Seanad debates
Thursday, 1 May 2025
Europe Day 2025: Statements
2:00 am
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank the Minister of State for coming into Seanad Éireann today. Thank you, Minister, for being here as part of our ongoing celebrations of Europe Day and marking it over the coming week. The Minister of State will speak for ten minutes, group spokespersons also for ten minutes and all other Senators for five minutes. We will begin with the Minister of State, Thomas Byrne. Minister, you are most welcome.
Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Tá áthas orm a bheith anseo le Seanadóirí inniu. Gabhaim buíochas leo as ucht na deise seo chun Lá na hEorpa a cheiliúradh anseo sa Seanad. Mar is eol dóibh, mar Bhaill den Teach seo, beidh comóradh 75 bliain Fhorógra Schuman againn i mbliana. This visionary proposal signalled the start of European integration and acted as the earliest foundation of what is now the European Union. It is often said that the Schuman Declaration was a "peace project". That was John Hume's inspiration. The first two sentences of the Schuman Declaration read:
World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.
The contribution which an organized and living Europe can bring to civilization is indispensable to the maintenance of peaceful relations.
Seventy-five years on, the spirit of the Schuman Declaration remains just as relevant today. It is through collective effort and collaboration that the European Continent can achieve peace and prosperity.
In recognising the value of peace and prosperity, I am deeply conscious of the ongoing war against Ukraine. On Saturday, I returned from an official visit to Ukraine, during which I visited both Odesa and Kyiv. In truth, it was a humbling experience, but it was also a visit that gave me hope for Ukraine's future as it continues its journey on the EU path. I welcome the commitment, as do my colleagues in Ukraine, of the United States to work towards peace in Ukraine, in particular the proposal for a partial ceasefire. The support of the US since the start of the full-scale invasion has been essential. I welcome as well the agreement on minerals between the US and Ukraine, which specifically refers to Ukraine's European Union pathway and states that nothing in that agreement should affect that, acknowledging that Ukraine is working towards that. I discussed that with my counterpart, deputy prime minister Olha Stefanishyna, last week in Kyiv. I am encouraged by the renewed bilateral engagement and the US commitment to peace in Ukraine. Despite the barbaric attacks launched by Russia on the Ukrainian people, the Ukrainian people and their Government remain resilient and resolved. Ukraine sees its future as European and, despite Russia's illegal and unjustified invasion, the work of the Ukrainian Government and Parliament continues. God knows how in the circumstances but it does, and they work towards deeper European integration. We want to see Ukraine in the EU. That was the message I had for my counterparts in Ukraine along with my Lithuanian colleague, deputy foreign minister Sigitas Mitkus, who accompanied me.
The response of the European Union to this war of aggression has been striking in its unity and resolve. The European Union and its member states collectively have provided more support to Ukraine - financially, militarily and diplomatically - than any other partner. This war, and the threat posed by Russia, is an existential issue for Ukraine but it is also a major challenge to the security and safety of Europe. We want to see an end to the conflict. We want peace, but how we make peace matters too. Ukraine must be centrally involved in any peace negotiations and supported to be able to engage from a position of strength. There needs to be a clear European role as well.
Russia's aggression against Ukraine has changed the European security environment dramatically. The EU, its member states and our neighbouring countries are faced with a range of threats and challenges to our security that are acute and growing.With an exclusive economic zone of close to seven times our land area, maritime security is an essential domain of strategic importance to Ireland. In fact protecting and defending this State and ensuring our armed forces are supplied with the resources they need are a mark of our independence and the difference between being an independent country and being a country under Britain, as we were for many years.
Recent geopolitical tensions have placed the topic of security and resilience of our critical undersea infrastructure to the fore, with increased media attention and mounting concerns for critical undersea infrastructure across industry and at state level. The Government is committed to ensuring that the right systems, resources and tools are in place to defend the State and our independence. We need to meet the challenges of the future and to work with international partners in a manner consistent with our policy of military neutrality.
Investment in our defence and security acts as an insurance policy for our State and its people. The programme for Government commits to a major transformation and modernisation programme for the Defence Forces, which is already under way and includes urgent capability development. Ireland has already seen significant increases in national defence spending in the past few years. That has allowed us to procure much-needed capabilities. We are, in effect, investing in our neutrality.
The Government is also increasing investment in the countering of cyber and hybrid threats, such as disinformation, and protecting our critical sub-sea infrastructure. We welcome the publication of the European White Paper on Defence – Readiness 2030. We see the value in EU member states and partners working together to mitigate the threats and challenges we collectively face as democracies. No state acting alone can address the entirety of existing and emerging security challenges and Ireland stands ready to contribute constructively to developing the EU’s security and defence.
From modest beginnings, the European Union has grown into a Union of 27 nations, diverse, democratic and united. Ireland, in particular, has grown over the last 50 years since we first joined the European Economic Community. Through our membership, we have a seat at the table and an amplified voice at international level. Time and again, we have been told that this is some threat to or imposition on our sovereignty. It is not; it is a sharing of sovereignty among all the countries of the European Union which gives us all a stronger voice in the world.
The benefits of EU membership are both wide-ranging and deeply felt. From the right of Irish people to live and work across Europe to economic growth driven by the Single Market and access to European funding programmes, such as Erasmus, all of these have enriched many lives. Over the last 50 years, we have strengthened our human rights record, progressed civil and social rights, introduced gender equality legislation, which we continue to do, improved the protection of workers’ rights and the rights of marginalised persons and become a more tolerant, kinder and inclusive country. The people of Ireland recognise this reality. According to the most recent Eurobarometer poll, an impressive 91% of Irish citizens believe that we have benefited from being part of the European Union. When we talk about the EU, it is important that this State gives total support to the institutions of the European Union because those institutions are our protection. The people in the institutions are a matter for the democratic elections, whether that is the European Parliament, which is directly elected, the Council of Ministers, which is appointed by the governments elected by the peoples in the member states, or the Commission, which is appointed by those democratically elected governments. The institutions are very important to us and we must continue to take a strong interest in who we send to those institutions. That is the choice of the people.
As a Government, we believe that every European country deserves the same opportunity we had to join the European Union, provided they meet the necessary criteria. I commend the efforts in Ukraine and Moldova to implement accession-related reforms, especially given their very challenging circumstances. The Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine, Olha Stefanishyna, said to me last week that Ukraine is working hard on the reforms it needs and wants, which will benefit its economy and ultimately get the country into the European Union. She asked me to remember that in the context of a war and full-scale invasion of her country, this requires a serious effort. It is a huge amount of work and I thank the Government of Ukraine for what it is doing, as I do others who are helping it.
The countries of the western Balkans, Montenegro and Albania in particular, are taking crucial steps to seize the new momentum they have long awaited. As well as being the EU’s best tool to consolidate democracy, peace and stability in Europe, enlargement will grow the market and deepen the talent pool. This is necessary for our competitiveness and continued economic prosperity. Ireland is about to open new embassies in Belgrade, Chiinu and Sarajevolater this year and we have created a new fund to help candidate countries to reach EU standards. These actions are concrete demonstrations of our commitment to EU enlargement and a recognition of the important role that enlargement willplay in our Presidency of the European Union in 2026. At its heart, the European Union is a community of values, enshrined by Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union, which many people in these Houses voted against. However, adherence to the rule of law is core to those values. It forms the bedrock on which the EU is founded and is key to the EU’s good functioning, including for the application of EU law, the protection of human rights and the operation of the Single Market. We have seen some regrettable backsliding on the rule of law in certain member states. This represents a serious challenge to the EU. It is essential that the EU has the necessary tools to monitor rule-of-law developments and respond to these challenges where they arise. Citizens across the Union have the right to feel protected from those who threaten our values, even if those threats come from their own governments.
