Seanad debates

Tuesday, 17 December 2002

Domestic Violence (Amendment) Bill, 2002: Second Stage (Resumed).

 

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Mary Henry (Independent)
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It is unfortunate to have to deal with such a Bill but following the ruling of the Supreme Court we all realised it was essential to amend the legislation at the earliest opportunity. The Leader was correct to ensure that all Stages of the Bill would come before the House today.

It is sad to think that violence against women can be judicial as well as domestic. On the Order of Business earlier, we heard Senator Leyden refer to the case in Nigeria where a woman who had a child outside marriage has been sentenced to be stoned to death. There is a serious incidence of violence against women throughout the world.

Domestic violence is particularly sad, of course, and apparently at this time of year it becomes worse than ever. As a doctor, I have often wondered if the medical profession could not do more to address the issue of domestic violence.

I wish to place on the record of the House some details of the splendid work undertaken by a colleague of mine, Dr. Fiona Bradley, who, sadly, died recently at the age of 41. She carried out some incredible research on domestic violence in this country, with reference to hospital patients and general practice. Dr. Bradley collaborated on the research project with Mary Smith, research nurse, Jean Long, lecturer in international health and development, and Professor Tom O'Dowd, professor of general practice. Their work was published in the British Medical Journal of 2 February 2002 and won the JMS Doctor award in the category of general practice. Sadly, the award was presented at a ceremony on the day of Dr. Bradley's funeral. However, her work is a great memorial to her interest in domestic violence.

We know that domestic violence is under-identified and there is considerable physical and psychological morbidity associated with it. Community surveys have indicated that up to one in four women in the United States experience domestic violence. However, according to various surveys carried out in the United States and Australia, some general practices are better at identifying domestic violence than others.

Dr. Bradley set about studying the situation here and obtained the co-operation of 22 practices from all over the country. From March 1996 to May 1997, for two weeks in each practice, the receptionist was asked to hand female patients, over the age of 16, a pack comprising a consent form, a study briefing, a questionnaire for self-completion and a return envelope.

The measure of domestic violence included in the questionnaire was adopted from various surveys on controlling behaviour, violent incidents and consequent injuries. The questionnaire also included questions as to whether general practitioners had ever asked if the women had suffered domestic violence, and if they felt it was right that a person's regular GP should ask such questions. Some 72% of patients responded to the survey, which is a good response rate, and the results were very interesting. The average age of the women who responded was 36.6 years. Some 75% of them were in a current sexual relationship and another 15% had been in such relationships formerly.

Some 48% of the respondents said they had experienced domestic violence of some sort. Of those, 24% said they had experienced one form of violence, 25% said they had experienced two or three types of violence, 20% said they had experienced four to seven types of violence; and 31% of these women had experienced eight or more types of violence.

The most commonly experienced behaviour was where a partner punched or kicked the walls or furniture, shouting at and threatening the children, and where the woman was pushed, grabbed or shoved. More serious violent incidents occurred as well. Some 10% of the women reported having been punched in the face; 10% were punched or kicked on the body, arms or legs; 9% were choked; and 9% were forced to have sex. These admissions are pretty shocking.

Two of the most common controlling behaviours reported by the women who responded to the questionnaire were that their partners shouted or screamed at them, and also that they threatened violence against or were violent towards their children. It is not just the woman who is on the receiving end of domestic violence, it is the whole family. The effect on the children must be really dreadful.

Many of these women did not present in the practice with injuries, but did present with anxiety and depression. A considerable number of them had received treatment for many years for anxiety and depression, and what is described as somatisation, which is where their mental anxiety causes them to have physical problems. The cost of this to the health service must be quite astonishing.

Some 77% of the women who responded said they felt it would be right for the general practitioner whom they commonly attended to ask about domestic violence. In my own practice, I have only infrequently asked female patients about domestic violence. Only 5% of the respondents to Dr. Bradley's survey said they had ever been asked by their general practitioner if domestic violence could have been involved in their cases. The survey's findings provide much food for thought, particularly for those of my medical colleagues who are involved in general practice.

Dr. Bradley carried out a similar survey in accident and emergency units where she or a nurse interviewed women who came in. In all such cases, a woman interviewed another woman and the survey was undertaken privately. It was found that a high percentage of the women who came in with bruising, broken noses or broken fingers had not suffered such injuries in falls but as a result of domestic violence. Hospital accident and emergency departments must ensure privacy for female patients so they can speak in confidence to medical and nursing staff who can then discover if domestic violence has caused them to attend the unit.

