Seanad debates

Thursday, 13 July 2017

Naval Service Deployment: Statements

 

10:30 am

Photo of Alice-Mary HigginsAlice-Mary Higgins (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I welcome the Minister of State to the House. I regret very much that we did not have the opportunity to debate this before the motion passed in the Dáil. It is a very important discussion and decision. It is also important to be clear that a new decision has been taken today. In case a false impression be given, this is not the continuation of the very important humanitarian missions we have seen and the pride we have all taken in ships like the LE Niamhand the LE Eithne. What we are seeing today is a change and a new policy. As Senator McFadden rightly said, Irish ships have rescued and saved the lives of over 16,800 people. During the period when there was an Irish ship operating at any given time, the EU operation with six to ten ships saved approximately 34,000 people. With one ship operating at a time, the Naval Service rescued 50% of the number of people rescued by all EU ships combined. It is a stark reminder. The priority of the Irish ships was humanitarian search and rescue with the result that they were five or six times more effective than the EU mission. We should be very clear on that.

The Minister of State's own speech in the Dáil made it very clear that there is now a new hierarchy. He said, "Transferring to Operation Sophia would result in the redeployment of Irish Naval Service vessels from primarily humanitarian search and rescue operations, to primarily security and interception operations." The new priority is securitisation. Humanitarian concerns and the search and rescue missions of which, having seen the pictures, we are so proud and for which we have rightly applauded Naval Service personnel, go down the line and are no longer the primary concern according to this mission. It is very important and clear to note what is happening today and it does not blunt our rightful pride in the work we have done previously on search and rescue. It is clear that the focus will be on security with some potential for rescue.

On the success of Operation Sophia, I will not enumerate the details which were set out in the Oireachtas. We have a House of Lords report, however, which points very clearly to the fact that this has not been successful. Research from Goldsmiths, University of London and Oxford also points to the fact that it has not been successful in its stated aim of disrupting trafficking practices. Rather, the operation has simply led to changes in practice. Business, including the abominable business of human trafficking and smuggling, is very adaptable. We now see people in less safe boats who still face danger. The mark of the lack of success of Operation Sophia is that in 2016 we saw a 42% increase in deaths in the Mediterranean. That is the mark. It shows us that the operation is not working.

What is gained by today's motion? Perhaps there will be some new professional experience for Naval Service personnel, although some of the other proposals put forward might be a better way to contribute and recognise them. I refer to the proposals put forward by Senator Craughwell. There may also be some very short-term brownie points from the EU. We keep mentioning the EU 25 but we are in a group of hundreds of nations. Ireland is part of the UN. There is a bigger picture. It is not simply throwing its weight in behind Europe. While there will be some short-term brownie points from Europe, we have to ask what is lost through today's motion.Lives are lost because they are no longer given the same priority. At a European level we are pandering to the narrative of "fortress Europe" as opposed to the narrative of a Europe of freedom and rights and a Europe which can stand and hold its head up as a crucial beacon for democracy and human rights in the world. We subscribe to that narrative. We had a bilateral agreement with Italy. I know what the Minister of State will say about this. We are pandering to the threats to withdraw that bilateral agreement. We are pandering to the borders which have been put up between Italy and Austria. If Europe really wishes to tackle the migrant crisis, it needs to face up to the internal barriers which are being put up between its nations. We all need to take responsibility in respect of migration.

I will mention a very important point. The root cause of illegal migration is not boats. Let us be very clear on that. I was quite concerned by parts of the Minister of State's speech. He spoke about going beyond humanitarian activities and said that with this mission, Ireland will now address the root causes of migration and human trafficking. Neither boats nor traffickers are the root causes. The root causes are issues such as climate change, conflict and the deep economic equality which Senator Mark Daly described and which is caused by our trade policies, among other causes. These are the root causes. Ireland has an outstanding reputation in seeking to tackle these causes through our development programmes. We are now subscribing to a narrative of militarisation rather than one of community-building, peace-building and working for equality.

In terms of Europe's future, this is not the way to go and we should not pander to this approach. We have been, and will be, told that Ireland needs to play its part. Ireland has been playing its part. What is Ireland's part? It is a unique role. We have a role greater than almost any other nation in terms of the level of rescue work which we have done. We have a unique role in peace-building, a role which is internationally recognised and is respected around the world. Ireland is a country which is recognised as an honest broker which operates on its own and which has a different history from many of our European neighbours. As much as we respect and work with our neighbours, Ireland has had the experience of being a colony rather than a coloniser. We have a different history. This has meant that Ireland has been asked to intervene and support the peace process in Colombia. It has meant that Ireland has been called on to do the work of peace-building around the world. Ireland's own peace process have recognised the complexity of peace-building.

This is a vital point. I have been saying it in this House and I feel I will be saying it again. Peace-building is not the same as securitisation. In many cases the language of militarisation and securitisation can be at absolute odds with the vital work of peace-building, which we need now in Europe and the wider world. I question our international credibility if we are seen as simply another among the EU states. Ireland wants, and has been lobbying very heavily for, a place on the UN Security Council. That poses a question. Will we simply be representing Europe and Europe's interests, military or otherwise? Will we instead be seeking a place on the UN Security Council knowing that we can stand as a hugely credible independent actor which punches above its weight? We are swapping our unique role, our unique ability to punch above our weight and the unique contribution and bridge-building that Ireland can bring to be part of a flotilla. That is really regrettable. I wish that instead we had pursued a complementary role with our own missions, working in the bilateral way we have done thus far. I do not mean that to denigrate the EU states which may continue with Operation Sophia. It would have added more value.

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