

There is an awful lot more I could inform this House about in relation to the ICJ action and so much else. It is all good stuff that the Members all probably heard before and that has probably been aired in debates. Regardless of people’s personal opinions and emotions, and appreciating that this debate is emotive for many, I completely respect the bona fides of those who introduced the legislation in the Dáil this week, the desire to achieve something and to feel, given the mind-blowing level of frustration, that we are actually contributing in some way to alleviating the suffering and deprivation we see on our screens. On the other side, we need to ensure things are legally binding and, if they are not, that we determine how to change the process to make them so.

Frances Black (Independent)
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They are legally binding, though. It is just a matter of accepting that.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I am not trying to open a debate at all; I am just trying to provide the context and, perhaps, a window and passage forward. The Senator and I, and indeed her wonderful former adviser, would have trawled through legal opinions, perhaps more than Senator McDowell goes through in a year. It was absolutely mesmerising. Looking at what was considered last night in the Dáil and the reaction to it, and looking at the status quo and current legal opinion, it is a case of asking how we change the system to open a path. I do not think anyone who was in the Chamber last night – the 84 TDs who have been told many times, including this morning, that they are complicit in genocide or that their behaviour is shameful – has had the intention ascribed to him or her, nor does he or she ever want to have it in debate. If we wanted to be partisan about it on the Government side, we could say many things, but I have no interest in that here this morning. I hope the Senators appreciate that the Tánaiste and Minister for foreign affairs, the Taoiseach and the entire Government have no interest in it.

I genuinely and wholeheartedly want to work, and look forward to working, with all Members of this House to see the passage of the legislation on occupied territories as swiftly as possible when it goes to the foreign affairs committee. We will do everything we can. Equally, I will endeavour to be as constructive as possible regarding whatever other legislative tools need to be used. In no way in taking these actions will we ever lose sight of what I believe was unifying commentary this morning to the effect that, as we talk, children are being killed.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I thank the Minister of State for being here. I acknowledge that both the Tánaiste and Deputy Thomas Byrne, also a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, were also present. I thank them in their absence, and Deputy John Lahart, Chairman of the foreign affairs committee. I acknowledge the work of Senator Frances Black.

I welcome the group from Coole National School, who are guests of Senator Linda Nelson Murray. I hope they enjoy their visit to Leinster House, especially the Seanad. It is customary to give pupils no homework on the day of their visit.

I thank the Minister of State and the Government for their commitment to the important Bill. I thank all the speakers who contributed.

When is it proposed to sit again?

Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
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At 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 10 June.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Is that agreed? Agreed.