It was not only young women who attended the accident and emergency units; women in their 60s and 70s frequently attended also. In these cases, the older women had not necessarily suffered violence as a result of their partner beating them up – in some cases their children were involved. We are not doing enough to address this serious issue.

I wish to acknowledge the work that Dr. Bradley undertook. If only more of us in the medical profession were so concerned about examining the epidemiology of illness, perhaps we would not have such a serious situation in our casualty departments. I am quite sure that with counselling and investigation into family problems, a considerable amount of domestic violence could be addressed.

The lack of privacy in family courts was raised by Senator Walsh. That is unacceptable. The family courts should sit in private. The Court Services has attempted to examine the issue of what happens in the family courts and I have raised it in this House also.

Often we do not realise how serious these cases are. An attempt was made last year to appoint a barrister to the courts to compile a report in this regard. However, the then Attorney General felt the in camera rule would be breached if this were to happen. The barrister concerned is no longer employed by the Court Services as her contract expired in April. She was unable to produce reports even though they would have been anonymous and undertaken with people who had given consent for their cases to be addressed.

We have to find some way of addressing this issue. I am sure the Minister is as concerned as I am – I see him nodding – about this matter. People do not understand just how serious these cases frequently are. Senator Terry's concerns regarding the eight days need to be taken into account in this regard also.

Men are often injured in domestic violence incidents. They, too, feel threatened and abused in the home. I have worked in casualty departments and it is only in approximately one out of every seven cases that such incidents arise. The main reason women are abused is that they are physically smaller.

Photo of Mary O'RourkeMary O'Rourke (Fianna Fail)
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Physical force.

Mary Henry (Independent)
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I have heard many stories. A heavily pregnant woman told me her arm was broken when her husband rolled over it in the bed. We need to make a greater effort to deal with these cases, not just in the courts but in accident and emergency units and within general practice. We should look closely at the work carried out by Dr. Bradley in this regard to see if we can prevent such incidents and thereby reduce the need for barring orders. We should also seek a satisfactory outcome within partnerships.

John Minihan (Progressive Democrats)
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I, too, welcome the Minister to the House to introduce this timely and necessary Bill. Trends in recent years clearly indicate an increase in the incidence of domestic violence at this time of year. I agree with the Minister that the Bill is aimed specifically at restoring the power to put barring orders in place ex parte in a manner which conforms to constitutional requirements. Equally, it is a necessary and welcome Bill because we cannot continue as we are as a result of the Supreme Court ruling in this regard last October.

We are legislators have a responsibility to protect the vulnerable in society. We must introduce whatever laws are necessary to ensure that protection. We have all heard the term, "street angel and house devil", something so apparent in the area of domestic violence. It is not just the two parties involved in domestic violence who are under threat during such incidents; the children and extended families also suffer the consequences. The effect on children is long term. There is evidence to suggest that children who come from violent backgrounds go on to become perpetrators of similar violence in their adult life. They do not conform to or play a full role in society because their upbringing was affected by domestic violence.

Domestic violence is not confined to spouses or partners. The growing number of applications to District Courts for barring orders against adult children by elderly parents is alarming. We are faced with a situation where adult children, as a result of alcohol or drug abuse, are becoming violent in the home towards their elderly parents. That point is often missed in debates such as this. Elderly parents are being forced to seek barring orders against their adult children. We need to highlight this problem and remain conscious of it because there are enormous social implications for everyone. Our elderly people deserve to be protected in every way.

A number of provisions contained in the Bill need to be put on the record if for no other reason than to alert Members to the facts and statistics surrounding domestic violence. It would be remiss to think domestic violence is confined to women; a percentage of men suffer it also. We need to acknowledge that fact and ensure we afford them similar protection.

Women's groups warn that over one in five women will suffer domestic violence this Christmas season. That means that between 20% and 25% of women will be beaten by their spouses or partners. The National Network of Women's Refuge and Support Services say its 32 centres around the country will be full on St. Stephen's Day as a result of domestic violence incidents. There were 10,877 Garda call-outs to domestic violence incidents in 2000; in 1999 the number of such incidents reported to gardaí increased by 20% over 1998. Of the 4,578 barring orders applied for in the year 2000, 2,142 were granted. The safety and sanction research into domestic violence and enforcement of law in Ireland in 1999 conducted by Women's Aid indicated that children were present at and witnessed a significant amount of domestic violence incidents in the home.

