Hildegarde Naughton (Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I thank the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, for attending today in the House where this issue was first raised. In fairness to the Minister, on first becoming aware of this issue he has expressed a willingness to deal with it and I welcome the establishment of a statutory commission of inquiry. This is the proper course to take.

The treatment and neglect of children in mother and baby homes has been known and the subject of criticism for many years. Parliamentary debates, health board reports, newspaper articles and local knowledge on this topic goes back to the 1930s. Some of the parliamentary debates, both from the knowledge exposed and the language used, would make one's hair stand on end. We really did not care for these children at all. It both saddens and annoys me that we as a community and as a political and civil society will only agitate for action when a shocking episode such as the allegations in Tuam come to light. They then, belatedly, receive international media attention.

It is a truism that sweeping secrets under the carpet will only make them fester and become a scandal. While the comely maidens were dancing at the crossroads thousands of unmarried mothers were dancing into institutions and homes and their children were dancing towards early deaths. Nobody in this House can afford to be political on this issue. This shameful past is shared by all of us. All of us know a party member, a family member, a friend or a neighbour that has been complicit in this through act or omission.

This shameful social history was to a large degree directed by the church and wilfully followed by the political establishment. Sometimes the actions of the political establishment and citizens exceeded those of the church. We in these Houses of the Oireachtas are all too familiar with examples of important social policy being blocked, either directly or indirectly. This was done to the great detriment of our citizens. These actions were accepted by citizens, no matter how harsh the consequences. The mother and child scheme is an obvious example and its pious and unforgiving politics are still within living memory. When Brendan Corish introduced the unmarried mother allowance scheme in 1970 he was castigated for creating a licence for fornication by his fellow parliamentarians.

While we await the outcome of pending investigations into allegations relating to the Tuam case I will not comment further on specific matters. It is incumbent on us to reflect on the conditions endured by those in mother and baby homes. In general, it seems the mortality rate for what were called "illegitimate children" was far higher than the norm at the time. The rate of incarceration in mother and baby homes was even higher.

Some have postulated that in one home the mortality rate was as high as 50%. In any event, it is simply not true to say, as some have, that all children were malnourished at the time, given the relative rates of poverty, and that these children were no worse off than others. That is simply not true. The simple fact is that all the research done to date has illustrated that being born into one of these homes significantly shortened a child's lifespan.

The religious undertook a duty of care in regard to these children. They had a duty to protect and care for them. They acted, effectively, as agents of the State which also failed them. Church and State failed. We are told that the cause of death of some of those 796 children was malnutrition. How many Bon Secours nuns died of malnutrition in Tuam from 1925 to 1961? How many town councillors and national politicians, who complained about the cost of those incarcerated in the place, died of malnutrition?

An additional matter was raised in the repeated episode of the "Prime Time" programme on Monday last, namely, drugs trials conducted on people in such homes, orphanages or other State institutions without the consent of those involved and, seemingly, with the connivance of the State at the time. There seems to be much documentation in existence on the issue. I note the promise of the drugs companies to co-operate and I am very pleased that the matter will be investigated.

Third, and finally, there is the issue of alleged forced adoptions in America and elsewhere of our citizens. The option was suggested to adoptive parents who were already considered unsuitable by their respective authorities. It is good that the matter will be finally investigated.

Perhaps the Minister will consider a constructive suggestion. The inquiry seems to have three distinct elements as follows: the treatment in homes and the disposal of the bodies of the children involved; the issue of medical research and drug trials; and the issue of forced adoptions. Would he consider having three separate inquiries with each headed by a different individual with separate staff? To be frank, the numbers and nature of the allegations are too vast for any one inquiry team or head to consider in any meaningful way or timeframe. Perhaps it cannot be done but I ask the Minister to consider my suggestion if he has not already done so.

I cannot say that I look forward to the results of this inquiry because the findings may well be horrific. However, I thank the Minister for coming to the House and dealing with this matter in such a speedy manner.