Micheál Martin (Cork South-Central, Fianna Fail)
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I attended a meeting of the European Council on 23 October in Brussels. The substantial items on the agenda included support for Ukraine, the situation in the Middle East, European security and defence, competitiveness and the green and digital transitions. Leaders also had a first strategic discussion on housing and the Euro Summit. Migration was also discussed, as well as Moldova following its recent parliamentary elections. I will deal with Ukraine, the Middle East, European security and defence, housing and competitiveness. The Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, will later speak to all other issues.

Almost four years after Russia launched its full-scale and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, President Putin repeatedly shows us that he is intent on disregarding alternatives to his chosen path of needless and brutal war. Support for Ukraine in the face of this aggression continues to be a top priority for the European Union and was a key focus of the October European Council. President Zelenskyy, who attended in person, briefed us on the current situation and recent developments in Ukraine, including Russia's escalation in strikes on civilians and civilian infrastructure. These attacks have continued since.

I and my fellow European Union leaders reconfirmed the European Union's unwavering support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. The European Council recommitted the European Union to providing, in co-ordination with like-minded partners and allies, comprehensive political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people. The European Union has provided substantial assistance to Ukraine to enable it to defend itself against Russia's ongoing aggression and to support the people of Ukraine to withstand the terrible effects of Russia's indiscriminate attacks.

Ukraine requires our help now even more urgently and at an even greater scale. With this in mind, leaders discussed how the EU can help to step up military and other supports for Ukraine, and apply greater pressure on Russia to agree to an unconditional ceasefire and engage in a meaningful peace process.

The European Council also considered how the European Union can contribute to security guarantees for Ukraine as part of any future peace agreement, working with the United States and other partners as part of the coalition of the willing. The European Council also welcomed the adoption of the 19th package of European Union sanctions against Russia. Our sanctions are having an impact - it is important to say that - and we must continue to maintain this pressure on Russia. Russia should be held accountable for its actions and should have to pay for the destruction it has caused. There must be an economic cost to such flagrant violations of international law. Such a cost should also act as a deterrent to Russia and other countries contemplating any future violation of the UN Charter and international law.

To this end, the European Council discussed the further use of immobilised Russian assets as well as their use to provide reparation loans to Ukraine to finance its needs at this critical point in its fight against Russia’s aggression. Ireland supports the European Union's initiative for reparation loans. We agree that it must be in line with applicable laws and should be undertaken in co-ordination with international partners. As agreed by the European Council, the European Commission has presented options on how best to meet Ukraine’s financing needs in a sustainable and comprehensive way. These options will now be fully considered by EU member states with a view to reaching a decision on the way forward at the meeting of the European Council in December.

The European Council also called for further measures to disrupt the operation of Russia’s shadow fleet, which is helping Russia to circumvent sanctions and finance its war. Action in this area is also important to address the significant environmental and security risks the shadow fleet poses. Ireland supports European Union efforts to further counter the shadow fleet. Ireland has always been a strong supporter of Ukraine’s ambition of EU membership and I continue to advocate at European level for progress on Ukraine’s EU accession. EU membership must be part of a comprehensive package of security guarantees for Ukraine. I am deeply frustrated by Hungary’s blocking of progress in Ukraine’s European Union accession process. Ireland will continue to work with our partners in the EU to find a way to unblock and accelerate this process to match the ambition and efforts of Ukraine in implementing the required reforms.

Turning to the Middle East, the European Council met against the backdrop of a new era of hope for the people of Gaza. It is a fragile ceasefire, but a ceasefire nonetheless. European Union leaders welcomed the agreement reached on the first phase of the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict put forward by President Trump and commended the diplomatic efforts led by the United States and the role played by the regional mediators, which the European Union has consistently supported. European leaders recalled the high-level conference for the peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine and the implementation of the two-state solution and reiterated the European Union's commitment to international law and to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, based on the two-State solution.

An important aspect of our discussions was the role that the European Union can play to contribute to peace efforts and to actively engage with partners on the next steps. These will include supporting the rapid, safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid in co-ordination with international partners, the reintroduction of the European Union's border assistance mission to the Rafah crossing point, EUBAM Rafah, and the European Union police mission for the Palestinian territories. These are important contributions to Gaza’s stabilisation, transitional governance, recovery and reconstruction. The European Union's support for the Palestinian Authority is crucial. European Union leaders called on Israel to release withheld clearance revenues necessary to ensure that the proper functioning of the Palestinian Authority and the delivery of essential services to the population happens. In this regard, Ireland has joined the emergency coalition for the financial sustainability of the Palestinian Authority and will attend the first meeting of the Palestine Donor Group later this week. The European Council also stressed the importance of de-escalation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and called for an end to settler violence and the expansion of settlements, which are illegal under international law, and an end to Israel’s military operation. It called for an end to all of those. We also called on Israel to reverse the E1 settlement plan that further undermines the two-state solution. Ireland has been clear that the West Bank must be centrally considered as efforts continue to reach agreement on a durable peace plan with the implementation of the two-State solution at its core. We welcomed the inclusion of the developments in Lebanon and Syria in the European Council conclusions. Events in these countries challenge regional stability and require continued European focus.

The European Council reverted to the topic of European security and defence. President von der Leyen and High Representative Kallas presented the Commission’s Preserving Peace - Defence Readiness Roadmap 2030. The main elements of the roadmap include addressing capability development through member states' capability coalitions, flagship projects, strengthening industrial capacities and supporting Ukraine's defence capabilities. The roadmap is an important contribution to enhance Europe's defence readiness to respond to real and emerging threats, not least from Russia. Ireland will continue to engage constructively in discussions around the priority capability areas that have been identified.

I made it clear that Ireland is determined to step up our own security, to confront new threats and to protect the well-being of our citizens and our economies. European countries, including Ireland, are investing more in their national security and defence capabilities. Each is doing so in a way that makes sense for its own particular situation, policy approach and the specific characteristics of the foreign policy of every member state. In Ireland’s case, that is and will remain a policy of military neutrality. However, there are synergies that we can achieve through working together at EU level in a way that complements what we are doing at national level. The international security environment continues to deteriorate and to be contested, dynamic and volatile. The EU is acting with greater decisiveness, ambition and speed to tackle the threats we face. Ireland must be a part of this process because it is in our interests to do so as an active member of the European Union and because such threats put at risk the values we hold dear as Europeans.

Following the debate in this House on the previous European Council meeting, I was somewhat concerned that Members opposite in this House accused Europe of warmongering and described Europe as having a military industrial complex. I could not comprehend such a detached view. The fear in European Union member states is a very real one. They really fear Russian aggression and Russian undermining of their political systems and their economies. We just have to look at what happened in Poland during the week, in terms of more arson attacks, hybrid attacks and so on.

Improving Europe’s competitiveness is also crucial for our security and vice versa. The October European Council meeting set further important orientations on strengthening Europe’s economic competitiveness and unlocking the full potential of the Single Market, including a particular focus on regulatory simplification. The European Council reaffirmed the urgent need to advance an ambitious and horizontally driven simplification and better regulation agenda at all levels, consistent with protecting high standards and the integrity of the Single Market. Leaders welcomed the progress achieved on the six omnibus simplification packages already presented by the Commission in the first half of the year, and called on the Council and the Parliament to swiftly conclude their work on the remaining elements. Leaders also called on the Commission to bring forward proposals across a range of specific areas. This includes proposing, without delay, an optional 28th company law regime, allowing companies to scale up, as well as further ambitious simplification packages in the financial services, transport, energy, digital and food safety areas. The European Council also called on the Commission to intensify efforts to stress-test the EU acquis, including exploring new proposals to streamline and accelerate planning and permitting procedures for infrastructure development.

I strongly welcome the broad-based political agreement we have established on the need for continued efforts at all levels to ensure a clear, simple and smart innovation- and SME-friendly regulatory framework. Leaders also held a strategic discussion on how to progress the green transition in a way that supports and drives European competitiveness. As I made clear during Ireland’s national statement at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, climate change is no longer a distant threat - it is a daily reality and we are all feeling its consequences. I also expressed the serious concern that the spirit of common purpose is weakening. There are other threats and crises that can seem more pressing, including geopolitical turbulence, economic pressures, conflict and dislocations, but global temperatures are rising and the clock is ticking. Decarbonisation and sustainability are central to Ireland and the EU’s competitiveness and the well-being of our people.

Following guidance provided by the European Council, an ambitious greenhouse gas reduction target for 2040 was agreed by environment Ministers ahead of COP30.