Ninety-six women were murdered by their spouses or partners in the past seven years. We are not alone in these statistics. Battering is the single biggest cause of injury to women in the USA with 4,000 women a year being beaten to death by their partner. In Sweden, every ten days a woman is beaten to death and its 115 refuge centres are constantly full. Twenty-five per cent of women in Britain suffer physical abuse from their partners. In Canada, 39% of women report having been assaulted at some stage.

We, in Ireland, have a unique distinction in this area, the pervasive and wicked influence of alcohol in our society. Only last week we debated the consequences of alcohol abuse among young people. It is fair to correlate that abuse with young people if it is to continue into their adult life, thereby contributing to these statistics and, unfortunately, increasing them.

Domestic violence and alcohol abuse are directly related. In discussing the legal framework within which to deal with domestic violence we must also look at what causes it. We have to be seen to take action by raising awareness through education campaigns to prevent alcohol abuse, a major factor in domestic violence. Christmas is a time of high emotion. It is, equally, a time when barring orders become necessary and are often breached. It is imperative that we, as legislators, enact this Bill to provide those vulnerable in society with the necessary protection of the courts at this time of year. The culture of taking alcohol to celebrate every occasion from birth to death is something we must consider seriously. We must get it right and this is an opportunity to do so.

We must protect the vulnerable and emphasise the effect of domestic violence on children. At Christmas time, when children's expectation are so high, it is very worrying if households or family units are destroyed by domestic violence, particularly if we do not have in place the necessary legislation to provide protection for these children. That is one of the reasons I welcome this Bill. We must protect children, the guardian of these children and the parent who is responsible for them. We cannot allow victims to fall through legal loopholes. I commend the Minister for his timely action on this issue.

The law as it stood was an accident waiting to happen. The two primary areas of justice are that no man should be a judge in his own case and, equally, one must hear the other side, which is true but not possible at all times. In the case of direct evidence, protection must be given and the court must act to restrain further violence, possibly fatal violence if the court does not act. For that reason I welcome the Bill. Given the rise in family law cases, there need to be dedicated judges or courts in the area of family law who can bring their expertise and wisdom to bear in this field.

I wish to pay tribute to the many refuge centres, including Connolly House and Edel House in Cork city which provide such a valuable service. I acknowledge the contribution made by medical practitioners and pharmacists who at times are the first people to identify domestic violence. These people have an integral role to play in protecting the most vulnerable in our society. I commend the Bill to the House.

Photo of Joanna TuffyJoanna Tuffy (Labour)
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I thank the Minister of State for coming here for the debate. I welcome the Bill, subject to the amendments I have tabled and on which I will expand further on Committee Stage. I am pleased the Bill has come before the House so quickly because the limbo created by the result of the Supreme Court judgment needs to be dealt with as soon as possible. I reiterate that it is inappropriate to take all Stages together because the important issues raised by the Supreme Court must be carefully addressed.

I recognise the need for this type of legislation, which is very important for dealing with emergencies and protecting the vulnerable and those at risk. On the other hand, I agree with the finding of the Supreme Court. My experience as a solicitor is that this measure could be subject to abuse. It is very important to have fair procedures in place so that both sides of the case are heard, subject to some emergency provisions. There are huge consequences from the issuing of an interim barring order, particularly if the case is not heard very rapidly. Many knock-on consequences could affect other decisions made by the family law courts or criminal courts. Therefore, it would not be right to prolong the matter without having a fair hearing of the issues involved. I will table amendments dealing with a return date for the hearing and a provision for undertakings to be given to the court, an issue raised by the Supreme Court.

There should be a review of the whole family law area. Groups and individuals rightly raised the question of the need for men's rights to be addressed within the system. From my experience, I believe the system treats men unfairly and it treats women unfairly in other ways. It is important to ensure there are supports in place for families or individuals subjected to domestic violence.

The Eastern Regional Health Authority statistics for 1999 indicated that two out of three people who sought refuge with the health board were refused places in refuge centres. People who are violent need to be punished but they also need help. We need to help families in general and to bring about a less adversarial family law system. It is very important to have counselling programmes in place and to recognise that violence takes many forms. Older people and children can be subjected to domestic violence.

Photo of Tony KettTony Kett (Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the Minister of State and the Bill to the House. The Minister must be congratulated on the speed with which he has brought the Bill before us because the issue was the subject of a court judgment just two months ago. It indicates the necessity to deal with this horrible crime which is part of our daily life.