Ireland has been a strong proponent of refocusing the EU agenda on competitiveness, productivity and removing barriers within the Single Market. We view the Single Market as being critical to improved competitiveness. A properly functioning Single Market, particularly for services, will be fundamental to Europe’s long-term competitiveness in the era of fierce global competition. Addressing the EU’s competitiveness challenges, including the regulatory burdens faced by small and medium enterprises, will be critical to generating improved and enduring competitiveness in the EU and delivering prosperity for citizens. Ireland welcomes the focus the von der Leyen Commission has placed on this. It is of strategic importance that the EU develops resilient and integrated energy networks to maximise our renewable potential and enhance security of supply. Ireland has called for increased investment in energy grids, interconnections and digital network infrastructure.
The EU has reached a pivotal point. We now face significant challenges, from climate change to digital transformation and wider geopolitical tensions. In responding to those challenges, we need a well informed and engaged public. Education is essential for Irish people to actively engage with political processes both at national and EU level. Let us be hopeful too because more than once in the past, by working together and communicating with one another, we overcame enormous challenges, most recently, the global pandemic.
As we reflect today on 75 years of European unity and 52 years of Irish membership of the European Union, we recommit ourselves to the values that have underpinned Europe’s success, namely, peace, democracy, solidarity and the rule of law. We look ahead with optimism and resolve to the continued evolution of our Union.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Before we hear from the next speaker, I welcome to the Visitors Gallery my good friend, Deputy Michael Cahill, and his friends who have come all the way from Kerry, Phyllis O’Sullivan and Dermot and Stephen Toumy. I thank them for coming to Seanad Éireann and hope they enjoy their visit. They brought the fine weather from Kerry too, for which I thank them.
Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I add my voice of welcome to Deputy Cahill and his guests from beautiful Kerry. I was lucky to be there about three weeks ago when I enjoyed an all-too-short visit.
I am thankful that this debate has been tabled. It is great to have the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs in the Chamber. It is a privilege to be able to address this matter on behalf of Fianna Fáil. As today is Poetry Day Ireland, I thought I would try to find a verse or stanza that could reflect Europe. I thought the one I found was really nice:
May's gentle light, a union’s bond,
Old cities sing a hopeful song.
From distant hills to vibrant streets,
A continent where history meets.
[...]
On this day, we stand, we stay,
Together as Europe, every May.
I followed the Minister of State's visit to Kyiv with interest. He spoke about the hope he felt there. I met some MEPs through the Council of Europe whose hope is very strong. One of them will visit Ireland in two weeks' time when I will meet her. I understand there is vibrancy and resilience there. The poem reminded me of that. There is no doubt that Europe Day is a particularly special day for Fianna Fáil because it was a Fianna Fáil Government that led Ireland into Europe in 1973. That was the culmination of a long campaign over ten years. There is no doubt that joining the European Communities was a transformational moment in the history of this country. It is fair to say that, over the last 52 years, Ireland has made remarkable progress but it has also contributed a lot to the development of our modern European Union.
We should be proud of all that has been achieved and look forward to the next 52 years but, sadly, this year we again mark Europe Day with war on the Continent. I refer to the savage and criminal aggression of Russia against Ukraine and its people. It is basically a war against the idea that the peoples of Europe should be able to live in free democracies. My party, Fianna Fáil, and our country, Ireland, stand with Ukraine and fully support its application for EU membership, as the Minister of State has pointed out. All of us are proud to be part of a Union in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality are valued, nurtured and never taken for granted. I am really glad to see the Minister of State in his role because I know that when Ireland held the Presidency of the Council of Europe he also held this office and played an inspirational and visionary role within the Council of Europe among all 47 countries. His many visits to Strasbourg and around Europe reflected that. He and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade have a collective responsibility to explore effective means to promote unity, understanding and lasting peace among nations at a very difficult time.
The Minister of State mentioned John Hume in his speech. Of course, John spent 25 years as an MEP. He was an incredible advocate for peace and human rights. In 1998, when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize, he recalled his frequent walks in Strasbourg across the bridge between France and Germany into Kehl. He marvelled at this symbol. This small bridge between two countries is very simple but very profound. It is so applicable to conflict resolution anywhere in the world. In that address, he also spoke about how all conflict is ultimately about difference. He said that difference should not be seen as a threat but recognised as the essence of humanity. The answer to difference is to respect it and to work with it. John was seldom wrong but in this he was never more right. We need to respect difference, understand it and find common ground. That is the key to good relations across the European Union. In times of conflict and division, cultural diplomacy can be a powerful tool for building those bridges and fostering reconciliation while celebrating the rich diversity that all of our countries bring uniquely and equally and promoting mutual respect.
The past five decades have seen Ireland's emergence as a modern open economy and society. That has been shaped by close reciprocal co-operation with our European partners. We have certainly come a long way in promoting human rights and dignity. We have seen slippage in some countries, however. It is concerning to see LGBT rights not being respected in Hungary, something that is also emerging in some other countries. Many European countries do not have marriage equality. That is very concerning. If we want to work towards a unified Europe while respecting diversity, we all have to work very hard towards ensuring the values of respect and equality. Ireland's place in Europe is hugely important. There is growing turbulence in the world and real threats to institutions that are fundamentally important to Ireland. The core priority, and I know it is the Minister of State's priority, is to protect and strengthen Ireland's position within the EU and in wider international forums. It is good to see Irish people at a high level in many of the European institutions. As a fundamental part of this, we must protect the trade that is vital to our economy and the institutions that are vital in promoting our values. The Minister of State and this House will join with others in trying to strengthen the EU, to complete essential economic reforms within the Union and to insist on the democratic values we want to see across Europe and the world. The Minister of State and his ministerial colleagues do not have an easy job in accelerating the opening of new markets and expanding the opportunities for Irish companies to prosper through trade. I know the Minister of State is keen to emphasise the importance of trade to our international diplomacy.
It is important that we say a few words about our diplomatic staff throughout Europe and the world. In my time as head of delegation to the Council of Europe, I was very taken with the ambassadors I met, not just in Strasbourg but in other EU member states. Many of those who take these positions make personal sacrifices in doing so. Moving families from country to country is certainly not easy. The professionalism and respect in which Irish ambassadors and their teams are held are extremely high. We owe them a huge debt of gratitude for that.
The upcoming EU Presidency in 2026 will be an important time. It is good that Ireland is assuming the Presidency at that time. As we know, this has become an established practice among EU member states. I remember well before I became a Member of this House being excited on seeing on television that Ireland was hosting the Presidency. Maybe we could have a debate next year on the preparations and see how the Seanad could play a role in that regard.
I thank the Minister of State for being here. We wish him and all of our colleagues working in Europe well in promoting the values that we see as important and also promoting trade opportunities.
Aubrey McCarthy (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I had agreed to share my time with Senator Clonan, who may join me. He is not here yet.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
In his absence we will agree to that.
Aubrey McCarthy (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank the Minister of State for being here with us. As my colleague Senator O'Loughlin has said about Europe, we should celebrate all things Europe. That is what Europe Day is about. It offers us an opportunity to reflect on the achievements of the EU. I will highlight initiatives that I am familiar with, such as the Erasmus programme. This enables students from all over Europe to engage in study and research across institutions in the EU. My alma mater, Trinity College Dublin, has become a hugely popular destination for European students. It participates well in the Erasmus. I am pleased so many chose to study in Ireland. Not only that, the experience they gain from life in Ireland will surely stand to them and also benefit us when they return to their own countries with fond memories and expressions of Ireland. Europe Day must prompt us to examine the bigger picture. In May 1950, Robert Schuman made his grand proposal which laid the foundations for what became the European Union as we know it. He outlined a vision of grand proportions and it was not just about mere economics. It was about interlinking the economies of Germany and France through the coal and steel pact. It created a situation that marked a break with the history of inter-European wars motivated by ultranationalism.
