John Minihan (Progressive Democrats)

I welcome the Minister to the House and compliment Senator Jim Walsh on his most informative contribution, which certainly provided great insight into the workings of the sub-committee and the thought processes that led to its conclusions. I obviously welcome the opportunity to speak on Mr. Justice Barron's report on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. Even after 30 years, these bombings have the power to evoke a cocktail of sorrow, frustration and anger. One is sorrowful because people going about their daily business had their lives taken from them so needlessly and cruelly. Consider the O'Brien family. John O'Brien, his wife, Anna, and children, Jacqueline and Anne-Marie, were killed in Parnell Street. One is also sorrowful as one bears in mind the continuing anguish of the families of the victims. As John O'Brien's brother, Thomas, related to the sub-committee, his mother remains heartbroken over the events of that spring evening. What of the unfulfilled hopes and dreams of those who remained? Thomas O'Brien often wonders what the two kids would now be doing. Is it any wonder that even after 30 years, people are still dealing with this trauma?

I feel frustrated that after three decades we still do not know the full story of what happened on the day of the bombings and that vital Garda documents, which might have shed light on why gardaí failed to make full use of the information they had obtained and failed to seek assistance from the RUC to interview suspects, have been lost or destroyed in the intervening years. I am particularly frustrated because the investigation was wound up so quickly.

I am also annoyed by the attitude of the British Government which, despite repeated affirmations that it would co-operate with Mr. Justice Barron's inquiry, failed to pass on any relevant files. The paucity of its contribution is highlighted by the 16 page letter from the Northern Ireland Office supplying information deemed to be of relevance. Not one document from the 68,000 or so documents held by the Northern Ireland Office was given to the inquiry. As Mr. Justice Barron stated, if one does not see the original documentation in its context, it is obvious one is not getting the full picture. Contrast this with the British Government's own exhaustive inquiry into the events of Bloody Sunday.

I, along with those who survived these heinous atrocities and the relatives of those who did not, feel angry that the perpetrators remain unpunished. I am also angry that while these events occurred three decades ago there are still elements, both international and domestic, which continue to regard the kinds of atrocities visited upon Dublin and Monaghan as a legitimate extension of the political process.

The report of Mr. Justice Barron and its subsequent analysis by the sub-committee of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights are to be commended. It was vitally important that the stories of ordinary people from Dublin and Monaghan were told. In telling their stories, I hope the victims of the atrocities have found some relief from the anguish they have suffered for so many years. While listening to the testimonies of the victims, one could hear the anguish and sorrow in their voices. What impressed me most was their need to know why and how the bombings took place, who carried them out and what can be done to bring them to justice. In this regard the sub-committee has made recommendations, some of which I would like to touch upon.

Like the sub-committee, I would also rule out a tribunal of inquiry or any investigation under the commissions of inquiry legislation. The only useful investigation would be one undertaken in the neighbouring jurisdiction. This is most likely where the evidence is to be found and most certainly the location of the perpetrators. I commend the Government on its efforts thus far to secure the co-operation of the British Government, but the time has come to redouble those efforts. I do not harbour great hopes that the British Government will acquiesce to any request of ours to set up an inquiry in its own jurisdiction without the threat of more serious action hanging over its head.

One such threat would be to mount a civil suit against the British Government in the European Court of Human Rights. Alternatively, a civil suit initiated in Great Britain or Northern Ireland by individual victims or their relatives may succeed in goading the British Government into action. I have, however, a word of warning for our own Government. Should the latter approach be taken, we must be prepared to fully indemnify those taking the action against legal costs regardless of whether the action has a reasonable chance of success. This should not be seen as a precedent. However, given that those concerned would be taking an action in the interests of the State, they should be supported.

We may never know the full story of what happened in May 1974 but we can at least take measures to ensure that such events never occur again. While Ireland is largely at peace with itself, notwithstanding anxiety over the possibility that subversive groups might again take up arms, the world today is a very dangerous place. Fortunately, or perhaps unfortunately, given that this has been brought about by decades of terrorism, inter-jurisdictional co-operation with our neighbours and other states internationally is now much better than it was when the Dublin and Monaghan bombings took place 30 years ago. I trust that the Government will take on board the recommendations of the sub-committee.

Once again, I commend the work of Mr. Justice Barron and the sub-committee. In particular, I pay tribute to the work of Justice for the Forgotten, which has ensured tirelessly that the victims will not be forgotten and will receive justice in due course.