When preparing for today, I was gobsmacked when I read some of the statistics. Senator Minihan referred to the fact that one in five will experience violence at some stage in their relationships. He also referred to the time of year which is now approaching. Another statistic I noted is that 83 women have been murdered in this country since the end of 1995, 54 of whom were murdered in their own homes, 37 by people they knew. As that is a horrendous statistic in anyone's language, it is essential to have tight legislation to deal with the problem. It is a problem we have been slow to come to terms with.

I recall listening earlier this year to the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism, Deputy O'Donoghue, in his former capacity as Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. He posed a question to his audience which for me captured the indifference in our attitudes towards domestic violence. He asked people to imagine if today's newspapers or television carried a story that a new risk threatened people, and that risk would challenge between 10% and 20% of the population. He said a large number of those affected would require hospitalisation and some would even die. Most of those affected would suffer for the rest of their lives and in a large number of instances children would be affected. He asked what the audience thought the response would be. Would we as a society do nothing about it? Would everyone say it was not their problem, it was not a matter for legislation, it was somebody's else's problem? Would the media run the story for a day, week or month? If a year on we still had done nothing about it, would there be a public outcry? He asked if it was not a fact that the risk was already among us in its ugliest manifestation, namely, domestic violence.

That captured for me the indifferent attitude we as a society have towards domestic violence. Thankfully, that attitude has been changing in recent times. Credit for that must go to the Taoiseach because when he went into office in 1997 one of the first things he initiated was the national steering committee. The focus of the national steering committee was to bring about a cohesive and multiagency approach to domestic violence. Eight regional committees were established to deal with the matter in a more cohesive and localised manner, which is a demonstration of the Government's changing attitude to this issue.

It is right that we should acknowledge the fine work of non-governmental agencies such as the rape crisis centres and the women's refuges. Such organisations have given hope to those who have suffered from domestic violence. Their extremely important work is appreciated by those who have availed of it and by successive Governments. As someone who works in the voluntary sector, I can imagine the problems that are faced by the groups to which I have referred in terms of fundraising. They chase down benefactors and peddle boxes of flags to raise money to provide a service that the Government has not been providing to a sufficient extent. Many other bodies deserve the same credit as the two I mentioned for contributing in a meaningful way. It is good to note that, during its 1997 to 2002 term of office, the Government increased funding for the agencies from €3.8 million to €11.5 million.

The importance of providing information for those who suffer domestic violence cannot be overstated. They need to know that information services are available. The national steering committee, chaired by the Minister of State, Deputy O'Dea, has run tremendous awareness campaigns and has sent out a great deal of information in relation to the services that are available. In the past, domestic violence was considered a private matter and not one for legislation. A family row in a rural area was kept indoors as there was a pride factor – it would be considered that one had let the family down if one reported one's experiences of domestic violence. I am sure that a great deal of hardship was endured by many women who were afraid, perhaps as a result of their pride, to let it be known that there was a problem in their homes.

We need to educate the public to change its attitude to domestic violence. We have to ensure that the legal process is adequate and that those charged with the responsibility of dealing with this issue, including the Garda Síochána, have the relevant knowledge to deal with it effectively. Perceptions are beginning to change and rightly so. It is past time this happened. People other than the man or woman concerned suffer when instances of domestic violence take place because children are often involved. I recently read that a child is either present or in the next room during 80% of domestic violence incidents, a statistic that emerged from international research.

One can only imagine the effect on a child of seeing his or her parents having a row that manifests itself in the form of physical violence. When such an incident is etched on the minds of children, they show it in different ways. Perhaps the worst thing they can do is to keep it bottled up and it is better if they externalise their feelings. We need to ensure that the necessary facilities and tools are available to those charged with recognising the symptoms of the problems I have mentioned, so they can put in place the mechanisms necessary to deal with the issues.

We must create an ethos whereby sufferers of violence know that people care for them and their children. In the event of sufferers revealing the tragedy of domestic abuse, it is important that a caring and professional system is in place to assist them. It is important that GPs and the staff of accident and emergency departments are skilled in recognising what needs to be done to deal with domestic violence. Medical personnel should keep accurate and comprehensive records so that trends and patterns of violence can be recognised.

I welcome the Bill and I thank the Minister of State, Deputy Brian Lenihan, for bringing it to the House so swiftly. I look forward to its quick passage.