Since then, Europe has evolved and expanded as a geopolitical and economic power. The tragic return of war to the Continent of Europe has increased demands for further political integration in Europe. It logically follows that this would lead to a greater militarisation of Europe. We have seen a moving away from the grand pronouncements of the likes of Schuman. Instead, in recent years and months, we have seen a new focus on deal-making and crude bargaining between countries. There is a revealing moment in the news today, with the brutally frank demands of President Trump to Ukraine. For the US to give support, it must have access to the mineral resources of Ukraine. That marks a move away from the international liberal order. If that is the case, Ireland must also face this reality even if we do not like it.
This will impact how we think about the European Union and our role and future within it. I am confident that the Irish people will have a strong say and will play a large part in shaping the direction of the EU. However, the sovereignty of the states within the European Union will, naturally enough, be questioned. I know the Minister of State has said it is not going to be an issue but it will be questioned in the light of inevitable further integration. I stress the importance and continued relevance of national sovereignty as a principle. It is not a concept that is alien to European values.
As we mark Europe Day, we, as a country, must be conscious of what is around the corner. Further EU integration will involve greater military alignment and co-ordination. It will challenge our principles of neutrality and sovereignty. Most Irish people wish to preserve these policies, which are cornerstones of our identity as a State. Our neutrality and independence have served us well and have allowed us to be an honest broker on the international stage.
I would love to hear greater conversation in political life and in both Houses about our national direction and how we will meet the challenges of this changing Europe. It is important to consider how best to maintain our sovereignty and neutrality. These are not just abstract concepts or mundane policies; they are principles which generations of Irishmen and Irishwomen have struggled and fought for.
Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I request to share time with Senator Cathal Byrne, if that is agreeable.
Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
The Minister of State is welcome to the Chamber. I appreciate his being here. As most Senators have said, the European Union has had an incredibly positive impact on this State for the past 52 years. Ireland has been a beneficiary during its membership. We have, financially, been a net beneficiary for a long time. I remember driving on roads and seeing the signs for motorways that were built with investment from the European Union. We thought we were doing wicked well by convincing them all to give us money to build roads around the place. It worked, and Fianna Fáil benefited from it in elections during the 1990s. Our membership has been very beneficial. Even more beneficial has been the ability of our citizens to travel throughout Europe for work and education. Businesses have been able to open up new markets. It has been transformational for us as a State. Before we were a member of the European Union, we were probably seen as a country that was very reliant on the UK from an economic perspective. We were seen as the little brother of the UK who could not fend for itself. Look where we are now after 50-plus years of membership of the European Union. We have the fastest-growing economy among the 27 member states. We have full employment and are in a position that a lot of other countries would like to emulate, from an economic perspective. That is really positive and it is because of leadership and decisions that were made back in the 1970s. They could see the opportunities that were there for us as a country. Obviously, the European Union was set up initially as a peacemaking exercise, which has been very successful since the 1940s. While it has been challenged over the last number of years and while member states have different perspectives, as long as the European Union remains united with the single goal of remaining peaceful within the Union, we can have a very positive future ahead with our partners.
My party, Fine Gael, has played a very important leadership role in the European People's Party, which is the largest party in the European Union and has the largest number of prime ministers in it. I congratulate my party colleague, Ms Mairead McGuinness, who was elected yesterday as a vice president of the European People's Party. I know she will use her influence within that role to benefit the citizens of Ireland.
There are lots of challenges at the moment and obviously migration is an issue that is very difficult for countries right across the EU. I am a member of the Council of Europe, along with Senators Murphy and Stephenson. That council comprises 46 member states who focus, essentially, on human rights. The European Union has an obligation to improve upon and be more vocal about the legal requirements on all countries to uphold human rights and protect people who are fleeing countries across the world. It can become very political, as we have seen in the UK, here in Ireland as well as in France and Italy. Instead of countries individually trying to manage it, the European Union as a whole needs to take a stronger position, not in terms of blocking people but in terms of what the EU can do to support people who are fleeing conflicts and coming in legally, while also having a good border.
I note the Minister of State's comments on Ukraine. We need to continue our support for Ukraine. Ukrainians have been very appreciative over the last number of years of the support the Irish people have given them as well as the role the Irish Government has played within the European Union in trying to fast-track the country's membership of the EU. We should continue being vocal on that, along with other countries like Moldova.
The Minister of State also mentioned security, which is something we really need to wake up to. Senator McCarthy has left the Chamber but in his contribution he talked about the fear of losing our neutrality. There is literally no one talking about losing our neutrality. The only people who talk about it are people in opposition. We need to wake up. Most people in the country will agree that we have learned over the last number of months that America has changed. The leadership in America has changed and Europe cannot depend on America from a security perspective any more, as it could have done previously. The European Union needs to re-evaluate how it manages its security and Ireland has a role to play in that. We should be able to have a discussion without talking about losing our neutrality because there is no one suggesting that. No one on the Government side is suggesting that.
When we talk about things like the triple lock, that does not mean, as has been suggested in this House, that we are joining NATO and sending our citizens to war. None of that is happening. I absolutely respect people's view and understand that they might not be in favour of it or they are concerned about it but it has nothing to do with taking away our neutrality. That kind of spin has been put out for the last 50 years by political parties in opposition. In the 1970s when we were joining the European Union, one of Sinn Féin's main reasons for not joining was that it would take away our neutrality. That is clearly not the case. People have different views on it but if we are going to have a debate, we need to do it respectfully and not go down the road of scaremongering and talking about how we are going to lose our neutrality. Everyone in the country knows the importance that Ireland places on being neutral and we need to continue that.
Cathal Byrne (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
As this is my first interaction with the Minister of State in the House, I wish him the best of luck in his role for the term ahead.
I wish to address Ireland's upcoming EU Presidency and the opportunities it brings for Ireland. Specifically, I want to speak about three key areas, the first of which is the further integration of banking across the EU. It should not be the case that an individual can go into a bank in another European country and put money on deposit at a higher rate than is available to depositors here in this country, or borrow money at a lower rate than can be accessed here. This applies particularly to house building, people looking to take out a mortgage to buy their first home, or business people or small businesses seeking to expand. We have to look more closely at greater integration across the European banking market.
Second, I will address a point that the Minister of State raised relating to competitiveness. We have seen from multiple reports, including the Draghi report on EU competitiveness, that competitiveness across the EU is a major issue for us. In a worldwide economy, with more trading and the issues we are seeing with tariffs under the Trump Presidency, we have to get to grips with the issues relating to competitiveness in the EU. It is not sufficient to simply identify what the problems are in reports; these need to be actioned. I hope that, as part of our EU Presidency, we will be focused on competitiveness.
Regarding agriculture, I again highlight the need for greater measures to be taken by the EU Commission to incentivise and encourage young farmers into farming. As has been said in the House before, the reality is that without farmers there is no food. At the moment the statistics are quite bleak. Some 12% of farmers across the EU are aged under 40 and only one in 20 farmers in Ireland are currently under the age of 35. If farming is not profitable for individual farmers, young farmers simply will not take up the profession. My father and uncle farm in Wexford but neither I nor my two brothers directly make our living from farming. Unfortunately, that is a reality faced by more and more families across the country. During our EU Presidency we will be in a position to address this as part of the CAP reform negotiations as we move to 2027 and post the current CAP. We need to prioritise the simplification of the CAP. There are simply too many schemes. They are too cumbersome and it takes too much time for individual farmers to get access to the grants available through the CAP at the moment. I regularly see measures or initiatives introduced as part of the CAP to incentivise the production of a crop that currently is not being produced across the EU. That inevitably leads to more people applying to access the measure and unfortunately, because of the associated bureaucracy, it acts as a disincentive. In the first year of the measures we might see a large uptake of farmers producing that crop but, unfortunately, we repeatedly see farmers backing away in year two and year three simply because the form-filling and processes to access the money are too cumbersome.