These were difficult discussions and I welcome the fact the final agreement reflects the importance of food security, forestry, land use, renewable energy and a just transition, including energy affordability.

Meeting existing and future EU targets is very challenging but Ireland must continue to be part of that effort. At a global level, we will continue to provide climate finance and continue our support for small island developing states. I was delighted to announce at COP30 a new UNDP project office to be hosted in Dublin, dedicated to advancing sustainable finance.

For the first time ever, European Union leaders held a strategic discussion on housing. I welcome the opportunity for such a discussion as it reflects the challenges being experienced in many EU member states. While housing remains a national competence, there are steps we can take at EU level to better support member states in addressing the crisis. This includes the upcoming European Affordable Housing Plan, the aim of which is to support and complement member states in their efforts to address their respective housing challenges. We are managing our particular housing difficulties in a context of very strong population growth, rapid urbanisation, an infrastructure and housing supply deficit, as well as construction cost inflation and affordability challenges.

The Government’s new housing plan, Delivering Homes, Building Communities: An Action Plan on Housing Supply and Targeting Homelessness, is ambitious. We are creating the conditions to enable a step-up in private sector delivery while trying to break down the barriers that are holding back construction; to support people directly in securing a home of their own; and to support renters and tackle homelessness. The challenges differ across EU member states with varying root causes. In the discussion among leaders, I stressed the point that there is no one-size-fits-all solution. I underlined that the European Affordable Housing Plan should have a strong focus on addressing affordability and viability challenges. Ireland's ranking is very high in terms of supply and delivery across Europe.

I strongly support the incorporation of affordable housing in the EU’s simplification agenda to support the delivery of affordable housing. I would be in favour of a review of the impact of existing EU legislation and policies on housing delivery. There is also merit in a pan-European investment platform that would help to develop innovative funding methods for social and affordable housing providers, helping to attract private investment. I also called for stronger co-operation at EU level in the elimination of homelessness, which is a key national priority for Ireland. Leaders will return to many of these issues to assess progress and discuss further actions at future meetings of the European Council.

This meeting of the European Council was very busy, addressing many pressing issues that are of vital importance to our people and to the future of the European Union. As Taoiseach, and as a Government, we will continue to ensure that Ireland plays a very active and positive role at the heart of the European Union. This will take on even more significance as we take on the Presidency of the EU in the second half of 2026 when it will be our responsibility to drive this ambitious agenda.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I want to take the opportunity to condemn the Russian attack on Ukraine last night. The latest reports are that at least 20 people have been killed, including two children, in a Russian drone and missile attack on the western city of Ternopil that hit two blocks of flats. Another 66 people were injured, 16 of them were children, in one of the deadliest Russian attacks on western Ukraine since the full-scale war began in February 2022. Yesterday evening we had statements on Ukraine, in which I had the opportunity to outline in detail my views and position and those of my party on Ukraine. I will try to cover some other issues today. For the record, I want to reiterate Sinn Féin's solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of Russia's brutal invasion of their country and condemn the attacks we have seen in the past 48 hours.

The scenes we are seeing from Sudan, in particular EI Fasher, are horrifying and appalling. Tens of thousands of people are unaccounted for. We have seen huge numbers of civilian casualties as the RSF forces have gained control of the city and surrounding areas. I have been raising concerns for a number of months in the Dáil with the Tánaiste and the then Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Simon Harris, at the situation in El Fasher and Darfur, the inability to get humanitarian aid into the city and our concerns for the civilian population. This situation has since escalated very significantly and the world can no longer avert its eyes from what is happening in Sudan. Tens of thousands of people have reached safer places. However, tens of thousands of people are still unaccounted for in a city of about 100,000 people. There is huge concern as to their welfare. People were being cut down in the street and slaughtered in cold blood. This is one of the largest humanitarian crises in the world. More than a year and a half of siege warfare made this one of the most horrific places in the world and among the world's worst humanitarian crises.

The flow of weapons continues into Sudan in which the United Arab Emirates is complicit. There are credible reports that the United Arab Emirates is arming the RSF. The European Union has very strong connections and ties with the United Arab Emirates. The EU needs to step up and put pressure on the UAE to stop the flow of weapons into Sudan and to hold it to account for its complicity in this dreadful conflict.

On Palestine, we have just had a substantial debate on the Occupied Territories Bill. What we have witnessed in Gaza and in the West Bank is utterly horrifying. The widespread nature of severe malnutrition in Gaza and the effective starvation of much of the population, in particular children, has been nothing short of horrific, a living hell for the people of Gaza. It is worth highlighting once again that, unfortunately, at European Union level, we have seen how Ursula von der Leyen's unconditional and unqualified support for Benjamin Netanyahu at a pivotal point provided political cover for the genocidal destruction that followed. These partisan interventions have damaged the credibility of the EU. There is now a need for action. I welcome that more countries are now considering the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement. That is the minimum the EU should be doing.

We are now at a point where the existence of the Palestinian people, in particular the ability to deliver an independent Palestine as part of a two-state solution, is very much at stake. There was much discussion in the Taoiseach's speech in regard to the two-state solution and the formulas of words that exist. However, we have had 20 years of formulas of words, positions, statements and so on, and all the while the West Bank has become nearly like Swiss cheese in terms of the extent to which it has been pock-marked by more settlements, undermining the viability of the West Bank to exist as a political entity. We now have a so-called ceasefire but dozens of people are still being killed. If we want to avoid further conflict and escalation in the future, there needs to be a stable and sustainable political solution. That has to mean a viable Palestinian entity and a pathway to self-determination for the Palestinian people.

In our view, actions such as enacting the occupied territories Bill remain necessary in terms of consistency with international law and of exerting maximum pressure on Israel to enter into and abide by political peace agreements. Spain and Slovenia have already taken the lead in this regard. The new Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Helen McEntee, needs to be proactive on this and, after years of delay, needs to follow the lead of these two EU member states.

In regard to the Presidency of the Council of the European Union from July to December 2026, this is a major opportunity for our country. It is an opportunity to promote Irish interests abroad, to improve our country, to make it a better place in which to live, work and to attract investment. It will also be an opportunity to raise key issues of Irish foreign policy, including the devastating cuts to overseas development aid. However, concerns have been raised in recent days among Irish and European military leaders in relation to Ireland’s ability to resource security operations during the upcoming EU Presidency. This is completely and utterly down to this Government and its predecessors in how they have completely neglected our Defence Forces. They have allowed the Defence Forces to become depleted. It is an absolute disgrace that the Government has left us in this vulnerable position and that events around the EU Presidency could be exposed due to a lack of capability, particularly in relation to tackling drones but also our ability to monitor and police our own waters. The reality that we still do not have a full radar picture is an indictment of successive governments.

This argument should not only apply to the EU Presidency. The neglect of our Defence Forces over the years has resulted in our not being able to police our waters and our skies and being seen as a soft touch for major international drug cartels. In Sinn Féin's view, an Irish Government should be strong on neutrality and strong on defence. This Government is strong on neither of those. We have had the embarrassing situation where ships have been put to sea with no functioning main gun because of a lack of specialist staff to deliver that. Our Defence Forces are effectively at rock bottom in terms of morale and seriously struggling in terms of recruitment and retention.

I hope the new Minister for foreign affairs and defence takes a proactive role in that without any further delay.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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A serious piece of work has to be done to reassure the agricultural sector and farmers of Ireland, particularly in relation to issues that can detrimentally impact the future of farming in Ireland. We want to see maintenance of the nitrates delegation. There is absolute fear in respect of what the impact of Mercosur will be. There is deep annoyance, as we heard it yesterday, at the Government's position on that. I would like to see commentary that would actually settle people's minds in respect of the Government having their back.

Deputy Ó Laoghaire spoke about the European Union and its power and leverage and how it could play a decent role in this world. He also spoke about Sudan and the fact that weapons still flow. We are looking at an absolute calamity and chaos. We need the EU to act.

Huge solidarity has been shown to Ukraine, and rightly so. I also condemn the attacks in Ternopil in Ukraine and the 25 deaths. Unfortunately, this is nothing shocking from the corrupt regime in operation in Russia. We need to see that that solidarity continues, but I would also say we have a part to play in world affairs and that is about being an independent voice. It is our anti-colonial history not to be part of anything that is a move away from neutrality, which would be absolutely abhorrent to the Irish people. It goes without saying it is not much of a peace plan if it does not lead to the end of the deaths of Palestinians.. More than 70,000 people have been slaughtered in Gaza and there have been attempts at greater levels of annexation in the West Bank. As for Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, in fairness, they are brutally honest about what they are offering up, and that is about ensuring there is no room for a Palestinian state. Beyond that, they would like to see a huge number of those Palestinians displaced by whatever means. I am not sure they are particularly worried about the means. We need to stand firm. It is a disgrace that the EU-Israel association agreement is still standing at this point. Pressure needs to be maintained. It goes without saying we must move on the occupied territories Bill.