Photo of Brian HayesBrian Hayes (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Brian Lenihan. When I spoke to him after he became a Minister of State, he informed me that there is no constitutional obligation on Ministers to be present in the Seanad when it sits. I subsequently discovered that the Minister of State is absolutely correct.

Photo of Brian Lenihan JnrBrian Lenihan Jnr (Dublin West, Fianna Fail)
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A Minister has to be in this House for legislation.

Photo of Brian HayesBrian Hayes (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State nonetheless and I am glad that he has appeared today. It is good that he is in the House for this debate because he has an expert knowledge of these matters.

Domestic violence is a serious matter and there is an urgent need for the Bill after the recent Supreme Court ruling. Irrespective of one's views on the matter, we cannot ignore the fact that the Supreme Court has determined that section 4(3) of the Domestic Violence Act, 1996 – passed by the Oireachtas having been brought forward by the former Minister, Mr. Mervyn Taylor – is defective constitutionally. When the courts make such a determination, we have to take the matter very seriously under our constitutional procedures. The Oireachtas is obliged to respond to an absence of rights that has been in place in relation to section 4(3) for the last six years. The amendments that Senator Terry and I will propose later attempt to implement both the letter and the spirit of the Supreme Court ruling, as set out some weeks ago.

The Minister of State is aware that some serious issues were raised in the ruling to which I refer. When the legislation was being discussed in these Houses in 1996, the former Minister, Mr. Taylor, said that the provision that one's home could be forfeited on the basis of an application that comes before the courts was a draconian power. Quite rightly in my view, the Supreme Court made two rulings in relation to interim barring orders. The court said, first, that a time limit should be imposed on the barring orders in question and, second, that respondents have a right to know all the evidence proffered against them. The Minister of State knows that it is a fundamental principle of justice and an aspect of any summons that goes before a court that a person has the right to defend himself against any charges to be proffered against him and has a right to know the evidence as set out in the courts. Having read it, the Supreme Court judgment seems to be a logical application of the jurisprudence that exists in this country. It was a considerable oversight on the part of the Oireachtas in 1996 that it did not foresee this problem.

When I spoke on the Order of Business earlier, I was not speaking against the Bill but simply making the point that we need to take our time to ensure we get it right this time. As we do not want to make the same mistake again, it is important that this legislation is debated fully, as it has been so far today. I hope it will be thoroughly examined on Committee and Report Stages and that many of the issues to which I refer will be ironed out as part of the House's discourse with the Minister of State, who is an expert on these matters. I believe he will respond clearly to the amendments that will be proposed.

Domestic violence is a tragedy for men, women and families and it is sad that the State has to intervene. There are circumstances in which it is necessary, for the benefit of children and the individuals involved, for the State to have the power to legislate for interim ex parte barring orders, particularly at this time of year.

Many men are concerned, not with the law passed by the Oireachtas, but with the application of it in the courts. I was very struck when I entered elected politics, representing an ostensibly working class constituency in Dublin, at the number of men who complained to me about court rulings. They said they had been dealt with unfairly, that there was a presumption of guilt attached to them and that for them, at least, their experience of the courts, particularly of barring orders in the family law courts, was unfair. Much of that is perception – the courts have to decide these issues – but we must respond to it. The issue of domestic violence is greater than just the appalling circumstances for women.

The Minister of State is involved in the Department of Health and Children and I ask him to put pressure on his colleague, the Minister for Health and Children, to publish a report on domestic violence which has been on his desk for the last three years. It is the most exhaustive study of domestic violence ever carried out in the State. We would be in a better position to judge much of the anecdotal and empirical evidence which has been heard in this debate if this report were published. As Senator Walsh pointed out, there are cases of domestic violence against men and we must ensure fairness and due process in the courts' deliberations on these sanctions.

I ask the Minister to publish this report once and for all, to get it out into the public domain and ensure that the largest possible survey of domestic violence is published as soon as possible so that we know the evidence.

I generally welcome the Bill but caution all Members to give it the respect and attention to detail that it requires. It is rare for a Bill to come before the House concerning legislation passed by the Oireachtas on which the Supreme Court has ruled so emphatically.

Photo of Geraldine FeeneyGeraldine Feeney (Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the Minister of State and compliment him on his speedy response in bringing the Bill before the House. Only two months ago the Supreme Court ruled that section 3(4) of the Domestic Violence Act was unconstitutional. The general public, as well as politicians, have always been too ready to criticise Ministers and their Departments for being slow, particularly with legislation such as this. We seem to be painstakingly slow at times, but well done to the Minister on his speedy response in this instance.

