John Minihan (Progressive Democrats)
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I welcome the Minister to the House. I also welcome the Government's decision to participate in the United Nations mission in Lebanon, UNIFIL II, and its continuing efforts to bring about peace in this region.

We last spoke on the Middle East on 5 July. We were concerned that the kidnap of an Israeli soldier, Corporal Shalit, by Hamas supporters based in Gaza would lead to an escalating crisis and eventually military conflict between the Palestinian Authority and Israel. I stated that the Israeli reaction to the abduction was a questionable response to a complex situation by an untried and inexperienced Israeli Government. Today, Corporal Shalit is still held captive but, I am glad to say, appears to be alive. In mid-September, Egyptian mediators negotiating with Hamas on behalf of the Israeli Government received a letter from him. I hope he will be released sooner rather than later.

I am relieved that wiser heads have prevailed in the resolution of this situation, that the military escalation has been halted and that the two sides are talking, if only through proxies. It is unfortunate though that this moderation has only been achieved as a result of the tragic events that unfolded in Lebanon this summer. While I do not wish to place the blame for those unfortunate events to one side, it is important to understand them if we are to prevent a recurrence of such bloodshed.

The trigger for these events was the abduction on 12 July of two Israeli soldiers by Hizbollah. Hizbollah claims that this action was justified as a response to the Israeli occupation of the Shebaa Farms border area, which Lebanon claims but which the United Nations says is Israeli-occupied Syrian soil. There can be no justification for the criminally reckless Hizbollah action. Its leadership knew, or ought to have known, how the untried and inexperienced Israeli Government, already under considerable pressure from its own hawks over missile attacks and Gaza, would react. That it risked the lives of its own fighters from the inevitable Israeli retaliation is the business of Hizbollah. That it risked the lives of ordinary Lebanese citizens is unconscionable.

Israel too must analyse the part it played in the resultant bloodshed. I do not deny the right of any nation to defend itself against aggressors but those aggressors must be properly identified and targeted. Indiscriminate, disproportionate targeting of the civilian population and of Lebanon's infrastructure has no part in international relations.

I echo the comments made by Senator Mooney regarding the Canadian UNTSO officers who lost their lives and the part played by a former colleague, Commandant John Molloy, a UNIFIL liaison officer, who made nine calls. As a former UNIFIL officer, this process has many unanswered questions. The UNTSO observation post has been in place for over 30 years. It was marked on maps, flagged and clearly identifiable. Military weaponry is so sophisticated that the grid references for any firing in an area are computerised. If there is any slippage, a firing close comes in, a call is made and the weapons are readjusted. The fact that Commandant Molloy made nine calls but no action was taken and the Canadian officers lost their lives poses many questions for me as an army officer who has been in the same situation.

Lebanon and its Government should also examine the part it played in the tragedy and how the situation unfolded on its southern border. While Lebanon and its people were undoubtedly the victims in the conflict between Israel and Hizbollah, successive Lebanese governments must share some of the responsibility. Since the final withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, the disputed Shebaa farms apart, successive Lebanese governments have failed to exercise full sovereignty over all Lebanese territory and have failed to disarm and disband the militias as envisaged in United Nations Resolution 1559.

Turning to the future, the tragic and senseless killing in southern Lebanon has thankfully ended. We now have a new UN resolution, 1701, and a new mandate, known as UNIFIL II. This new mandate envisages an increase in number of UN troops in Lebanon to 15,000, to include a contingent of approximately 150 Defence Force personnel as part of a joint Finnish-Irish unit. I understand that our personnel will be tasked primarily for reconnaissance, security and protection duties associated with the engineering works undertaken by the Finnish contingent. We will also be giving specialised assistance in the area of explosive ordnance disposal and the clearing of mines.

Cluster bombs have been referred to in this debate and I also wish to echo the comments made in this regard. A cluster bomb is a most despicable weapon. It explodes mid-air and spreads small bombs and mines widely over a very large area. Children pick up these small bombs and mines and people walk on them. Such bombs are very difficult to control and detect. I hope the international community moves to ban the use of cluster bombs.