We have also seen in the past while what Israel has done in firing at UNIFIL troops in Lebanon. We have also seen attacks on Palestinians in Lebanon. Not only do we have to look after those who are serving, but we need to make sure we follow up on what is necessary to see right by Seán Rooney and his family.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Deputy.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I ask the Minister of State to urge the Minister, Deputy McEntee, to ensure the issue in relation to the pension of John McNeela, the father of Michael McNeela, who was killed in Lebanon, will be sorted because it was promised by the Tánaiste but it has not happened yet.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Deputy. Ar son Páirtí an Lucht Oibre, glaoim ar an Teachta Bacik.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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As others have done, I wish to utter words of condemnation of Russia as we see its brutal escalation of its war on Ukraine. In last night's horrific attack there were 25 casualties, as we are hearing. This is yet another indication of Russia's brutality, following on from what is going to be four years next February since it launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. All of us stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.

Since we elected our new MEP for Labour last summer, Aodhán Ó Riordáin, the Labour Party has been working ever more closely through the Party of European Socialists with our European allies on a programme for change across Europe, and in particular on issues around housing, climate action and our vision for a social Europe. I attended the Party of European Socialists' summit in Amsterdam just last month, where we developed policies and a programme for change, in particular focusing on those issues of housing and climate.

On housing, we were really glad following the last European elections to see the Party of European Socialists and S&D group in the parliament focus on seeking action at Europe-wide level to tackle the housing crisis. There is now a special committee on housing, and Aodhán is the S&D group rapporteur on that. For the first time, there is now a housing Commissioner at EU level, which the Minister is well-aware of, in Dan Jørgensen, the Commissioner for energy and housing. A key priority is to ensure we can see reform of state aid rules in order that homes can be built at the scale so badly needed through the deployment of state investment. We have called for a common housing policy, just as we have a Common Agricultural Policy. We must now see Europe-wide action to tackle housing and ensure better levels of state intervention.

We must also work together across the EU on climate. COP talks under way in Brazil have really illustrated the strength of the EU as a bloc pushing for stronger action on climate. It is not just stronger action to tackle climate change for its own sake, because through a just transition we can also see a new green industrial revolution and the creation of hundreds of thousands of new jobs through the roll-out of wind energy and solar power through emerging technologies. I welcome the appointment of a socialist commissioner, Teresa Ribera, who is now the Commissioner for a Clean, Just and Competitive Transition. She is pushing hard at EU level for change on climate.

In the Taoiseach’s speech to us earlier, he spoke about action at EU level on Israel and Palestine. I reiterate how disappointed most people in Ireland were at the lack of action taken by the EU to ensure accountability by Israel for its brutal genocide on the people of Gaza. There are clear steps the EU can and should take, even at this late stage, such as the suspension in full of the EU-Israel association agreement, tougher trade sanctions and a complete arms embargo, in particular. In Ireland, of course, we can and should be passing the occupied territories Bill in full to cover trade and services by Christmas. It is instructive that the Government did not see fit to oppose the Opposition motion that was passed earlier in this House, and in doing so, it has signed up again to passage of the Bill. We in the Opposition will continue to hold the Government to account on that.

On workers' rights and the adequate minimum wage directive, just last week, the European Court of Justice issued its judgment upholding the EU directive. This was nothing short of a landmark moment for workers' rights and I welcome it. Fair pay is at the heart of the European social model, the model that we, the S&D group and the Party of European Socialists have been pushing for. We have also been pushing for formal, statutory recognition of collective bargaining. We need to see decisive measures to accompany that to expand collective bargaining coverage and improve rights for those who are members of unions. We welcome the fact the Government finally published its collective bargaining action plan earlier this month, but the Government will be judged by the concrete actions it takes. Here in Ireland, just four in ten workers are covered by collective agreements. This is far below the EU average and just half the 80% benchmark required by the directive. What concrete steps will the Government be taking to ensure we close the gap to the threshold and see that directive implemented in full?

On the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, there are huge concerns about the damage it risks to our climate commitments and the livelihoods of farmers and, of course, about the well-documented potential for abuses of workers and human rights. Did the Taoiseach make opposition on these grounds clear at the European Council? Is the Government working with like-minded member states to ensure that this deal does not proceed at this late stage?

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Deputy.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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Finally, the Party of European Socialists is standing firm against the far right at EU level and, unfortunately, the EPP is not. That is a matter of grave concern.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call on Deputy Crowe.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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I am glad to have the opportunity to speak here today. At the outset, I say well done to the Minister of State. I am following his work in Europe and he has acquitted himself very well and is representing Ireland, Inc. very well while in Brussels and other locations.

There is a whole national debate about the occupied territories Bill, and it is very important legislation that we must pass. Indeed, it was the focus of some of the debates in the presidential election and it was said flippantly in one of those debates that it could be just a symbolic Bill. It is important that it be far more than that. If the occupied territories Bill is to have full effect, there should be some European-wide approach. There are far too many countries in the European bloc stifling what really needs to happen in terms of Gaza.

Of course, they have historic hang-ups relating to how they treated the Jewish population of Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. They should have shame and historic hang-ups about that but those hang-ups should not determine how they govern and the right actions to be taken for humanity in the year 2025. It is reprehensible that some European countries continue to stifle and block things that should happen in Gaza and the Middle East to restore peace and, more important, protect humanity there. I do not think Ireland, Spain and some other countries have been found wanting but I hope there will be a common position. The more that people can see the suffering there, the more their conscience should be attuned to what should happen, rather than what happened 70 years ago and how wrong that was. Things need to be done right in the year 2025.

In terms of the war in Ukraine, I join others in condemning the ramping-up of acts of aggression against humanity in Ukraine in the past couple of days. I do not believe President Putin is a man who wants peace. He has totally played other leaders in peace negotiations for what he really wants out of them. He is hellbent on getting more territory. It seems his country, economically at least, will be able to see out this war. For that reason, it is important that the European Union bloc significantly ramps up restrictions and sanctions on Russia. Frozen financial assets and aircraft confiscated during the early days of the war should be seen as European assets that can be used to fund humanitarian efforts in Ukraine. I do not think they should be held in reserve indefinitely.

Ireland in the early days and months of the war was proud to play a major role in providing accommodation to beneficiaries of temporary protection. At one point, 3,000 or 4,000 Ukrainian refugees who had fled war in their country lived in County Clare and that was replicated throughout the country. In preparing for today's speech, I looked and discovered that Ukraine is a very broad and wide country. From the west to the east, it measures 893 km as the crow flies. From Dublin, 893 km would take in cities like Bordeaux and Genoa. If there was conflict in Genoa or Bordeaux, I would like to think Dublin would be somewhat safe and removed from that. As the war in Ukraine continues, attacks happen in various cities. It is not all in the eastern flank of the country but it is important that the European Union reflect on the temporary protection directive and refine it geographically. I do not know if someone who is 893 km from the front line requires the same level of protection within the EU bloc as someone living on the eastern flank. The war has gone on a lot longer than everyone expected and that should be a discussion point at this time.

Ireland will host the EU Presidency next year. With that comes great pride in our country. There are certain policy areas we can lead out on. I had a good meeting with the Minister of State last week to discuss some of those areas. With this also comes risk. In the past 24 hours, a Russian spy ship, as it has been dubbed, has been carrying out surveillance in British territorial waters and is tracking in a southerly direction from Scotland towards Wales. It is being tracked all the time by the British Royal Navy and Royal Air Force. Lasers have been used from the ship to blind the eyes of pilots trying to track it. It is important during our Presidency of the European Union that we have increased capacity to patrol our territorial waters and ensure Ireland, Inc. and the European Union are safe and defended from rogue elements and the Russian defence forces, which are quite malignant forces at the moment.

