Niall Ó Donnghaile (Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I start by noting that it was bad form for the Minister of State, Deputy Paul Kehoe, to treat Senator Craughwell as he did. There is probably no one else who comes to the House with as much passion and commitment on the issues affecting Defence Forces' personnel and their families than Senator Craughwell. Perhaps the Minister of State will reflect on that. I understand that debates can become heated, but what happened was not warranted.

Speaking of disrespect, it is a great pity that the House is coming to discuss the issue when it has already been voted on. Sinn Féin is opposed to this change of operational status but the decision has already been made. It shows a degree of discourtesy to the input Members of the Seanad should have on important matters like this. While I understand the protocols and procedures in place, it is worth pointing out that the Seanad should have a greater say in such an important decision. Not only will it affect the State's neutral status, it contains, as Senator Craughwell rightly outlined, potentially dangerous impacts for Defence Forces' personnel. The implication for them is the danger they may be put in as Operation Sophia proceeds beyond its initial phase to phases 2 and 3. It is obviously those aspects of the suggested operation which have caused our party the most concern, given the potential nature of it.

This is an EU military mission under the guise of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The primary stated objective is to target and stop gangs using vessels for human trafficking, mainly from Libya. It has, however, a much wider remit than that. Phase 2, which is under way, includes the training of Libyan coast guards to capture refugees who are fleeing their war-torn countries and throw them into so-called "detention centres".

It has a third phase which mandates participating countries to take military action in Libyan waters and on Libyan soil if necessary. As I should have said at the start, I commend the Naval Service personnel who have been phenomenal in rescuing so many poor people in Mediterranean waters. What can one say without appearing almost glib? We know the tragic circumstances in which the refugee population finds itself. With the best will in the world and notwithstanding the substantial difference our Naval Service has made, people continue to perish and will continue to perish as a result. The EU's time would be much better spent reflecting on the "Fortress Europe" approach to the migrant and refugee crisis. The State would be much better served if we reflected on the provision we are making available here to support the relocation, rehousing and resettlement of people in this jurisdiction. I have very real concerns.

The detention centres to which I have referred have been documented and proven to violate the human rights of those imprisoned within them. The Libyan coast guards who are being trained have been guilty not only of abusing refugees but also of firing live rounds into overloaded refugee boats. Pushing refugees who seek asylum into such centres by military force is a human rights violation and morally disgusting. We should play no role in that.

Current Naval Service missions in the Mediterranean Sea operate under a purely humanitarian search and rescue remit. Over the past two years, Naval Service personnel have rescued some 16,000 people in the south of the Mediterranean Sea. This is outstanding work of which we can and should be rightly proud. However, that is as far as our intervention must go. We cannot allow the EU to undermine Ireland's neutrality and must stand against any further militarisation of the EU or forerunner to the creation of an EU army. Operation Sophia is a miliary response to a humanitarian problem and it will solve nothing. We must continue our search and rescue missions and increase significantly the relocation and settlement of refugees in Ireland. Unfortunately, we are too late in the game on this. I hope, however, that as it progresses, it will be known and recorded that at least some voices dissented.