When Irish troops last withdrew from Lebanon in November 2001, I, like many people, hoped that we would finally be drawing a line under that chapter of the Defence Force's involvement in Lebanon. It is a chapter that reflects well on this country and its commitment to the UN. We all believed that we had left Lebanon a better and safer place than when we found it. Unfortunately, we have been called back to write a postscript, nevertheless, I am sure that this generation of Irish soldiers will rise to the challenge just as successfully as their predecessors.

I wish to emphasise the value of Irish soldiers in Lebanon. We have spent a considerable amount of time there and many Irish lives are entwined with Lebanon. This country has played a considerable part in the affairs of Lebanon. My first tour of duty in Lebanon was in 1983. At that time, villages were deserted. When I returned in 1986, 1988 and 1989, I saw those villages reinhabited, commerce and local government underway and people being able to go about their normal daily lives. This is what we achieved. It was so distressing this summer to see all this work undone.

I hope this early intervention will enable us to be in a position to again restore this stability. I conclude by wishing our Defence Force personnel God speed and safe home. Finally, lest we forget that the three Israeli soldiers at the centre of this summer's events are still captive, I hope it will not be long before they are reunited with their families.

Brendan Ryan (Labour)
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I thank the Acting Leader for amending the Order of Business to allow me to make a few comments. I welcome the Minister of State to the debate. I apologise to Senator Mooney for shouting at him. I believe it is unwise to deal in visual images because we could get into a competition over which visual images are worst and such images would get worse and worse. Many Members from all sides of the House take great exception to some of the campaigns concerning abortion which involve the use of the most appalling visual images. Perhaps we use visual images too well in other areas.

I do not wish to launch into a denunciation of the Government. I find what has happened in the Middle East so distressing and disturbing that I move beyond political denunciation. Since I do not wish to use silly language, I will only say it is a pity we have retreated from a position of independence. It may be the consequence of EU membership, the collapse of the Soviet Union, affluence or the decline in the influence of the Church and its institutions.

The timidity of our Government and the EU is, to put it mildly, profoundly disappointing. Timidity is the only word one can use to describe it. Intellectual hoops have been jumped through to justify the peculiar and extraordinary treatment of Hamas. People have spoken about the need to support moderate governments in the Middle East by contrast with governments like the Hamas-led Government in Palestine. The royal family in Saudi Arabia, which is composed of Wahhabi Muslim fanatics and out of whom comes the ideology of Osama Bin Laden, is deemed to be moderate, while the secularist Baath party in Syria and, formerly, Iraq is deemed to be extremist.

One ends up in extraordinary moral quagmires if one does not fundamentally state that what we want to see in the Middle East — Iraq, Iran, Syria, Israel and Palestine — is a just settlement and that our position is that of even-handedly and carefully supporting justice. This is why the selective use of language is so bad for our perception of independence. We use language about Hamas and Hizbollah which is correct but then we look at the deaths of 650,000 people in Iraq. I acknowledge that this is not a precise figure. The authors of the report in question accept that there is an inaccuracy of approximately plus or minus 50%. The figure could be 300,000 or 900,000.

May God forgive me but I do not think this really matters. Irrespective of whether the figure is 300,000 or 900,000, it is a blot on the sense of morality of the Western world that anybody could believe that this cause was worth that consequence and that the achievement of elimination of Saddam Hussein was worth this. Those nearest to us in London and further away in Washington, DC, have effectively said that and, in some cases, have attempted to argue with the figures. However, on this occasion, it was a half-hearted argument. We now know the scale of it.

Today, seven young Americans were killed in Iraq in pursuit of this now impossible target of achieving some sort of stabilisation. I appeal to the Government to get off the fence and speak for the Irish people about what they see to be the profoundly amoral and dangerously polarised world that is being constructed in which the Western world is ranged on one side and an increasingly alienated, hostile and negatively disposed Islamic world is ranged on the other side. Islam is a religion of considerable nobility and generosity. It has a record of religious tolerance from which Christians could learn. During most of the existence of Islam, pogroms of Jews or Christians did not occur in Islamic countries. They were not perfectly treated but a pogrom never occurred.