It is our duty as legislators to make sure we have laws which will protect and create a safe place for all of us. Many victims of abuse, believe, wrongly, that our laws do not protect them or their children. It is very difficult for any man, woman or child to be caught up in domestic violence. I agree with Senator Hayes that the whole area of domestic violence is a terrible tragedy. It is not just the domain of women and children. Men are also the victims of domestic violence. Perhaps we should think about how male victims feel. They are a small minority but they feel less a man. It is very difficult for them.

I had lunch with five school friends last Saturday. One of them is a victim of a very unhappy marriage which she went into on the basis of what she thought was a very loving relationship. She experienced domestic violence on her honeymoon. Her husband used to kick her, bite her and pinch her, always on parts of her body which would not be noticed. She became pregnant with her first child after a year and the beatings continued. They became worse when the baby was born and she never thought of looking for help. She never shared it with any of us, her friends, because she thought it was not the type of thing that happened to people like her. Domestic violence happens across the board, regardless of socio-economic circumstances. She eventually looked for help when her baby was four. She was on the ground, unconscious, and woke up to the child screaming and crying, "Please don't die on me, Mummy". Her suffering continues today. She is still a victim. She is legally separated but the verbal abuse continues. Statistics show that 76% of separated couples still experience violence, whether it is verbal or physical. They still feel threatened.

The way to deal with stigmas is to talk about them and I am glad we are having this debate. I wish it could go further than the Houses of the Oireachtas. We need to build an environment where victims will feel safe, protected and part of the system. There have been many figures given out today and I will not go back over them. However, I was surprised to read a survey recently carried out by the Rotunda. Out of 400 pregnant women surveyed, 12.5% of them experienced very severe domestic violence while they were pregnant.

Another point to bear in mind, and Senator Minihan alluded to it, is that children are part of domestic violence. They are the innocent victims. Their parents could be in a bedroom, while they are in another listening to what is going on. Worse still, they might witness their father beating their mother or, in some cases, their mother being abusive to her husband.

I welcome the Bill but I would like to see special family court sittings in high density areas. Perhaps there could be more family-friendly sittings where a mother could leave children to school or to a baby minder when she goes to court, rather than having to bring the children into the court with her.

Senator Terry said earlier today she was rather sad that we were rushing the legislation through. The legislation has come at the right time and has not been rushed through. This is a very emotional time of year when we experience high levels of stress, alcohol consumption and debt. All of this, unfortunately, leads to people losing their heads. The fists are very much to the fore. A house which does not experience something like this is very lucky. Christmas should be a time of harmony and peace. It is a time when we reflect and think of people who are less well off. I welcome the Bill, which comes at the right time. I again compliment the Minister of State on his speedy response.

Photo of James BannonJames Bannon (Fine Gael)
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I welcome the Minister of State to the House. It is to be hoped that the Domestic Violence (Amendment) Bill, 2002, will copperfasten protection for victims of this insidious but extremely prevalent blot on family life. Concerns widely raised about the Domestic Violence Act, 1996, must be urgently addressed. Like other Members, I would like to have more time to debate this Bill but I see that it is important to get it passed before the Christmas recess.

Domestic abuse is often shrouded in secrecy. Many couples, especially in rural areas, live their married lives in a more discreet and less open way than those in urban areas. They can be the silent victims of abuse as they feel hidden away from the world outside. In a sense they are the living affirmation of the hidden nature of abuse. They are unable to confide in outsiders or other members of their families. It is often the case that the true picture of a life of hell is not revealed until after the death of the bullying partner. This is sad but it is also unacceptable.

The holding of domestic violence cases in camera is also contributing to the culture of secrecy surrounding such issues. A new approach of openness and accountability would enable victims to read about such cases, realise that they are not alone in their suffering and seek help. During the period of abuse the victims are often unaware of or afraid to tap into the range of confidential services available to them. Services such as the Rape Crisis Centre, Women's Aid and AMEN provide invaluable assistance to abuse sufferers. I compliment them on their work.