This Government is committed to ramping up investment in the Defence Forces but it is a big ask for any country to match the might of a superpower. It is important that we look at new forms of technology to track what is off our shore and how safe our undersea cables are. I ask the Minister of State to visit the centre for robotic and intelligent systems, CRIS, operating out of the University of Limerick. It is incredible what they have there. They have undersea drones capable of going 300 km or 400 km off the Irish coast. They can be manned and controlled from shore and have the ability to track gas leaks, interference, bad actors at sea and what they might be trying to do to our undersea network of cables and infrastructure. This is far cheaper than commissioning new frigates for the Naval Service or having more aircraft patrolling our skies. There is a whole space here that other countries have embraced but that we, as a nation, have not embraced yet. I recently attended a conference in the University of Limerick that brought the Commissioners of Irish Lights, the Naval Service and stakeholders from the offshore wind energy sector together in one room. I had discovered before I left that we are the laggards in Europe. Every other European Union country has a national laboratory for robotic excellence but we do not have one in Ireland. It is a relatively cheap, modern and innovative way to monitor our territorial waters and our skies and protect our country from bad actors. We need to embrace the idea of a national laboratory for robotics and all that could do.

Others have mentioned the Mercosur deal and it is something I have been following quite closely in recent months. I will give my slant on it. In the interests of transparency, I have to declare I am a suckler farmer in County Clare. Beef prices have never been as high. Many farmers would say it is not that prices have spiked but that farmers are being paid what they should rightly be paid. It is probably a stabilising of the market that we have never seen before. If the fear is unwarranted, that needs to be clarified by Government, but there is a real fear among farmers that prices will be destabilised if there is a signing-up to the Mercosur deal. I would like to know how Mercosur would be ratified. I think it requires a simple majority decision to sign up to it.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Qualified.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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It requires a qualified majority. I beg your pardon. That is important to establish. The more assurances given to the farming community, the better. Prices at the mart last weekend were around €5.50 to €6 per kilo, which has not been seen in years. It was €3.70 or so this time last year. Without European Union grants, farming in Ireland for most people would not be viable. This is the first time they can go to the mart and get something good out of this. People will say this is good for the dairy sector, Irish butter, Irish dairy produce sold overseas and Irish whiskey. In the west of Ireland, in counties like Clare, Galway and Limerick, 85% of farming is based on the suckler herd, so it is important clarity is brought to that. The timeline for Mercosur would be interesting to know. I think it could be brought up just before Christmas. Is there a date for that? What position will we be taking as a country when Mercosur is put to a vote?

Mark Ward (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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I was going through the minutes of the European Council meeting. They state, "The European Council welcomes the agreement reached on the first phase of the Comprehensive Plan to end the Gaza Conflict put forward by President Trump". The minutes went on to call on "all parties to fully commit to implementing all phases and to refrain from any actions that jeopardise the agreement". The ceasefire in Gaza has been in place for five weeks. This is not a ceasefire that operates as I or ordinary people would expect. Since the ceasefire, hundreds of Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza health authorities. Much of Gaza remains under Israeli military control. Humanitarian organisations argue much of Gaza is still suffering as a result of insufficient aid coming in and talks of lasting peace have somewhat stalled. The number of Israeli strikes across Gaza has decreased but they have not stopped altogether. A ceasefire to me means that firing simply ceases. Last Thursday, the Palestinian health authority said 260 Palestinian people have been killed and 632 injured since the ceasefire began. Is this really a ceasefire? Among the civilians murdered and injured in recent weeks are dozens of innocent men, women, children and elderly Palestinians. Collective punishment of the Palestinian people by Israel has not ceased. We need the European Council to call out Israel's ongoing and blatant disregard of the ceasefire, and not only that, but to place real sanctions on Israel.

This morning, we had a debate on a collective Opposition motion on the occupied territories Bill. The Government did not oppose the motion, but not opposing something and supporting it are two different things. My problem is that during my time in the House, the Government has been a serial offender in breaking its commitments and promises. I am simply asking that the Government keep its promise in this regard and pass the occupied territories Bill in its entirety, not in a watered-down manner. As we speak, Israel continues to act with impunity. There has to be accountability and passing the occupied territories Bill is a necessary step for the Irish Government if it wants to be taken seriously at all about its commitment to uphold international law and human rights.

I welcome one line in the statements of the European Council, where it stresses the importance of the de-escalation in the West Bank and calls for an end to settler violence. What the occupied territories Bill aims to do is sanction Israel for illegal land grabs of Palestinian land, which cannot go unpunished. One thing I am really concerned about at the moment is the lack of media focus on Palestine. It used to be the first thing on the news. My concern is that when eyes are not on Gaza and Palestine, Israel will continue to act with impunity and to inflict genocide on the Palestinian people. I am very concerned about that.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I condemn this week's attacks on Ukraine by Russia and particularly the deaths of civilians, including children. I extend my solidarity and that of the Social Democrats to all those affected by these latest acts in Russia's illegal war of aggression. Now more than ever, in particular in advance of our Presidency of the EU next year, it is crucial that Ireland assert itself at EU level on the issues we hold dear. Being a good European or member state does not mean being an uncritical one. That often gets lost in the discourse, but it is particularly important when we want to fight for a European Union that supports social cohesion, protects citizens from big industry and big tech harms and fulfils its original promise of being a peace project. Ireland can play a powerful role in making Europe stand up for these principles and I have serious concerns that when it comes to defence, corporate regulation, the Mercosur trade agreement and the erosion of a social Europe, we are not raising our voice to an adequate volume. We cannot go with the flow on these issues if we want a Europe that works for everyone.

In particular, I raise the status of any discussions at EU Council level on the digital omnibus and Ireland's position on it. A very serious piece of business that has recently passed through the European Parliament is the omnibus package on the corporate sustainability due diligence directive, on which Fine Gael MEPs allied with the far right to row back laws that guaranteed that slavery, child labour and environmental crimes would be kept out of our supply chains. In response to my party colleague Senator Stephenson, a commitment was made in the Seanad by the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, that the Irish Government would defend the four pillars of the directive, which are due diligence duty, an EU-wide civil liability regime, climate transition plan implementation and stakeholder engagement. It is unfortunate that he did not communicate the Government's position to his party colleagues in Europe. Now we have a potential omnibus deregulation package that, from the leaked draft, looks as though it is poised to dismantle data protection rules and the AI Act in a similar way, at a time when ordinary people want us to protect their data and to protect them from AI harms. Have the Minister of State and his colleagues raised this at EU Council level? Will the Irish Government defend us from further deregulation of big tech?

It has become clear in recent weeks that the Commission is out of its depth when it comes to understanding AI and is parroting industry lines that have no basis in reality. More than 200 scholars and scientists were so concerned about the rhetoric of the President of the Commission that they asked President von der Leyen to retract her comments. We cannot allow the tail to wag the dog on regulation of technology that can pose a threat to our democracies, health, communities, livelihoods and ability to trust the images and words put in front of us. If Ireland wants to be a leader in this space, we must defend the rights of our citizens at EU Council level.

On the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, we need to see a system that delivers for member states, protects our future and ensures EU funding and support is directed at things that improve people's lives and support regional development and the cohesion of our societies. Particularly concerning are the plans for this MFF to be used to build a European defence union. This is not bluster or exaggeration; it is the exact wording from the Commission. While we talk about foreign affairs and defence being national competences, we sit idly by as EU funds, which Ireland contributes to, will spend five times more on defence, including unprecedented investment in the arms industry. Irish taxpayer money will be used to give handouts to arms manufacturers. While arms manufacturers can sell their goods to European countries, they also supply Israel and many other global actors with their weapons of war.

I am deeply concerned that we are seeing the EU come closer and closer to a defence union and that the narrowing of the definition of neutrality by this Government is serving the express purpose of sleepwalking the Irish people into exactly that. This is against the express will of the Irish people. I understand that other countries in Europe have different views on defence and neutrality from ours. That is why there are defence organisations for them, which Ireland is not a part of. This is even more of a reason that we need the Irish Government to resist the shift of the European Union into a defence union. I want to know whether this Government is taking this shift seriously and is willing to stand up for a Europe that is not a defence union, which is what people wanted us to do when they voted for the Nice and Lisbon treaties.

My final point is about sanctions. A key provision in this Council meeting was the suspension of visa-free travel for particular groups or nationalities and human rights violations are cited as a possible ground for suspension. Has the Government given any thought to its use for those implicated in genocide in Gaza and those setting up and living in illegal settlements in the West Bank? Did it raise expanding the sanctions regime, particularly as the proposals brought by Ursula von der Leyen to do so are still on the table? We have seen a dragging of heels on action at EU level and it is particularly vital, first and foremost, that the EU sanctions regime be expanded beyond the approximately 100 settlers, in recognition that all settlers in the West Bank are violating international law. In the absence of that, we need to push for action using every possible lever available to us and I encourage the Irish Government to do so.

I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's answers.