I ask the Minister of State to take those points on board. In his brief he has a very challenging role in engaging across the EU with many stakeholders. There was a point raised earlier about national sovereignty. We are here in this Chamber to make these points directly to the Minister of State who will take them up with the Taoiseach and Tánaiste for us and in Europe.
Conor Murphy (Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context
With permission, I will share time with Senator Andrews.
Conor Murphy (Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context
If I stray over time, the Chair might warn me, given that the clock is not working.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
That is all right. There will be injury time.
Conor Murphy (Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I welcome the Minister of State's presence here today and his statement celebrating Europe Day. Senator O'Loughlin correctly paid tribute to John Hume and his role in the European Union over many years. Many others from the North have done so since. It points to a tinge of regret that we must have in celebrating Europe Day that the part of the island he represented is no longer in the European Union, despite having voted to remain and being taken out against its wishes. A number of issues continue to flow from that, which are not just matters of interest north of the Border but to the whole island. When the Government takes up the Presidency next year it must be mindful of some of these issues. We have had the Brexit experience and the potential damage it did to the all-Ireland economy, in particular such sectors as agrifood. Unlike the British Government at the time, the Government here and the EU played a very strong role in recognising the damage the process would have on Ireland. People like Michel Barnier, Maroš Šefovi and others stepped up to negotiate in the interests of this island. That was of great benefit to us all, even though there are still issues arising. I acknowledge the work done by a previous Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, to secure the re-entry of the whole of the island into the European Union in the event of a successful unity referendum. That again demonstrates the interest the European Union has in the island as a whole, even with the development of Brexit. Part of that has been a significant organic growth in cross-Border trade from approximately €2 billion in 1998 up to €12.4 billion last year. I also acknowledge the work InterTradelreland does in that respect.
There are ongoing negative effects due to the continued outworking of Brexit. While the whole of Ireland is in the EU market for goods, which is important for manufactured goods and agrifood, tradeable services, which the Minister of State referenced as playing a key part in improved competitiveness, are not included. That is an important sector north of the Border. We also lost EU funding. It is very welcome that PEACEPLUS will continue for some years, which demonstrates the ongoing interest of Europe and its contribution to the island, but we are losing single farm payments, structural funds and access to EU workers. The lack of farm payments and access to EU workers are critical matters that damage the agrifood industry on the island. Therefore, it is an area of continuing interest.
The other issue I wish to mention is the free movement of tourists on the island. Despite multiple petitions to the British Government, including meetings in which I was involved, it has introduced an electronic travel authorisation process that is damaging to tourism on the island as a whole. Even when we presented evidence of potential damage gathered by Tourism Ireland, it still went ahead with its plan. As a consequence, we are already receiving anecdotal evidence of the damage to the tourism industry.
While the Executive north of the Border still has its Brussels office, it does not have a presence other than that. It is important that the Government here continues to recognise the ongoing impact of Brexit and that the absence of the North from the EU, with the exception of it being in the EU market for goods, is still problematic for the island as a whole. The Government must also continue to give voice to that in the future, in particular when it has the Presidency. One way to mitigate the damage is to support observer status for MEPs elected north of the Border, which would not impact on the 14 seats in the rest of Ireland. It would be very welcome if the Government could raise that at the Council and try to offer support for that prospect.
I listened to Senator Ahearn's contribution on neutrality. I am glad to hear he spoke passionately in defence of it. When the Government moves to undo the triple lock process, which protects neutrality, it will in turn undermine the United Nations, a critical international organisation involved in world peace and security. Given the genuine concerns that arise, I look forward to a debate on the issue that is free from scaremongering on imminent threats to communications and our seas and waterways. I am happy to engage in such a debate in a mature fashion in the future. I will now share my time with Senator Andrews.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Before we hear from the next Senator, I welcome guests of the Minister of State, Deputy James Lawless, a school group from Drimnagh Castle Secondary School. They are most welcome to Seanad Éireann today. As is protocol in Seanad Éireann, a visiting school has no homework for the rest of the week. If you need that in writing, we will send it on.
Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank the Minister of State for coming in for this important debate. We cannot categorise people as scaremongering when they have a different point of view.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Senator Andrews, without interruption.
Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context
People are entitled to different points of view. It does not mean they are disrespectful or scaremongering. We are happy to debate with anyone at any time.
Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I am not misleading. We are happy to have a respectful debate. We do not necessarily agree with the Government, but that does not mean we cannot discuss issues and have differing opinions.
In the more than 50 years since Ireland joined what would eventually become the European Union, we have experienced rapid and welcome change. Membership of the EU has served as a catalyst for so much good in Ireland, advancing civil rights, economic growth and investment, environmental protection and social equality. I do not think anybody could doubt that. The shared values that formed the foundation of the European project are positive and constructive forces that have contributed a great deal to this country and the rest of the Continent, securing peace and improving the lives of millions. In recent years, however, the EU has drifted dangerously far from these values and continues to dilute the ideas that made it a vehicle for positive change at home and abroad.
The original vision for the EU as a community of sovereign nations working together for the benefit of all its people, promoting peace and prosperity is under threat from the rise of militarisation, racism, privatisation, corporate interests and individual greed. Where are the values of respect for human dignity and human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law when it comes to Palestine? Where are they when it comes to eradicating poverty and ensuring that we all have access to housing, healthcare and adequate employment? The EU defines one of its key aims as contributing to "peace, security, the sustainable development of the Earth" and the upholding of international law, but the actions of the EU and its member states paint a very different picture.
The European armaments industry is rapidly expanding to meet Europe’s demand for weapons and war. Rather than addressing social and economic crises in our communities, billions of euro are being funnelled into arms manufacturing, solely to the benefit of a small, wealthy elite who profit off the oppression and suffering of people in faraway countries. Europe is militarising at an alarming rate, readying itself for war and selling its weapons to the highest bidder, all while branding itself is a beacon of peace and human rights. Nowhere is this hypocrisy clearer than in respect of Palestine. Since 7 October, the EU, and particularly Germany and Italy, has exported hundreds of millions of euro in weapons and bombs to Israel in direct support of its genocide of the Palestinian people. Ursula von der Leyen has used her role in the European Commission to give Israel Europe’s unconditional support no matter how many crimes it commits in Gaza. The Irish Government has done nothing to challenge this and has allowed Ireland to be wrapped up tighter and tighter in the EU’s growing imperialist ambitions. At a time when we need less war and more peace, the Irish Government is actively working to undermine our neutrality and align us with the security apparatus in Brussels. Moves to scrap the triple lock and militarily integrate with Europe will do nothing to improve our security and will only put us at increased risk. If Ireland is truly invested in the European project, we need to stand up for its core values and against the rising tide of militarisation. We need a European Union that seeks peace, human rights and equality, not one that furthers war and subjugation.
Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I am sharing time with Senator Harmon.
Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Robert Schuman laid the foundations of a Europe built not on war but on cooperation and multilateralism. His vision was clear, that by sharing resources nations could ensure peace and prosperity for generations, which I acknowledge has been said by the Minister of State already.On Europe Day, while we celebrate the values of peace, unity and democracy that underpin the European Union, we must also confront the challenges threatening these very foundations. In countries such as Hungary, we see a worrying drift towards authoritarianism. Curbs on media freedom, judicial independence and civil society have raised alarms about the erosion of democratic norms within the Union itself.
At the same time, the EU's complete inaction on Gaza, where humanitarian catastrophe continues with little meaningful intervention, stands in stark contrast to the professed commitments to human rights. The EU has failed to respond to the situation in Gaza in any meaningful way, and it is, quite frankly, a dark blot on the EU's history.
The illegal invasion of Ukraine is the largest attack on a European state since the Second World War. There is an absence of a robust European-led peace initiative, which I find troubling. Europe must find its voice not just to defend democracy but to champion peace and justice on a global scale and to support Ukraine most critically in a just peace agreement which does not see Ukraine undermined. I highlight that. A peace agreement has to be an equal agreement on both sides.
The EU has been drifting towards militarisation, and this military expansion is increasing with rapid speed and is very much at odds with the spirit of diplomacy and peace that I have already spoken about and that the Union was built on. Security is vital - European security is vital and Ireland's security is vital - but it must never eclipse our commitment to peace.
The term "security dilemma" was first coined by German scholar John Herz in the 1950s. The security dilemma states that when a state or an entity such as the European Union increases its military strength, other states will do the same. They will increase their security and military power. The action of increasing militarisation by one side leads the other side to reciprocate, and this ultimately leads to escalation and conflict. It was early in the 1950s that this was understood, that militarisation creates reciprocal responses, which increases the likelihood of conflict and war. It is therefore cyclical. If we militarise, it will lead us to war.
Previous generations of Europeans understood the horrors of war, and I think that horror is something new generations of Europeans do not understand in the same way. It is in our history and it is an intergenerational trauma but it is not a lived experience. I believe that because people have not lived through the scourge of war themselves, that is rippling in how we perceive war in modern society. I truly believe the move towards an EU army would be a significant and stark escalation towards international conflict. Therefore, for Europe Day, I ask why the Irish Government is not pushing the European Union away from militarisation and towards funding more peace initiatives. If you fund more peace, you get greater peace. There is a direct correlation between increased military spending and increased war. I am a former EU diplomat so I fundamentally believe in the European project. I believe we are stronger together and I believe in multilateralism. That does not mean, however, the Irish Government needs to go along with every EU initiative without asking questions and without reflecting the interests of the Irish people. The Minister of State said Ireland has an amplified voice in Europe. We are an important country in Europe. We have political sway and influence. Why then does the Government seem to systematically acquiesce in everything the EU suggests when it is not necessarily in line with the opinion in Ireland?
This is true when it comes to the question of the EU's radical push towards militarisation, but it is also true for things like the Mercosur deal, which will lead to an existential crisis for Irish farmers. It will put Irish farmers and the agricultural industry, their very livelihoods, at risk. The Mercosur deal is not just an economic deal; it challenges the very way of life and part of the fabric of Irish rural society. As we oppose militarisation, we must also oppose policies that fail to strengthen the sustainability and livelihoods of farmers. Further, these deals risk harming economies and fostering inequality. We need to support a multilateral approach to ensure equitable agreements for countries within the EU when we come into these trade agreements, an approach that underscores environmental protections.
We should not lose sight of why Europe was created around those concepts of dialogue and multilateralism. They will always win over division. Now more than ever, we need a Europe that is focused on peace and justice, not militarism, a Europe that reaches out and leads by example. On the 70-year anniversary of European unity, I want us to renew that founding promise, not just to defend Europe but to define it as a force for peace, inclusivity and shared humanity.
While I have a minute left, I feel I need to respond a little to Senator Ahearn's inputs, he will probably be unsurprised to know. If we were to join EU battle groups and an EU army, and that is what is happening-----
Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context
No. Let me finish. I am on my time. That is the move we are seeing in Europe.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
The Senator, without interruption, unless you want to invoke Standing Order 40, Minister, whereby you can ask to interrupt, but you must ask and the Senator must agree. Senator, you have extra time.
Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank the Cathaoirleach. I have spoken about this before. If we lead and if we get engaged in militarisation, we will be losing our credibility around peace. Ireland has such a profound role to play as a leader in peace, whether that is in Gaza or in Ukraine or whatever conflict we do not know is coming. We have had comments from Ministers - not in this Government but in the previous Government - that the triple lock is critical and essential to neutrality. We heard from Senator Murphy, and I am happy for us to have an open and meaningful discussion. Perhaps the committees will be the stage where we have the opportunity to do it and flesh it out outside of the space of the Chamber.
I want to underscore that armies and military spending lead to war. They do not lead to peace. I have spoken about the security dilemma. That is just the historical reality. I would love to see us actually engaging in peace, both at grassroots and international level. This is something unique that Ireland has to offer. I have an interest in peace because I was a peace-building adviser and that was the work I did. We can make such a change on the global stage, but if we risk losing our neutrality, which I believe removing the triple lock is a step towards - others may not believe this and we can have a discussion about it - then we will undermine the position we hold in that space.
Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Before we move to the next speaker, I welcome back to Seanad Éireann former Senator Micheál Carrigy, now Deputy Carrigy, and the Ballymahon Vocational School from County Longford. You are most welcome here to Seanad Éireann today. There was a second school in during this debate but the rules still apply, as the former Senator will know, that there is no homework for any visiting school that comes to Seanad Éireann. Deputy Carrigy will be able to get a letter to that effect if he needs it.
Laura Harmon (Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context
The European project is a wonderful and impactful project that has contributed to so many progressive laws in this country in employment, human rights, women's rights and the environment. We must protect the progress that has been made and the rights that have been won and guard against any rowing back of that.
Last week I was fortunate to visit the European Parliament with some of my Labour Party colleagues. We were visiting our own MEP, Aodhán Ó Ríordáin. It is very important we have representation across all groups in the European Union. We are proud of his work on the Socialists and Democrats grouping. He has also been appointed as rapporteur to the special committee on the housing crisis in the European Union. That is crucial.
The Erasmus project has been incredibly beneficial to Ireland and to students in Ireland. I commend the Government post Brexit in supporting students from the North of this island in continuing to participate in Erasmus. That is really important.
We have many challenges ahead in Europe in respect of migration from wars and climate displacement, people being displaced as a result and how we how we deal with this. I want to see a Europe that supports these people who are fleeing through no fault of their own. It was an extremely damning indictment to see how Europe handled this ten years ago, when thousands of people drowned in the Mediterranean Sea when search and rescue operations were stopped. We will face these challenges again.
I agree with Senator Murphy that we have an opportunity if there is a border poll in this country. I believe a united Ireland would strengthen our position within Europe.
As mentioned, it is exciting that we are preparing for the Presidency of the Commission in 2026. Given that our Taoiseach is from Cork, it would be great to have some events in Cork as part of that when it comes around.
It has been very worrying to see the move towards militarisation within the European Union. The purse strings are very much being opened when it comes to rearmament in Europe, but when it comes to other issues like the housing crisis across Europe and in this country, we are not seeing a similar commitment to investment. When Ireland was bailed out and when we had to apply for bailouts from the European Union, there were significant conditionalities attached to the money we had to borrow. We need to ensure there are no conditionalities on our neutrality when it comes to any investment in our defence within this country. We should be very proud of the role we played in LGBTQ rights in this country. We were the first country to pass marriage equality by popular vote, the ten-year anniversary of which is coming up. We paved the way for other European countries to follow our lead. We need to guard against any row-back of rights in this regard. It has been concerning to hear what has been happening in the UK on the issue around trans rights. We need to be proud of our record here of supporting the LGBTQ community but we also must recall that a former Senator of this House, David Norris, had to take a case against this State in the late 80s to fight for the decriminalisation of homosexuality. European laws and courts have played a huge role in shaping human rights in this country.