The 2001 Garda annual report states that of all cases investigated that year, 10,000 related to domestic violence incidents. Last year more than a thousand callers to Women's Aid had endured an abusive relationship for more than 30 years. This represents a whole lifetime destroyed by abuse, whether physical, sexual or mental. The three types of abuse are not mutually exclusive and the abuser often uses mental abuse such as intimidation and bullying to prevent his or her abused partner from leaving. Although physical abuse is more evident to a neighbour or outsider, mental abuse is equally traumatic for the victim. Last year Women's Aid received a far greater number of calls reporting mental abuse than physical abuse. Disturbingly, in 2001 more than 60% of victims of sexual abuse had been abused by someone known to them, such as a relative, partner or a date. This confirms the domestic nature of abuse. Sadly, the person from whom help should be available is too often the person who has instigated the abuse.

The amendments we are debating will provide greater protection to victims of domestic violence and the legislation will address last month's Supreme Court ruling on the unconstitutionality of interim barring orders because of the absence of time limits on the operation of such orders and other concerns raised by those working in this area with regard to the Domestic Violence Act, 1996. This Act allows one partner to go to the District Court and swear information to apply for an interim barring order against the other partner, who does not have to be notified. No time limit is set on the operation of the order, which can stay in place until a full hearing. In delivering the judgment of the court, the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Keane, said that the Legislature's failure to impose any time limits on orders with such draconian consequences was inexplicable. In the resultant confusion, some perpetrators of abuse have moved back with their partners following the rescinding of interim barring orders, forcing women to take refuge in emergency accommodation.

Interim barring orders were created to protect women where the court is of the opinion that there are reasonable grounds for believing that there is an immediate risk of significant harm to the applicant or any dependent person if the order is not made immediately, and the granting of a protection order would not be sufficient to protect the applicant or any dependent person. The rescinding of the interim barring order has created a vacuum in which women are without adequate recourse to legal protection and it is imperative that the current wait of ten to 12 days before a barring order hearing takes place is reduced to seven days. Senator Terry referred to an eight day period and that would also be acceptable.

Victims of domestic violence, regardless of gender, must be protected by every means we have available, but in doing so we must not create new victims. Justice must be done and be seen to be done, fairly and equitably. This important legislation must leave no room for loopholes.

Photo of Ann OrmondeAnn Ormonde (Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the Minister of State to the House and promise him to try not to use the same lines as everybody else. Everybody is in agreement that this amendment to the legislation is necessary. The Supreme Court judgment implied strongly that the rights of all parties must be taken into consideration and I agree. As a woman – although I do not want to create a line – I feel we must talk only about violence, whether it is perpetrated against men or women. That is why I am here. We are trying to discover how best to eliminate the violence that is out there. This is a timely issue. Nobody is saying that the legislation was not useful and I congratulate the former Government and Taoiseach on it, as well as the Minister of State, Deputy Mary Wallace, who, with her interest in eliminating violence, spearheaded this legislation. We can have all the legislation in the world, but how can we be sure it will be effective on the ground? That is the fundamental question facing all of us. How do we know that violence is not taking place in some household at a particular point in time? How can we as a society face up to this serious problem?

People have asked why domestic violence happens. Somebody once told me it was because we need to feel power and control and for some people, the only way to feel this is by beating and bullying. They feel they can only keep control and hold power if they adopt this approach. Domestic violence affects all social classes in all regions. Quality of life is destroyed for many families. The impact on children is very significant. In my former career I came across domestic violence many times. One would notice the children coming into school suffering from the effects of the night before. It affected their progress, demeanour and discipline, but they could not themselves identify what was wrong.

We must do everything we can to break the cycle of violence. The national steering committee set up by the previous Government has gone a long way in that regard by putting in place directives on reaching out to health boards, NGOs and services for women experiencing violence. Information should now be available in libraries, Garda stations and hospitals. Such information is not always available. For example, I contacted a Garda station today and it was not available there. The steering committee has stated that its terms of reference would ensure information is available in schools, health boards and libraries. Even if it is available in these places, could a vulnerable woman look for it? We must create an effective national awareness campaign that is not just a once-off. It must be ongoing and make society face up to the fact that this is a real problem that cannot be swept under the carpet.

Domestic violence is a crime, a social problem, and legislators should be fighting against it. We will never be rid of it entirely, but we must acknowledge and help those affected. We must let them know that there is a refuge for them, that they can get out, that local authorities can provide vital accommodation and that the health boards will help.

If we increase funding, it must be reflected in better services. The training of hospital personnel for those who arrive in accident and emergency units as a result of domestic violence is important. Front-line personnel should know the difference between ordinary accidents and violent abuse. Schools should also receive funding for the physical and psychological needs of young people.