Conor McGuinness (Waterford, Sinn Fein)
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Tá ár n-iascairí ag dul thar imeall na haille agus beidh na cainteanna cuóta iascaireachta ina nóiméad cinniúnach. Tá na cainteanna nua maidir le cuótaí ag tosú an mhí seo chugainn agus tá ár bpobail chósta ag éileamh toradh atá cóir agus buan. Leis an drochscéal is déanaí faoi pelagic quotas agus titim tubaisteach i stoc cloicheán i Muir Éireann, tá géarghá anois go seasfadh an Rialtas go daingean ar son na hÉireann agus go n-éalódh sé go gcuirfí na Hague preferences i bhfeidhm.

In recent weeks, our coastal communities have suffered another hammer blow with the collapsing pelagic prospects and devastating outlook for Irish sea prawns. These warnings are not theoretical; they are existential for our industry. For years, the Irish fleet has absorbed the impacts of Brexit, shrinking quotas and entrenched inequity in EU allocations and next month's negotiations cannot be another exercise in accepting the least and giving up the most. The Hague preferences were created precisely for countries like ours that are highly dependent, acutely exposed and have long been denied fair treatment. The Government must now stand up for our coastal communities. Ireland cannot walk away empty-handed again. These negotiations must deliver a fair correction. Anything less will accelerate the collapse of coastal livelihoods that have already given more than they can bear.

The Irish people have just delivered the strongest defence of neutrality in decades. The mandate for neutrality is unquestionable. They elected a President who has championed neutrality throughout her political life and they did so by an unprecedented majority. This result is a signal and the Government must listen. People are deeply uneasy about the steady political drift towards military alignment being pushed by a small group of commentators and politicians with a clear agenda. Neutrality is neither symbolic nor outdated. It is the backbone of our independent foreign policy, peacekeeping credibility and capacity to act as honest brokers in a world defined by conflict. People see what is happening with the softened language, blurred commitments and the slow normalisation of military integration. The Government must end the ambiguity and reaffirm that neutrality is not optional. It is a democratic mandate and demands protection.

Israel has never stopped its assault, not for a single day, despite the so-called ceasefire. Killing continues in Gaza. Displacement and siege continue in the West Bank. The machinery of apartheid, land seizures, settlement expansion and economic repression advance openly with the stated intention of closing the door forever on a two-state future. Twice in recent months, hundreds of retired EU and European diplomats have made the legal position unmistakable. When the EU fails to act on sanctions - and it has failed catastrophically; it has looked humanity in the eye and failed it - member states can, and are obliged to, act unilaterally or with willing partners. Ireland cannot hide behind collective paralysis. The Government can no longer wring its hands and say, "Europe will not move so we cannot either". If the EU will not impose sanctions, Ireland must.

The injustice continues because the impunity continues and that cannot remain Europe's position and it certainly must not remain Ireland's.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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I want to raise the genocide that has been happening in Sudan. It is the forgotten genocide because so much of our focus has been on Palestine. There is a large and important Sudanese community in Ireland. I had meetings with members of the community before the election. Many of them are doctors, contributing massively to our health service, engineers and so on. They are living with the reality of trying to keep in touch with relatives at this time.

I want to mention how this relates to the EU. Interestingly, when we are apparently sending off our Minister for Finance to the World Bank, I just looked up Sudan's debt, which is 70% of its GDP. Maybe the ex-Minister might have a word in the ear of the World Bank. Imagine that we are fund-raising for Sudan when it is crippled with debt to western governments. Over two years, we have seen this conflict escalate, most recently with the RSF. The RSF has been encouraged by the EU traditionally. It was involved in the migration process or the Khartoum process. It has also helped to shape some of the proponents of the genocide. The genocide has killed about 150,000 people and 12 million people have been displaced.

What is it all about? Once again, it is about resources. It is about access to the River Nile, agricultural land and gold because Sudan has massive resources like this, which are some important for control. Ironically, the quad powers that are being asked to broker a ceasefire are also involved in backing one side or the other, and sometimes both. It is absolutely critical that we end the chokehold of colonial and regional powers over Sudan. The Sudanese people had a brave revolution in 2018 and 2019. Both sides, the army and the RSF, are partners in crime against that revolution. They drowned it in blood and ensured that it would not go forward. I want to identify the UAE in particular. It did not want a democratic regime in that area. It did not want a successful revolution to send a message to others in that area, and that is behind this. The EU needs to support the people of Sudan.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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I want to raise the race to the bottom in migration policy that is happening right across the European Union and Europe. We witnessed it unfold over the past few days when the British Government announced that it was going to implement a Danish-style asylum system, cracking down further on already very limited rights of people to asylum, with the Labour Party Government dancing to the tune of Nigel Farage. That was followed immediately by a statement from the Minister for justice, Deputy Jim O'Callaghan, who said he is aware of these changes in the UK and committed to ensuring that Ireland is not viewed more favourably. He said he will monitor the changes in the UK to make appropriate changes here. We have reached a situation where, effectively, Nigel Farage is writing Irish migration policy. Nigel Farage calls for something, the Labour Party jumps in Britain and now the Minister jumps after that. It is disgusting. It is a policy that is marked by performative cruelty. It is cruelty that does not make life any better for any ordinary person in this country. It does not build one more house or make one more house available. It does not deal with our crisis in public services or anything else. It just makes life harder for the most vulnerable people.

After talking about a firm but fair system, the Government is talking about making it harder for refugees to reunite with their families. These are refugees who have gone through the asylum process and have been granted refugee status. They recognise that it is not safe for them to go home to a country like Afghanistan. The Government is now saying that even though we say it is not safe for them, we are not going to allow their children or their partners to join them, even though, clearly, they are very unlikely to be safe either. It is a horrifically cruel policy.

The Government should look at what is happening in Denmark, which is inspiring all this. The reality is that the European Court of Human Rights has found that Denmark violated the right to family life under the European Convention on Human Rights. The European Court of Justice accused Denmark of racial discrimination. Refugees have spoken about feeling that integration is pointless because they are effectively not allowed to integrate. I do not suspect the Minister of State cares about any of that, but maybe look at the election results. Denmark's Social Democrats just took a hammering because people who oppose racism voted for parties to their left and they have lost control of Copenhagen as a result of parties to their left. They have lost other voters to their right, which they have legitimised. The Minister of State maybe will not listen to the basically calls about humanity, but maybe look at, politically, where this will lead for him.

Naoise Ó Cearúil (Kildare North, Fianna Fail)
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Following the European Council meeting, there were significant issues discussed, between Ukraine, defence, the Middle East, competitiveness, climate and digital transitions, but particularly housing. Often, when we speak about housing, not only in this House but across the country, we think that it is an isolated problem in Ireland. What we are seeing is that this is a problem facing all of Europe. It is the first time that housing has featured in European Council conclusions. The Commission has been tasked with a comprehensive and ambitious housing plan. There will also be a European housing summit in 2026. We need to reflect on that as a Government but also as a Parliament, between the Dáil, Seanad and society, that the challenges we face in housing are not solely located here in Ireland. Our colleagues in Spain, France, Germany, Denmark, Belgium and most other European countries are experiencing the same problems. We are seeing a huge increase in populations and we are seeing the impact of migration and the need for more housing.

The core issues that are affecting us here include affordable housing for families, young people and vulnerable people and tackling rent and the cost of rent throughout the country, particularly in more urban settings, such as Dublin, Galway and Cork. In my constituency of Kildare North, we have nearly 17,000 students and nearly the same indigenous population, as we like to call ourselves, in Maynooth.

Moving on to Ukraine, we have seen a ramping up of violence of Russia against Ukraine. There has been significant investment by the European Union in assisting Ukraine, with €177.5 billion provided to date to help it with its defence. We have seen more sanctions on Russia and a condemnation that is rightly done for the support that Russia has been getting from Iran, Belarus and indeed North Korea. We need to reaffirm our support for Ukraine. We had statements on Ukraine yesterday. It is vital that Ukraine stays at the top of the agenda, that we reiterate our support, and that our colleagues and friends in Ukraine know that they have our full support.

Another area that was dealt with was the Middle East, the need for a two-state solution in the Middle East and the US-proposed peace deal at the Sharm El Sheikh summit. While many of us are hopeful that this peace deal will progress to a stage that will allow a two-state solution, it is imperative that the funding that has been kept from the Palestinian Authority be released to it and that we start to see resolutions in that peace deal, and more aid flowing into Gaza in particular.

While we are speaking about Gaza, Sudan is starting to come into public discourse more. It is important that we speak about what is happening in Sudan. I would love to see statements here in the House on Sudan, because while what has happened in Palestine and the genocide there is truly horrific, what is happening in Sudan is also horrific. We need statements here about how the Government can support an end to violence in Sudan.