We need to play a leading role again, particularly when it comes to Palestine and Gaza. We need to step up further. Part of that will be enacting the occupied territories Bill. It is very worrying to see the rise of the far right in Europe. I was struck when I visited the European Parliament last week by the number of elected representatives from the ultra-right and far right. It goes against why the European Union was set up in the first place, that is, to protect democracy. We need to guard democracy at all costs. The Presidency of the Commission next year is a great opportunity for us to highlight what important to us in Ireland in Europe.
Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I also welcome his commitment to engaging with the Seanad committee on the scrutiny of statutory instruments. It is an important part of how we play our role in ensuring we not only look at the EU laws and directives coming through but also contribute to ensure we have the best laws and decisions coming out of Europe. It is an important part of accountability and engagement.
Others spoke about Europe's founding moment and the Schuman Declaration, which we will mark on Europe Day next week. That declaration and the founding of the European Union in its earliest form was, of course, about responding to the horrors of the Second World War, as was the United Nations, a similarly important multilateral project which also responded to the horrors of that war in its commitment in its charter is to protect future generations from the scourge of war. Similarly, in the context of the Schuman Declaration, there was a project of peace and commitment to the creative work for peace. The Schuman Declaration states, "The pooling of coal and steel production ... will change the destinies of those regions which have long been devoted to the manufacture of munitions of war, of which they have been the most constant victims." For perspective, the coal and steel project specifically recognised the danger that when we are involved in militarisation and the manufacture of munitions of war, in driving the engines of war, it is the citizens of European countries who suffer. We hurt ourselves. That is crucial because that message seems to have been somewhat forgotten in Europe at the moment.
The European Union was founded after the horrors of the Second World War but also after not just hundred but thousands of years in which Europe had been at war within itself. Countries in Europe fought and battled each other. Many countries in Europe engaged in the horrors of colonisation - countries with bloody histories and bloody records across the world, as well as conflict with their neighbours. That is why it was remarkable and wonderful that the European Union was founded, building peace between European nations, and that it also had such a strong focus on the idea that we should raise our values and standards collectively. That is what has brought a lot of the support in Ireland and across Europe for the European Union.I saw it when I took part in the Future of Europe project. Citizens from right across Europe said what they were proud of was when Europe was good. In many cases, however, the institutions of Europe said, “What we are hearing is you want a Europe that is strong." They are not exactly always mapped together in the same way. There are many ways to be strong, and the way that Europe has to be strong has to be a way that is also good. However, what we are seeing, sadly, is a shift away - I do not believe all is lost - and a moment when Europe is in danger of losing some of its credibility and some of its spirit when it comes to that bit about being good and protecting values.
We saw the credibility that was given because Europe raised environmental standards, workers' standards, women’s rights, equality and LGBT rights. However, we also saw an abandonment of much of the European social project during the period of austerity, when a very short-term focus on yearly financial returns led to the undermining of some of the core work of Europe in terms of building social cohesion and co-operation. A recognition of that came afterwards. Now, if you ask about austerity in Europe, nobody wants to talk about it. There is a recognition that mistakes were made. In that period when there was a recognition that mistakes were made, we saw co-operation in respect of Covid medication, which, unfortunately, did not extend to the global south. We saw an increase of waiving of some of the fiscal rules to ensure that societies’ basic health systems could function, for example. We saw initiatives such as the Future of Europe, which I participated in. We saw initiatives such as a very key set of legislation to ensure that corporations would be more accountable on their environmental and human rights standards and, through the Future of Europe, that citizens would be listened to. It was a signal to Europe, saying, "We know we made mistakes in austerity. We are going to listen to citizens now and we are going to hold corporations to a somewhat higher bar. We are back on the values train." That is now being abandoned again.
When we talk about competitiveness, let us be frank. Before 2008, Europe was on track for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. That agenda, project 2020, was put aside in favour of a short-term set of goals from then lead Commissioner Juncker which were all about short-term pay, pay, pay. That is why Europe lost ground and fell behind on technology and the environment. We had ten years when countries could not invest because they were paying off their quarterly returns in a short-termism that damaged Europe.
We are now about to make the same mistake but we are calling it “simplification”. Let us be clear. This simplification guts environmental standards. That is what is happening with the omnibus Bill. Bills we have worked on gut the supply chains on things like child labour and human rights and remove the obligation for climate strategies from very large companies. As we give out about Trump, we are chasing the deregulatory agenda. In fact, what Europe could and should be doing is something different, which is producing policies and investments that recognise the physical reality, which is that the world is diverse, human rights matter and we are facing a climate crisis. You cannot simplify away those realities. We should be having innovation and investment that makes us the leader in what the world actually needs, not simply in what corporations want.
Alongside that, we are also talking about cutting our social cohesion funding - the thing that knits us together - in order to put the money into defence. We are literally sabotaging peace and the building of peace in order to rush towards armaments manufacturing. When the Minister of State met with his Lithuanian counterpart, did he raise the fact that Lithuania decided to exit the cluster munition treaty? It is now saying that it will be on board with some of the worst weapons available in the world. That is a decision Lithuania made and I have asked repeatedly where Europe is in that regard, and where Ireland is as the key host of that ban. I was in Croke Park when we negotiated that global ban. What Ireland could be doing right now is reminding Europe that the work and investment in peace matters.
Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
The Lithuanians fear for their lives at the moment.
Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Fearing for your lives is exactly when you need to have standards in wars. It is why we have the Geneva Conventions.
Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
The European Union and the United Nations were not produced in an idealistic, wonderful moment in history. They were produced in the realities of war, understanding the realities of war and that there are standards you must apply. I am very surprised to hear a Minister of State defending the decision-----
Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I am not defending it. I am stating their state of mind.
Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
This is where Ireland can actually contribute. Ireland can contribute in helping out European leaders on peace. It is an unjust peace that is being proposed in Ukraine. Of course we want peace, but if Ireland had been more active in championing peace and pushing Europe to take the lead on peace, maybe we would be looking at a more just deal that fully respects the UN Charter and makes sure Ukraine has sovereignty over its resources in the future, which will be so important, and that there are talks about Resolution 1325 and the role of women in peace. This is where Ireland can be something different.
On this narrative of cyber attacks, let us be clear. Where Ireland can step for the European Union and for our colleagues is by actually being strong regulators in the online space. The idea seems to be we need to get involved with defence programmes for cyber attacks when we have seen in the United States that the attacks on democracy came in broad daylight through unregulated tech firms that had led and led a clear agenda of division. Clearly, Ireland should be stepping up through our civilian powers that we have in terms of European law rather than playing the cyber card.
Lastly, in terms of neutrality I will quote the following, "Neutrality is a policy issue that can change at any time." That was from Micheál Martin. Of course, we want to have our legal protection and for Ireland to play that role at the UN and be that bridge for Europe to the United Nations. We have credibility that can strengthen the United Nations. If we throw that away-----
Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
There are three other speakers, Senator, and you are eating into their time.
Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Apologies, I will come to the end. We throw it away, not for ourselves but for Europe as a whole.
Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Senator Casey and Senator Daly are sharing time, with the agreement of the House.
Pat Casey (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I welcome the Minister of State to the House and today, as we celebrate Europe Day, we reflect on Ireland's significant role within the European Union and the profound impact our membership has had on our nation. Europe Day is particularly special for Fianna Fáil. It was our party, in Government, that led Ireland into Europe in 1973, marking the culmination of a decade-long campaign. Over the past 52 years, Ireland has made remarkable progress and has significantly contributed to the development of a modern European Union, which we should be proud of, and makes us all look forward to the next 50 years.