The people of this country want something they used to have, namely, a brave and independent foreign policy which calls death by violence and murder "murder" regardless of who carries it out. It states to all participants in an horrendous and horrific struggle whatever their position and alliance that when one kills other people in pursuit of a political objective one is profoundly wrong and acting in a manner destructive for the future. Will the Government resume the position Ireland used to have in the face of horrific abuse by superpowers? I hope it will result from this debate.

Mary Henry (Independent)
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I thank the Minister of State for shortening his concluding remarks.

Noel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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I sincerely thank all Senators for their contributions to the debate on the serious situation in the Middle East, which is vital for regional stability and of important strategic interest for the European Union. In particular, I thank Senators Bradford, Mooney, Norris, Minihan and Ryan, and Senator Henry who is in the Chair.

We have an obligation imposed by history and geography and a strong interest as Europeans in promoting peace, stability, democracy and respect for human rights for the people of the Middle East. I assure Senator Ryan our foreign policy is as strong, independent and focused today as it ever was. We believe in the fundamental rules of human rights, justice, equity, fairness, democracy, independence and sovereignty for all peoples. We make our position clear in every fora across the world at which we are represented both politically and diplomatically and that will continue. Ireland's even-handed treatment of all peoples involved in problems throughout the world earned us respect during the past decades.

The House agrees the interrelated problems of the Middle East cannot be addressed through unilateral or military action by any party or the international community. The only way forward is to revive the work of developing a comprehensive plan for peace in the region with the negotiation of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at its core. This will require difficult compromises on all sides and the full involvement of the international community.

The festering of the Palestinian issue continues to generate conflict throughout the region and beyond. The Government agrees it must be addressed with new urgency in view of the terrible crises of recent months. The European Union has a particularly important role to play and we fully support the work it does. The High Representative, Mr. Solana, will be there on behalf of the EU for the next seven days to attempt to make progress as a result of our meetings during the past two days in Luxembourg.

I represented the Government at the meeting of the General Affairs and External Relations Council in Luxembourg yesterday. Member states fully agreed we must continue to encourage President Abbas to negotiate the formation of a politically-based national unity government. The European Union is ready to respond to the formation of a government which is truly committed to the negotiation of a two-State solution based on an end to violence. Ireland will argue strongly for a positive EU response and continued EU engagement to support negotiations between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert based on the essentials of the roadmap and the rights of the Israeli and Palestinian peoples under international law.

We firmly believe that following years of diminishing hope in the region revitalising a credible peace process between Israel and the Palestinians would have an important positive effect on the situation in neighbouring countries. The region has no alternative but to renew negotiations on all tracks with the involvement of all parties on the basis of their acceptance of certain fundamental principles.

I assure Senator Norris we will raise, through our Ambassador in Tel Aviv, the concerns he raised regarding the reported intentions of the Israeli army to destroy clinics and buildings in a village near Hebron. We are aware of the valuable work undertaken by his former partner, an Israeli citizen. It is absolutely clear the dismantling of illegal Israeli outposts must be undertaken urgently and should not be compensated for by the destruction of other properties.

The use of Shannon Airport by the US military is a long-established practice. Ireland has made overflight and landing facilities available to the United States for 50 years, during which these facilities have never been withdrawn or suspended. Dáil Éireann fully approved the Government's decision not to withdraw facilities following an extensive debate on 20 March 2003. The legality of the presence of the multinational force in Iraq is assured by UN Security Council Resolution 1546 of 8 June 2004 and 1637 of 8 November 2005 and by the request of the Iraqi Government.

The Government received specific categorical assurances from the United States authorities, confirmed by the US Secretary of State, Dr. Condoleezza Rice, that prisoners have not been transferred through Irish territory not would they be without our permission. No one presented any evidence whatsoever to cast doubt on the validity of these assurances. It has been the Government's consistent position that we will co-operate fully with the investigations of the Council of Europe, where I attended meetings, and the European Parliament into this matter. In this context, Senators will be aware the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, accepted an invitation to address the European Parliament's temporary committee on the matter, which he hopes to take up in late November.

I thank the House for its positive debate and continuous interest in the serious situation in the Middle East region. The Government, along with the full support of the Seanad, is aware of the seriousness of the situation. We will continue to raise it at every opportunity and give all support possible to the people in the region and to the European Union to ensure that with the United Nations we can work to bring peace, stability and security to the region as quickly as possible.