There was also discussion about European defence and security, which other member states have to grapple with. While we remain a militarily neutral country, it is important that we have our own defence capabilities, particularly with regard to subsea cables, 70% of which land in Ireland from the US on their way to Europe. We need to ensure that we can protect those core pieces of infrastructure.

I completely appreciate and believe that we should always remain a neutral country. While there is no mandate for neutrality, the will of the people is that we remain a militarily neutral country. However, that does not mean we should not invest in our defence and defensive capabilities.

It is important for rural communities that we discuss the nitrates derogation. We need to ensure that we maintain the derogation. It is an important topic for rural communities in Kildare and throughout the entire country.

While there have been a lot of positive outcomes from the meeting, what is important is that we see follow-through and progress, a point that we often hear in the House in relation to our own Government. One issue to take from what I have said today is housing. This serves as a reminder that we are not isolated when it comes to the housing issue. We sometimes think we are the only country in the world that has issues with housing. There is a genuine attempt to solve the housing crisis in this country, and the Minister, Deputy Browne, delivered his housing plan last week. I will do all I can to ensure that we deliver as much housing as possible throughout the country, particularly in Kildare North. However, as I have said time and time again in this House, we do not just have a deficit in housing. We also need the social infrastructure to go with that, such as crèches, schools, playgrounds and so on. Any housing demand needs to be looked at in the round, taking in the infrastructure deficit as well as the housing deficit.

I thank the Minister of State for his work throughout the European Union. I look forward to working with him in advance of the EU Presidency coming to Ireland next year.

Natasha Newsome Drennan (Carlow-Kilkenny, Sinn Fein)
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I have looked over the reporting on the recent European Council meeting. While the situation in Gaza was touched upon, it is striking how lightly it was addressed. The Council reiterated its opposition to settlement expansion and Israel's military operations, but where is the action? Why does the European Union continue with business as usual, trading with a state that operates a system of apartheid?

Let us be clear; Israel is not a normal state. It is an apartheid state. Since 10 October, it has violated the ceasefire 393 times, killing almost 300 people and wounding over 600. Let us just consider the past 24 hours, which have seen more air strikes across Gaza and on Palestinian refugee camps, killing 13 people. In the West Bank, Israeli forces shot a child and a journalist. The scale of the slaughter may have reduced but it has certainly not stopped. Until it stops and until Israel abandons its policies of apartheid, the EU must not continue with business as usual. Moral condemnation is empty without concrete consequences.

The Council addressed the green transition. It clearly references the extreme threat posed by climate change and how that underpins the EU's commitments to the Paris agreement. Therefore, I was astounded to find absolutely no mention of the EU-Mercosur trade deal, an agreement that, as we all acknowledged in this Chamber last night, would devastate Irish and European agriculture and cause untold damage to the environment. This is a deal that has been causing widespread deforestation with the sole purpose of clearing the land to produce more beef for the likes of the UK market. The research has clearly shown that our beef is produced with a significantly lower carbon footprint compared to beef produced in the Mercosur states. It is a deal that puts customers at risk by allowing beef, chicken and pork produced using banned substances like GMOs and growth hormones onto our shelves. These are products that we in the EU have rightly classified as a health risk.

Given the profound implications, it is beyond me how such a major agreement was not discussed at the Council. The Minister of State and his colleagues agreed to our motion last night. We cannot afford passive opposition. We need to see the Government proactively reaching out, building a coalition with like-minded states across Europe and putting the brakes on the Mercosur deal before it is too late. The time for rhetoric is over. Our farmers, consumers and planet demand decisive action.

The time dedicated to discussing the ramping up of defence readiness was something else. We should be under no illusion. More weapons and bombs will not bring peace and security. If they did, the United States and Israel, with their vast arsenals, would be the most peaceful and safe nations in the world. If the EU truly wants global security and lasting peace, it must invest in the well-being of our people.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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I was not able to listen to the Minister of State's earlier contribution so I am not sure what was said. However, I did read through the points that were made in relation to the meeting, and I have taken some notes. The key focuses were on Ukraine, the so-called Middle East peace process, defence readiness, competitiveness, the energy transition, digital sovereignty, migration and the ongoing enlargement process. I have a couple of comments to make on those.

On the Ukraine issue, it is heartening that member states again gave support, both from a military and a humanitarian assistance perspective. I welcome that an exchange of views took place with President Zelenskyy. As I said last night, he is very welcome and we are looking forward to his visit in December. I suggested last night that there is no long-term tangible commitment that would replace the wavering US support. Ukraine is in a very tenuous position. A lot of platitudes have been given to it from an EU perspective. Aside from some of the Baltic states and the other states on the border, we are not seeing the commitments that are required, although I welcome France's recent announcement.

In the Middle East, to use the Hebrew phrase, yada yada, it is the same old story. The EU, for historic reasons within various member states, is not willing to collectively call out the Israeli genocide. There were meaningful, worthy references to the peace process and to EU missions, and a call for Israel to release withheld revenues, but nothing that is going to force Israel to do anything meaningful. Collectively, the countries that have shown a little bravery such as Ireland, Norway, Belgium and Spain will have to do more in a co-ordinated way on this issue.

On defence and security, I will head to a meeting of the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs shortly. I want to know how the roadmap for defence readiness 2030 ties in with our military neutrality. I will read the Minister of State's speech later. Obviously, we have to develop our defensive capabilities, especially with regard to Russian threats off our coast. We should be able to report that we are increasing spending on our defences without it being part of a collective EU pact.

I also want to get further information on the energy self-sufficiency angle that Europe is pursuing. I would still see that we are not putting in the long-term investment in our own infrastructure. In that regard, I would like the Minister of State to focus on that sector, in particular the decarbonisation of Europe. There have been threats to the environmental aspect in other parts of European affairs. Does he believe the commitment to decarbonisation is continuing?

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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I want to raise the issue of the Mercosur deal. It is a significant threat to the livelihoods of farming families across this country. It was designed by industrialists in the rest of the EU seeking to improve their export opportunities to South America.

The Mercosur deal was designed by industrialists in the rest of the EU seeking to improve their export opportunities to South America. It looks like Irish agriculture has been sacrificed on the altar of Mercosur. It beggars belief that, at a time of serious conversation around climate change, beef that has been raised on South American land where trees have been felled and ecosystems have been destroyed is to be brought thousands of miles to this country and the rest of Europe to supplant Irish beef that is produced to a far higher environmental standard. This is at a time one third of farmers are earning a living off the farm, one third are only making a living because they are also doing another job and the remaining third are in poverty. It is absolutely incredible. Where does the Government stand on this issue? From what I can see, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are speaking out both sides of their mouths on the issue of Mercosur. Neither farmers nor I have confidence that the Government will use every available lever to ensure that this deal is ended. Will the Minister of State make a clear declaration, without any equivocation, that this Government will end its passive attitude towards Mercosur and ensure it does not pass? Will he make arrangements and alliances with other European countries with similar views so we can put an end to this threat to Irish farmers?