As we celebrate Europe Day, we must also acknowledge the important role of the Council of Europe, distinct from the European Union. The Council of Europe is an international organisation dedicated to protecting human rights, democracy and the rule of law across Europe. It was established in 1948 and comprises more than 40 countries, including Ireland. The Council of Europe fosters co-operation and solidarity among European nations, playing a vital role in promoting these fundamental values. I am delighted to have the opportunity to be part of the Irish delegation to the Council of Europe and look forward to continuing Ireland's role on the council.
Since joining the EU almost 52 years ago, Ireland has seen a transformative impact. In the five decades since joining Europe, the EU has seen Ireland emerge as a modern, open economy and society shaped by close co-operation with our European partners. Far from diminishing our sovereignty, our EU membership has strengthened it, giving us a reach and influence we would not otherwise have achieved. Our membership has played a vital role in the journey towards peace and reconciliation on this island. For as long as the UK was a fellow member state, Europe provided a valued shared space where Irish and British Ministers could co-operate and get to know one another.
Our European partners' support continues today through generous EU support for peace and reconciliation programmes, benefiting communities in the North and South and strengthening prosperity across the island. Sadly, this year we again mark Europe Day with a war on the Continent caused by the savage and criminal aggression of Russia against Ukraine and its people. This is a war against the idea that the people of Europe should be able to live in a free democracy. Fianna Fáil and Ireland stand with Ukraine and fully support its application to be part of the European membership. Looking ahead, Ireland remains committed to furthering the goals of the European Union. Ireland aims to continue advocating for strong human rights protections, especially in the areas of digital privacy and the rights of migrants and refugees. We will strengthen democratic institutions and processes, ensuring they remain resilient against threats like disinformation, supporting legal reforms and enhancing the rule of law, including measures to combat corruption in judicial systems. As we celebrate Europe Day, let us reaffirm our commitment to the values and principles that unite us. The European Union and the Council of Europe, in promoting human rights, democracy and the rule of law, are essential and their impact on Ireland has been significant.
Paul Daly (Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank Senator Casey for allowing me to share time, as time is limited and I was not going to get an opportunity. I thank the Minister of State for being here today. While I will not disclose his age - I do not know it down to a fine art but I have a fair idea - I know he has never lived in an Ireland that was not in the EEC or EU. I, on the other hand, was eight when Jack Lynch led us into the EEC. I am the eldest of seven who were reared and educated and never wanted for anything on a very small farm with a lot of marginal land. My father and mother would not have been able to successfully do that or provide for us as they did if it had not been for the vision of the Government that led us into the EEC. Money became available to develop smallholdings and drain land and there were subsidies as part of the CAP. That is in a nutshell what it meant to the people of Ireland. The Ireland of today is a changed place because of our membership of the EEC then and the EU now. We need to keep focus on where we came from. Let it be a different EU, a different Ireland and a different island but we cannot lose focus on where we came from and how we got to where we are.
I want to talk about the CAP. Europe has changed. The emphasis, as we are all aware, is on the environment, defence and immigration, and now we are in a trade war. CAP was designed to provide cheap, traceable, quality food for our citizens. The money allocated to the CAP in the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, needs to remain the same. We cannot rob that fund to fund our defence, environmental issues or immigration problems, or indeed the trade war we are in, for want of a better term. We need to stay focused on that.
I have to comment on Mercosur, which gets so many mentions. Nobody in these Houses will defend Irish farming and agriculture more than me, as a farmer myself, but I am not opposed to Mercosur. I am opposed to elements of it. We need to get a good deal for our farmers in Mercosur. People stand up and oppose Mercosur but how can a country with an open market dependent on trade agreements oppose a trade deal at a time when the President of America is introducing tariffs? Never before were trade deals so important. We have to get the right Mercosur but we cannot knock it. During Brexit, when we were isolated, we went cap in hand to all the other members of the EU and they did not let us down. Trade in many of those countries depends on the Mercosur deal so why should we turn our backs on them? We have to insist on environmental and food safety transparency and that beef does not come into our country and our markets that is not of the same quality as our own, but we cannot say we oppose the trade deal in its entirety.
Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit, an Teachta Byrne, chuig an Seanad chun éisteacht agus labhairt linn inniu mar gheall ar an Aontas Eorpach agus cé chomh tábhachtach is atá sé don tír seo le breis agus 50 bliain anuas. I thank everybody in attendance for coming in for my speech today. There is a massive crowd.
Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I will interrupt the Senator for a second to welcome the guests in both galleries. They are from the Basque region and are guests of Deputy Conway-Walsh. They are very welcome.
Garret Kelleher (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Indeed. Welcome, guests. In a statement to the House in April on the back of the tariff announcements from the new Administration in the United States, I spoke of the importance of the European Union and co-operation with our EU partners in dealing with the challenges we face at a global level. It was in stark contrast to the Paris Peace Conference and subsequent Treaty of Versailles in 1919 in the aftermath of First World War, where leadership and vision was shown by people like Robert Schuman, Jean Monnet, Alcide De Gasperi and Konrad Adenauer. They sought to put the conflicts of the past behind them by working together on a common market in the area of coal and steel to prevent future war, which was at the core of what they set out to achieve, particularly with the Schuman Declaration, the 75th anniversary of which we are commemorating on Europe Day next week. We subsequently saw further strengthening of ties with the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which marked the establishment of the EEC, later the EC and the EU, which came into being in 1993.Senators O'Loughlin and Murphy spoke about the late John Hume and how he took inspiration from the success of post-war Franco-German relations in strengthening his belief in the possibility of bringing about peace and stability on our island during a time of conflict, violence and division. The recognition of and respect for our differences was always at the heart of John Hume's work and was also at the core of the Schuman Declaration, which we celebrate.
Senator O'Loughlin mentioned that today is national poetry day. I will quote from a poem by Friedrich Schiller written back in 1785, which was subsequently adopted by Beethoven in his ninth symphony, which is now the EU anthem. The poem reads:
Deine Zauber binden wieder,
Was die Mode streng geteilt;
Alle Menschen werden Brüder,
Wo dein sanfter Flügel weilt.
The idea is that binding together is far more important than division. That is very much at the core of what the European Union is about. We need to learn from the example of the European Union in working together in a spirit of inclusion, respecting and embracing our differences and diversity to create a better future for everybody on our own island as well. It was encouraging to hear the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, reference the recent Eurobarometer survey in his opening statement, particularly that 91% of Irish people look upon our EU membership as having been positive for Ireland.
In the area of agriculture and food, our EU membership has been tremendously positive and progressive for Ireland. To date, the Common Agricultural Policy has supported our agricultural sector in numerous ways, such as in the beef industry, agritourism and live exports. The new CAP reform will look to address newer challenges, particularly in the areas of climate action, food preservation and free trade. These are better faced together, with a population of more than450 million, as we approach the likelihood of a global population in the region of 10 billion by 2050. The high global demand for Irish food has been based on our international reputation for high quality, and that is particularly true of our leading agri companies, such as the Kerry Group, Greencore, Tirlán and Dairygold. In the first four months of the current year, we have seen live exports of cattle exceed 100,000, which is significantly higher than any previous year for the equivalent four months. Undoubtedly, and as alluded to during this discussion by a number of Senators, the EU will face challenges in the areas of tariffs and trade, particularly with the Mercosur deal. Again, it is by working together that we will deal with these challenges and manage to overcome them.
