Fidelma Healy Eames (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

My Adjournment matter concerns the need for the Minister for Justice and Equality to review Ireland's position on the issuance of visas so as to best serve its economic needs so far as potential investors, talented or knowledgeable workers, students and tourists are concerned. The lion's share of our exports still go to the United Kingdom, the eurozone and the USA. As the Minister of State knows, these regions are experiencing economic difficulties and face years of austerity, economic stagnation and low growth. Overall, however, the world economy is still growing. The so-called BRIC countries - Brazil, Russia, India and China - continue to power ahead, while others are in decline. We in Ireland, therefore, need to diversify our trade to ensure the economy grows in order that we can create new jobs and instil new confidence.

Our success in the 1990s was based on American companies using Ireland as a platform to export to Europe. We can now replicate this with the BRIC countries, but we need to prioritise the attraction of foreign direct investment, especially from countries such as China, although I know we are doing our best in that regard. Such investment would lead to the creation of jobs. One only has to look at how well Ireland has worked as a European base for international businesses to see how we could be of benefit to Chinese companies. From my own experience of interacting with Chinese businessmen, I know they want Ireland to be their hand-holder in Europe. We have a highly educated young population and this is the only English-speaking country in the eurozone. This should be our calling card, as well as defining how we identify Ireland for the Chinese business audience, especially now that China has large amounts of money to invest. It has foreign reserves of in excess $2.85 trillion and wants to diversify into other currencies such as the euro, as it does not want to be totally dependent on the US dollar.

A recent trade conference demonstrated that Ireland was in a unique position. We could be the home of innovation clusters if we got our visa issuing system right. American multinationals are still wealthy and looking at the Chinese market, but they do not trust the Chinese with their intellectual property. Ireland has a very good relationship with the United States and is building an interesting relationship with China. Therefore, this country could be the base on which innovation clusters are formed. The United States will trust us with the right team and we could be its access point into the Chinese market, particularly the public procurement sector. There is still a hierarchical government in China which, for example, controls the purchasing and usage of drugs. Nonetheless, there is a great opportunity, but we need the right visa system in place to attract the right workers with knowledge. One may say we have those workers already but only to a certain extent. For example, US universities are turning out 20,000 PhD students a year, half of whom are Chinese who cannot work in the United States. There is no reason we could not have alliances if we had the right visa system in place.

All EU countries, with the exception of Ireland and the United Kingdom, are signatories to the Schengen agreement. The Schengen visa makes it possible for someone to visit all of the countries in the Schengen area and cross internal borders without further formalities. Ireland has a more conservative policy in issuing visas than the United Kingdom. UK visas are more targeted, particularly in attracting investors and exceptionally talented workers. UK visas will be accepted in Ireland as part of the Olympic Games measure, provided visitors travel through the United Kingdom first. This is restrictive and we are learning that we must open up the system a little more. I suggest the following changes. First, the current visa position should be reviewed to see how Ireland's economic needs can best be served. Alternative visa arrangements should be examined such as an online pre-flight visa scheme with adequate safeguards and strict enforcement on arrival. Second, the issuance of a visa on arrival, subject to proof of adequate funds and other safeguards, should be considered.

I would like to hear what the Minister of State has to say in reply.

Brian Hayes (Dublin South West, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

The Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Alan Shatter, would like to thank the Senator for giving him the opportunity of updating the House on the way in which the immigration system is working in the interests of the economy. The Irish short-stay visa waiver programme commenced on 1 July 2011 and was scheduled to run on a pilot basis until the end of October 2012, taking in the period of the London Olympic Games. Under the programme, tourists or business people who have lawfully entered the United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland, on a valid UK visa are able to travel on to Ireland without the requirement to obtain an Irish visa. Nationals of 16 countries are included in the programme, including India, China, Russia, various priority Middle East countries and others. As part of the initiative, nationals of these countries who are long-term legal residents in the United Kingdom will have the cost of an Irish visa waived should they wish to visit Ireland. It is estimated that there are up to 1 million people in this category in the United Kingdom.