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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That concludes our contributions from speakers, so we will move to questions and answers. I call Deputy Ó Laoghaire. We have a 20-minute slot, so I ask him to be as concise as possible. I will be as fair as possible.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Some other Deputies and I referred to the situation in Sudan. While the EU is not a party to that conflict, there are concerns regarding a significant flow of weapons from the United Arab Emirates to Sudan. It has denied that but there are credible reports that suggest this. Some of the commentary in recent days indicates there may be a change in the United Arab Emirates’ position, at least outwardly. Was this discussed, and does the Irish Government have concerns regarding the connections between the UAE and the RSF? Has this been articulated at European level?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I can say in the most general way that the Irish Government is fully aware of the situation in Sudan and has been vocal about it for some time. Members opposite have raised this from time to time as well. Significant funding has been given by the Government for humanitarian purposes in Sudan this year, and probably last year. The matter is on the agenda tomorrow at the Foreign Affairs Council. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, will be present. It was on the agenda at the previous Foreign Affairs Council, which I do not attend. The Minister can give an update following the discussion. The Taoiseach is going to the EU–African Union Summit, which I believe is next Monday, and will undoubtedly bring forward a very strong Irish position that is consistent with what he has said as Taoiseach and as foreign Minister previously.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome all that but the point still remains that Ireland and the EU have no direct influence over the RSF. The United Arab Emirates does. Has Ireland raised directly, or at EU level, the need for the UAE Government to reduce its impact on the area? Who have we influenced in this conflict? It is not the RSF. We have limited influence on the Sudanese Government. Are we raising this directly, either through the EU or independently, with the Emirati Government?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I will just speak generally. There are various issues concerning that conflict that I am not working on directly, so I do not have the detail. However, the Minister will raise all concerns at the Foreign Affairs Council. I am sure our ambassadors are also doing so at UN level. The Tánaiste was at the previous Foreign Affairs Council, where the matter was on the agenda. It is on the agenda again tomorrow. These issues are generally dealt with at the Council, and sometimes, of course, at the European Council itself. The EU is fully seized of this, and the Irish Government has been very consistent on it, including through speaking out and financial support.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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As I mentioned towards the end of my contribution, a key provision related to the Council meeting concerns the suspension of visa-free travel for particular groups. Human rights is one of the bases offered for that. Has the Minister of State given any thought to using this tool to extend sanctions against Israeli settlers and those involved in genocide in the West Bank? The proposal regarding the tool is currently on the table, submitted as it was by President von der Leyen. Has the Minister of State given any thought to it or pushed the tool as a means of pursuing action?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We have been strongly pushing for those types of sanctions. As the Deputy knows, we have been seen as one of the strongest at EU level. We have sought for some time the suspension of the trade agreement, which President von der Leyen proposed, and sanctions on violent settlers. These proposals and all the others put forward require Council decisions. Some, such as that to suspend the trade agreement, require a qualified majority, while others require unanimity. Other member states have considered or taken measures themselves in this space. We are at the forefront of the discussions and debates.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I have listened to the Government state consistently it is at the forefront. I am speaking about a specific example covered at the latest EU Council meeting: the suspension of visa-free travel. My party has identified this potentially as a way to find a lever the Government can pull that will have results. Is the Minister of State doing anything specific on this measure?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I have discussed this in the past couple of weeks with the Minister for justice, Deputy O’Callaghan. Work is ongoing in the Department of Justice on travel bans for certain individuals. That is happening at national level. We are also pushing at EU level. It is more relevant to the Schengen zone but we can proceed nationally. That is a matter that the Minister for justice is working on.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I do not know whether the Minister of State has dealt with my question because I was at a meeting earlier. Where are we on the EU–Israel agreement? Has there been any movement? At one stage, there was discussion to the effect that a number of countries might be able to deal with aspects of it. We all know the issues concerning what Israel has done to the Palestinian people. We hope something can come from this ceasefire. It is very hard to call it a peace plan at this point. The EU has serious leverage and has let itself down collectively, but that is not to take away from what individual states have done.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I have been saying for some months that the EU has leverage and should use it. We call for the measures President von der Leyen put forward in September and certainly support them. We do not believe they should be taken off the table while illegal occupations and annexations continue. There is an embryonic peace process that we want to support to bring genuine peace to the people of Palestine and Israel.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I accept that. We all want that embryonic process to go somewhere. We all know the issues over what has happened not only in Gaza but also in the West Bank. We have seen the movements that have been caused by the Israeli regime, including through the huge annexation splitting the West Bank from East Jerusalem. We are not quite sure where this will go. I know where some in the regime want to bring it, but it is a matter of us maintaining whatever leverage we have. What conversations have been had on a best-case scenario, putting a real dent in the EU–Israel association agreement, ideally across the EU but, if that is not possible, among a number of countries acting on aspects of it? We have had a discussion on the occupied territories Bill, and that is something we could do straightaway in relation to goods and services.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We want to keep these measures on the table. Some other member states do also. The High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy wants to keep them on the table too. They require more than our support, however. The EU–Israel association agreement is an agreement between the EU and Israel and I do not believe there is any possibility for groups of member states to start veering out of it. It would have to be done at EU level. This is exactly what the Taoiseach would have said in the room at the European Council, and it is exactly what we have been saying. I am sure the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade will say it tomorrow. It has been said all along. In fact, I said myself at the General Affairs Council in preparation for the European Council that we must keep these measures on the table. This is Ireland's position.

Obviously, when it comes to the EU-Israel association agreement, you need a qualified majority of member states. A Commission proposal is needed first, which we finally achieved. A qualified majority of member states is needed thereafter. We will continue to work on that but the position of Ireland could not be clearer.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call Deputy Danny Healy-Rae.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Is it one question?

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Yes, as briefly as possible.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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How much longer does the Minister of State think Ireland can pay over €1 billion per year to accommodate Ukrainian refugees? The other question, which I have asked several times, is: if we can give €600 to assist Ukrainians to pay their rent, can we give it to Irish people as well?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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The detail of the matters Deputy Healy-Rae brought up are under the Department of justice. There was a discussion on Ukraine at the European Council where President Zelenskyy spoke. European leaders spoke pretty directly to him as well. The war against Ukraine is costing us all a lot of money. We need it to end for our financial and economic security, as well as our own security in general. We want that war to end. The EU must continue to put as much leverage - I again use that word "leverage" - on Russia. There were serious efforts at and around the European Council to put huge pressure on Russia to end this and that work continues. The war is costing Ukrainians their lives and homes. The destruction there is absolutely unbelievable. There are quite a number of Members who have visited Ukraine. I have visited myself. It is absolutely frightening. I would like to think that if it happened to us, we would have the same help from other member states. That is what solidarity is about. It was necessary to do that at the time. We want this to end because it is costing a lot of money. There is no question about that. Let us end it and save lives.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I asked earlier about the digital omnibus. I am curious to understand Ireland's position on this. Specifically, what is our stance on the digital omnibus and how will we be able to protect citizens against big tech if we are allowing GDPR and the AI Act to be gutted?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I just do not accept that we are asking anyone to gut the AI Act or GDPR. The whole simplification agenda is designed to cut red tape and unnecessary bureaucracy that are costing companies a lot of money and, quite frankly, jobs in all of our constituencies. At the same time, however, it will protect basic rights that we and the European Union have fought hard for and developed, such as the areas of workers’ rights, data privacy, equality and environmental protections. These areas are absolutely central to what the European Union is about. The simplification agenda is not in contradiction to that. What European leaders agreed to at the European Council is that "... the EU will continue to foster human-centric technological solutions that protect individuals and their data, and safeguard digital accountability, transparency and societal resilience. The European Council stresses the importance of protecting minors ...". This is what the European Union and the leaders agreed to do. That is what will happen through the simplification process. We do not want unnecessary red tape on companies. That is what the prime ministers, the Taoiseach and all of them agreed on. What the Deputy is saying is not a reflection of what the prime ministers agreed at the European Council.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call Deputy Ó Laoghaire.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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Do I not get to respond?

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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No, only the first time. The second time we just go around again. I call Deputy Ó Laoghaire.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Referencing briefly my first question, we have gone past the time for speaking generally. We need to be more direct. My next question is separate and relates to the area of overseas development. Obviously, a significant crisis is being caused by the huge cut in USAID. Whether anyone can fill the gap is a question. One of the proposals being explored by development organisations is the issue of debt held by Third World countries. I am curious as to whether this is being discussed at an EU level. I know the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, has spoken about it as potentially being an element of the discussion that Ireland will be looking at as part of its Presidency.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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First, Ireland is one of the champions of overseas development aid.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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That is not disputed.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We are known for that around the world. I am very proud of it. It is a consistent policy of my party to be as generous as possible because we know it is necessary in many of these countries. I am very proud of the work that our Department does, working with both Irish and local people on the ground in foreign countries. The very issues Deputy Ó Laoghaire raised will be on the agenda of the G20 in South Africa, where Ireland is a guest this year, and at the EU-African Union summit. The position of Ireland, as the Deputy knows, is very progressive on this. We want to see these countries allowed to blossom from under the weight of all the various burdens they have, including debt.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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Finally, the last topic I wish to raise is around the use of Irish taxpayers' money to fund arms manufacturers. Is the Government raising any issues or resistance to Irish taxpayers’ money being used to fund arms manufacture as part of the competitiveness fund? In the context of both this question and the last one, it is not what the Minister of State is saying that I am questioning because I hear what he is saying and all the narrative and rhetoric. Rather, I question what is actually going into law. That is my issue with regard to the digital omnibus we have just discussed. I hear all of the messages but, unfortunately, we are gutting and hallowing out the AI Act and GDPR from within, just like the Government hallowed out the term “neutrality”.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I wish to go back to the exact wording of the European Council because it is very important. Paragraph 30, which relates to all of the defence conclusions, states: "The above is without prejudice to the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States, and takes into account the security and defence interests of all Member States, in accordance with the Treaties". That is a specific mention to Irish, Austrian, Cypriot and Maltese neutrality.