I am glad this legislation is being amended, but the Minister of State must ensure it is implemented in a manner whereby the public can see that there is protection for those being abused. We must never stop talking about this issue and ensure it remains on the agenda.

Photo of Brian Lenihan JnrBrian Lenihan Jnr (Dublin West, Fianna Fail)
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I thank Senators for their contributions and the constructive way in which they have approached this measure. It is an important measure that has been necessitated by the decision of the Supreme Court. This debate has been wide-ranging, covering not only the legislation but exploring the implications of violence in family relationships and the resultant problems posed for our health services.

I commend the work of the Garda in this area. Senator Ormonde mentioned that the legislation must be seen to be implemented. Much of its implementation falls squarely on the shoulders of gardaí who are called to deal with difficult and sensitive circumstances in many households and to administer and interpret this legislation in as fair a way as possible to the parties before it comes to judicial determination.

Senators mentioned the technical aspects of the legislation and the legal formulations used. I would prefer to address those issues in committee. Senator Terry referred to the financial implications of the measure and the strains on the legal aid service and the courts system. The explanatory memorandum makes it clear that the implementation of the Bill will give rise to additional court hearings to decide whether or not to confirm interim barring orders made ex parte, but it does not have any necessary financial implications. Even under the arrangement condemned by the Supreme Court, the matter had to return to court at some stage so there is no increase in the volume of work of the courts, although this legislation means they will have to work at a faster pace. That is no bad thing.

Senator Jim Walsh referred to our view of marriage. Initiatives by the health boards, such as the Springboard initiative, are funded by the Department of Health and Children and seek to intervene as early as possible to protect the welfare of children where there is a difficult parenting position and ensure those children get the chance to advance in life. Initiatives can be taken by Government agencies but the State cannot become a parent. We must have standards of parenting at a social level. The State cannot be expected to fund indefinitely the parenting of all children. We would not have the resources to do that no matter how great our prosperity. We must affirm the importance of parents in setting an example and taking responsibility for children.

The Supreme Court was very critical of us for using the phrase "exceptional circumstances" in the initial legislation and I understand why Senators refer to the issue. It should be exceptional to remove anyone from a family home, but when the courts have to deal with this, they cannot make a judgment about how common this exceptional circumstance is as a social phenomenon. They have to view it in the light of immediate circumstances. The urgency, rather than the exceptional character of the circumstances, is what impresses itself upon a court.

The Court Services Commission has done much in the area of court facilities and progress has been made in recent years compared to the circumstances that obtained when I commenced legal practice.

Senator Henry gave an interesting account of the medical phenomenon of violence against women. As a medical practitioner, we must give weight to her opinion that the trend of the statistics is for far more violence against women than against any other group, while not denying that violence is perpetrated against many different family members.

The Senator also raised the issue of the publicity of court proceedings in family matters. It is an important issue and we must be careful in this area. We must respect the privacy of family proceedings, but the standard of criticism that must take place in such cases is at issue. The Constitution is clear that justice must be administered in public save in such specially limited circumstances as are prescribed by law. The bulk of matrimonial and family law proceedings are way beyond the specially limited circumstance and amount to much of the business of the courts. The programme for Government contained a commitment to consider this area.

The courts are not accountable to the Houses of the Oireachtas or the Government. However, they are accountable to public opinion which cannot be formed if there is not some form of publicity about the decisions being made. There are no proposals in this measure to deal with that, but it must be examined and there is a commitment for that in the programme for Government.

Senators referred to the fact that there are sensitive issues with regard to the necessary privacy which parties to these proceedings would wish to see obtain. There is an equal need to ensure that what the courts do is subject to public scrutiny. There is a difficult balance to be struck and the Government has made a commitment to address this issue, which was raised by Senator Hayes.

Senator Minihan welcomed the legislation and stressed the need for social provision and refuge centres. He also commented on the social phenomenon of violence, a matter to which Senators Feeney, Bannon, Ormonde, Kett and Tuffy also referred. It is a phenomenon that has always been there, but one that must be openly addressed by the Oireachtas.

The legislation has been introduced to respond to the concerns of the Supreme Court on the legal aspect of the problem. I hope I have dealt with most of the points of substance raised by Senators on Second Stage. If there are particular issues, I would prefer to deal with them in committee as they relate to the technical character of the legislation.

Question put and agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach:

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

Photo of Jim WalshJim Walsh (Fianna Fail)
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Now.

Agreed to take remaining Stages today.