Over the five decades since our accession to the EEC in 1973, Ireland has played an important role. I will conclude by congratulating Mairead McGuinness, who became vice president of the European People's Party during the week. That is very important for Ireland in terms of exerting influence at European level.
Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank all Senators for their contributions to the debate. We have all, in some ways, quoted from the Schuman Declaration. It is important to remember, and Senator Higgins is right, that the original proposal for the European Union was to physically merge the coal and steel industries of Europe so it would not just be theoretically impossible to have a war on the European Continent between those countries, but it would be practically impossible as they would not be able to make weapons to fight against each other. That has worked remarkably successfully in the Continent of Europe and among the member states of the European Union. There has been no war among those member states when war had been commonplace over many centuries.The European Union has, therefore, been the greatest example of a peace project in the history of the world. That must be preserved, but it must be protected and secured as well. We are very fortunate to live in peace and fortunate for the founding vision of our forefathers and foremothers that led us to the European Union.
Unfortunately for the European Union and its member states, there is a country that has not really been mentioned by those talking about militarisation, namely, Russia. Russia has built up an incredible armed force against Ukraine, directly attacked Ukraine but also been a menace to many countries in the European Union and the surrounding areas. North Korea has sent soldiers to the front lines against Ukraine. Last week I visited a site in a residential area of Kyiv where 51 buildings were basically destroyed by a North Korean missile. That is the reality countries are facing and the reality of the choices they are being forced to make not because they want to increase militarisation and think defence spending should be the number one priority but because it is an existential priority of these countries to protect themselves. We must protect the peace of Europe. We must defend it. We must invest in our neutrality.
I hear people criticising military spending. We are spending on better terms and conditions for members of our armed forces and on having more members of those forces. We are spending it on primary radar, which we do not have. We are spending it on, for example, Gormanston Camp to develop the facilities to train in a proper way members of the armed forces. That is what defence spending means in Ireland. There is a fundamental misconception among the Opposition about defence and militarisation. Defence policy is a matter for each member state. Each member state takes its own decisions on defence and the decisions we have taken on defence go back to the Commission on the Defence Forces, which was an initiative of the previous Government, before the invasion of Ukraine. It was a programme for Government commitment in 2020 because we recognised the need to invest in our armed forces. That is happening and we are doing that because of our own decisions.
I strongly urge Members of the House and members of the defence, European or foreign affairs committees to visit Irish troops abroad. I went two weeks ago to see Operation Irini where Irish troops work with troops from other EU member states under Italian command and a UN mandate to detect and stop weapons coming in illegally from north Africa, especially Libya. The force also does a lot of work on people movement and human trafficking. I have not looked at the votes but this would have gone through the Dáil, certainly, and Members can look at who voted for and against this. I was very proud of the members of our Defence Forces serving abroad with Irini, the skills they are bringing and the skills they are bringing back. We have engaged in EU battle groups since 2008, which is almost 20 years. They have proved to be highly successful for our armed forces in terms of the work they do.
We also have operated under a UN mandate in lots of place around the world, but UN mandates have to be renewed. It is time to remove the triple lock, because at the moment what it means in the case of UNIFIL or Operation Althea in Bosnia is that when these mandates require renewal we must ask Russia, China and other members of the Security Council to please let us send our troops to do the work they have been so proud to do over many decades. It needs to be decision of the Government and of the Dáil that we decide where our peacekeepers go to help with peace and do the work they have been so excellent at doing. The time has come to end this practice whereby, because of the way the UN Security Council in particular is working, we have to ask permission from Russia and China to send out troops to do peacekeeping. Unfortunately, that is the reality we face and I have been there at the table-----
Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
The Security Council is the only body that can mandate rules that have to be followed under international law. The General Assembly cannot do that and that has not been the case since the foundation of the United Nations. It simply cannot mandate rules that have to be complied with under international law.
Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Our 2005 Act allows us to act on the General Assembly, just to say.
Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
Senator Higgins, please let the Minister of State answer.
Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context
We cannot allow Russia and China to continue to dictate the pace in the work we do as a sovereign country in the European Union.
I also thank my colleagues from the Government side who have raised very important issues. I thank Senator Casey and Senator O'Loughlin, who talked about their work on the Council of Europe which, of course, works very closely with the European Union.
Senator Paul Daly mentioned the Common Agricultural Policy, and I can say that as the multi-annual financial framework negotiations start - they are at their very early stages - he can rest assured that the issue of the CAP is something we are very cognisant of and is a priority for this country. We are not the only ones and there are many other countries that also want to be in that space. On Mercosur, this country is very much in favour of trade agreements but we have concerns about the agricultural impact and there is no question about that. I have had a number of in-person meetings with my French counterpart on Mercosur, and I thank the Senator for those comments.
Senator Ahearn also hit the nail on its head when he said that until we joined the European Union, there was a great dependence on the United Kingdom. That was the practical reality, whether it was interest rates, the currency or what we did day to day.
Contrary to what Senator McCarthy and others have said about this moving away from the Schuman Declaration, by our joining the European Union we have increased our national sovereignty. Senator McCarthy thought that the concept of our national sovereignty has gone away and needs to come back. Our national sovereignty has been massively increased by sitting at the European table, making those decisions and putting Ireland's best foot forward in working with European countries. We are sitting around the table with all of the other European leaders who remain within the Union.
Our neutrality is a Government policy, it is a tradition in this country and it has been in no way impacted by our membership of the European Union. Every single set of conclusions from the European Council, the treaties and the defence papers refer to the particular characteristics of certain member states, which now are Ireland, Austria, Cyprus and Malta. All of these reference that and acknowledge that we are a bit different. At the end of the day, it is up to each member state to conduct its own defence, and we must conduct our own defence, protect our independence and invest in our neutrality.
On the North of Ireland, it is of course regrettable that Northern Ireland is not a member of the European Union and I bitterly regret that. I welcome the comments from Senator Murphy about Northern Ireland's place, the work that was done throughout Brexit and that that has to continue. It continued this week in terms of my engagements with our UK counterparts in London. Senator Murphy raised the PEACEPLUS programme. That is continuing to invest in Northern Ireland and Border counties. It is funded by the Irish Government, the British Government and the European Union. It was a very important priority for us in the previous negotiations for the multi-annual financial framework.
Senator Murphy also mentioned the electronic travel authorisation which, of course, is a huge bugbear for us and we have engaged with it on numerous occasions. I do not want to go into the details of the meeting I had with the Minister, Nick Thomas-Symonds MP, in London this week but that issue was certainly raised. It and its consequences are certainly something the Government in the UK is aware of now. The previous British Government brought it in and I feel there was a lack of awareness at that time of the impact on tourism and on local movement. They are certainly aware of the impact this is having and we will continue to work with our British counterparts on this issue.
I again thank the Senators for the work they are doing in highlighting our European journey and in having a debate about it. This is the very important part of it. We should guard with our lives the European Union institutions - the European Parliament, the Commission and the Council - because they are so important. How we want them to be directed is a matter for the people and for democracy, and we vote. That is the important point to remember. We must separate the policies from the institutions. The European Union and the very fact of sitting around the table and working things out with other member states and MEPs from other countries has been of immeasurable benefit to all of us. It is incumbent on all of us and we are all responsible for electing the best people, whether it is into government in Ireland or into the European Parliament, to ensure the European institutions are representative of the views we want as a people. They have done that. The debate today is important in order that we have a robust debate on the policies, the institutions and the regulations and directives which are passed. Fundamentally, however, let us work night and day to protect those institutions we can vote for and in which we have free speech and free assembly, because many others do not.
Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context
I thank the Aire Stáit for coming here for this all-important debate. When it is proposed to sit again?