The Government agreed on 28 February to the extension of the programme for a further period of four years, that is, to the end of October 2016; to add Bosnia-Herzegovina to the programme, and, as a further measure to encourage tourism, to waive the fee for visas for long-term residents of countries covered by the programme who live in the Schengen area. This will be reviewed after six months.

As announced in a joint ministerial communiqué before Christmas, Ireland and the United Kingdom are also working on developing a possible common travel area visa. If this were to be realised, it would clearly be a boost to tourism.

Important as these visa developments are, we need to realise that the overwhelming number of current and likely visitors to Ireland for tourism purposes do not need a visa. The major fluctuations in our tourist numbers in recent years have little to do with visas. Nevertheless, the Minister has indicated that whenever we can use the immigration system in a sensible way to boost tourism, we will do so. For those who do need visas for tourism purposes or otherwise, it is probably worth recalling that the approval rates for Irish visas in our dedicated overseas visa offices in 2011 were actually very high and ran at 97% in Russia, 92% in China, 91% in India and 87% in Abu Dhabi, covering the Gulf and north Africa.

On 13 March the Minister formally launched two new programmes aimed at facilitating non-EEA migrant entrepreneurs and investors. These programmes will be open for applications from next month. The Minister had the pleasure of taking part in a debate on them a number of weeks ago in this House. Their purpose is to support direct or indirect job creation by harnessing the investment resources and entrepreneurial potential of migrants. To qualify for the immigrant investor programme, the migrant must make an investment of a designated type, ranging from a €2 million specially created low interest Government bond, a capital investment in an Irish business that creates or protects jobs, to a €500,000 endowment in the cultural, sports, educational or health areas. Investment in property may also qualify in certain cases. The start-up entrepreneur programme provides that migrants with a good business idea in the innovation economy and funding of €75,000 can be given residency in the State for the purposes of developing their business.

A lot of work has been done in the last couple of years on the issue of student immigration, both by this and the previous Government. We now have a coherent strategy covering promotion, quality assurance and immigration. This includes enhanced opportunities for graduates to stay on after they qualify.

It is not just a question of adopting a whole of government approach but also a case of the Government working alongside reputable industry stakeholders. There is widespread agreement that the future for Ireland in this area lies in offering a high quality product. The ultimate aim is to increase the number of international students and, consequently, earnings from this vital sector. However, it is not a case of numbers at all costs. Student immigration channels are recognised in every jurisdiction as being open to abuse by economic migrants; therefore, we must be clear that we are selling education, rather than jobs. Colleges which do not recognise this reality have a very limited future. We need to develop or, in some cases, redevelop key markets. In this regard, the Irish Naturalisation and Immigration Service is working in partnership with the colleges on a number of programmes, the most recent of which is a pilot scheme with the English language sector to relaunch the Chinese market for adults and juniors.

These initiatives send certain important messages: first, that Ireland is open for business; second, that we are prepared to think creatively about how to use the immigration system in support of the national economic interest; and, third, that any changes must be properly thought through in advance and based on appropriate risk assessment.

Fidelma Healy Eames (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I thank the Minister of State for that answer. I know things have developed in this area in recent months, of which even the people who put questions to me may not be fully aware. We are very reliant in the moves we make. Why can we not stand on our own two feet as opposed to following what the United Kingdom is doing? Why is Ireland restricting the issuing of visas to buy property here?

Brian Hayes (Dublin South West, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I do not know the answer to the Senator's second question. I will ask the Minister for Justice and Equality to answer that.

With regard to her first question, we are dependent on what Britain does because there is, and always has been, a common travel area between both jurisdictions. This has been a key part of our immigration strategy since the foundation of the State. We cannot take a move the British have not taken, on the basis that there is a land border between both jurisdictions and we are, consequently, dependent on them. We do not want to take a position relating to our nationals and their ability to travel on an east-west basis. That is why there is such dependency.

Fidelma Healy Eames (Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Britain has much more favourable terms than Ireland.