Member states do feel a threat. If you go to Lithuania, Poland or Finland, you will see cross-party support on all sides of the houses for their own sovereign decisions to pay and invest in their defence to ensure they are secure from the threat of Russia. If the Deputy is criticising Irish taxpayers' money going to the defence industry, the Irish Government will be spending a lot of money on our defence industry and I am glad to see Sinn Féin has seemed to change tack on that today. It seems to now support increased spending on defence from an Irish perspective. It is coming to the Fianna Fáil policy of protecting, but also investing, in neutrality.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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That is not new.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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This is not your question, Deputy.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We need to go to the defence industry------

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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None of us denies that.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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-----regarding radar, sonar, equipment and material that we need for our Defence Forces. We absolutely will be spending that money. Our neutrality is well known and well noted but during our Presidency, we will be the independent arbitrator in the Presidency chair for the needs and necessities of all the member states. Defence still remains a member state competency. It is absolutely a member state competency. There are no instructions from the European Union as to what we do. We saw the SAFE mechanism recently, which Ireland certainly facilitated. Ireland did not stop or object to it but Ireland is not taking part in all aspects of it because that is our own sovereign decision. Other countries make their sovereign decisions about these things as well. We, and all member states, value very strongly that our defence policy is our own policy.

Some member states want to have more co-operation, whether that is through NATO, which they have chosen to be a member of, whereas we have not, or through the European Union in terms of getting efficiencies and working together to get value for money. What is happening in many eastern European countries is that choices are being made, choices supported by entire parliaments, to spend more on defence and maybe less on social spending. These are really difficult choices but, quite frankly, countries like Finland, Lithuania and Poland feel backed into a corner that they have to do this because of that serious threat from Russia.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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We are obviously in support of ensuring that we have a sufficient amount of capacity in our Defence Forces. We also need to ensure that we have the capacity to deal with some of the hybrid threats that are in the world that we have to deal with at this point of time. That is everything from cyber to the issue of disinformation, whether organised or disorganised, and the huge harm they can cause. When we are dealing with artificial intelligence, it is about having a sufficient amount of protection across Europe while, at the same time, still having the capacity to use AI into the future.

I have another issue I wish to ask the Minister of State about. What can be done to reassure farmers about the detrimental impact of Mercosur and ensure we maintain the nitrates derogation? I also remind the Minister of State about the issue of John NcNeela's pension because it is something that needs to be addressed.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I will remind the Minister.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I understand that.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Mercosur has been raised and it will continue to be raised. There was a vote in the European Parliament on safeguarding measures yesterday and one at the Council of Ministers today. I met my French counterpart yesterday about a number of issues but, obviously, Mercosur was on the agenda.

I met the French foreign minister the week before last. It is quite a topic of discussion. Clearly, France is one of the key countries. People have asked us here to continue to work with like-minded countries, and this is exactly what we have been doing.

Our starting point for all these trade agreements is that Ireland is pro-trade. Why is this? It is because we make more products and provide more services. We do not have enough people on the island to buy or consume all those products and services, so we sell them around the world and we create economic benefits for all of us and for all the factories in the various constituencies. There are loads of them around Deputy Ó Laoghaire's constituency, as well as in Dundalk, Waterford, my area and everywhere. Those places are selling products and services all around the world.

The fundamental starting point, therefore, is that we support trade because it has led to our economic growth. We must also protect our vital interests. There are obviously serious concerns here in relation to agriculture. These are genuine concerns, and we have been talking and listening to farmers on this issue. We have stated our position in the programme for Government that we have serious concerns, and this has not changed. We are working with member states, and this includes my meeting yesterday with the French Government. The Taoiseach has also been in touch with President Macron on a number of occasions about this matter.

We want to fully interrogate the draft agreement and make absolutely sure this legally binding safeguards instrument can work for farmers. We are carefully assessing all of this now to understand if it is dealing with the well-known concerns that Deputies have addressed around the House, particularly around farmers and food.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Minister of State.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I will say this. We had all sorts of scare stories before about the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement a number of years ago. People went to the High Court and everything else. Trade with Canada has massively increased and more people are employed in all our constituencies because of that trade agreement.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Yes, but the investor–state dispute settlement-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank the Minister of State. He now has five minutes to conclude these statements.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We have dealt with many of the issues that were raised. The October European Council adopted certain conclusions on strengthening and protecting the digital ecosystem, including through reinforced international partnerships and close collaboration with trusted partner countries and international organisations on digital innovation and governance. Leaders stressed the need to address the risks related to hybrid threats and cybersecurity, as well as reducing strategic dependencies. This includes the need to diversify EU sources of critical raw materials, advance the roll-out of connectivity infrastructure, deepen the Single Market for electronic communications and promote the development and deployment of sustainable digital systems. Leaders also stressed the importance of protecting minors in the digital space. The European Council also welcomed the recent Commission initiatives on artificial intelligence, AI, and quantum technology, and it urged a high level of ambition in the forthcoming proposals on the EU cloud and AI development.

On migration, there are challenges. This issue is now a standing item on the European Council agenda. Leaders welcomed an update from the Commission President on migration patterns and the actions the Commission is taking in response. Ireland believes Europe must address the shared challenge of unplanned migration through collective effort. We have always supported a predictable and flexible system of responsibility and solidarity regarding the reception and management of protection applications. We know well the major burden that front-line states and, indeed, most member states, have borne in recent years. Ireland has long advocated that this crucial issue needs to be addressed based on strong solidarity and responsibility among member states. The EU migration and asylum pact represents a necessary improvement on the current protection system, as well as a new dawn of burden sharing across the EU. We would like to see sustainable progress on irregular migration, including returns, ideally based on genuine partnerships with countries of origin and transit and a common European asylum system, but one that complies with international law and respect for fundamental rights.

The Republic of Moldova was also discussed. That country had a recent parliamentary election and it safeguarded the integrity of its democracy in the face of Russian interference. This Russian interference in Moldova was absolutely off the scale in terms of the amount of money it spent, but it did not succeed. The EU leaders rightly commended Moldova’s achievement. Ireland views the lessons learned in Moldova as vital to countering Russia’s hybrid activity for all of us. Our support for Moldova's EU accession remains solid. As Ireland's EU Presidency approaches, we look forward to further supporting Moldova’s progress on the EU accession path.

EU leaders also met in Euro Summit format. They were joined by the president of the European Central Bank, ECB, and the now former president of the Eurogroup, Deputy Paschal Donohoe. I thank him for his leadership as president of the Eurogroup for quite a number of years. He would always come into these meetings. He has hugely enhanced Ireland’s reputation abroad. I wish him every success in his challenges ahead.

Exchanges at the Euro Summit focused on the current economic and financial situation. EU leaders welcomed the resilience of the euro area economy despite multiple shocks, as well as price stability. The robustness of the labour market, reflected by record low unemployment, was also welcomed. EU leaders affirmed their unity and commitment to enhancing economic resilience and competitiveness. They invited continued close monitoring by the Eurogroup of economic and fiscal developments in the present geopolitical environment.

The Euro Summit also reinforced the political commitment to strengthening the international role of the euro, including its role as a reserve currency and transaction currency, by deepening integration in capital markets and completing the banking union. The Euro Summit also welcomed recent progress on the digital euro and stressed the importance of swiftly finishing legislative work and advancing other preparatory steps. EU leaders look forward to welcoming Bulgaria as the 21st member of the euro from the beginning of 2026. I thank and congratulate the Government of Bulgaria on this important milestone, because it takes a lot to achieve euro membership.

I thank everybody here for their participation in the discussion. As we ramp up our preparations for the Presidency, I look forward to our continued discussions on the work of the EU as we work to address the most pressing issues of the time. The Presidency is going to be very interesting. We are going to have a meeting of the European Political Community, which will be the largest meeting of its kind ever to be held in Ireland. There will also be a leaders' summit, 22 ministerial meetings and 250 other meetings in Ireland, as well as many meetings in Brussels and Luxembourg.

Ireland will also take charge, or, at least, take responsibility for gathering and presenting the EU's position at international events, such as the COP. There will be four COP summits next year. There might be an International Maritime Organization agreement, a World Health Organization agreement and many others. Ireland will actually be taking the lead in those contexts. A huge amount of work is going to happen, much of which will not be seen by the public. It is a huge opportunity to enhance our reputation as a country and to do a good job from the level of the Taoiseach and Ministers to civil servants and all of us. I should remind colleagues as well that a portal is open now at gov.ie for a public consultation on what Ireland’s priorities should be during our Presidency. I welcome every response we get to that consultation. It is very important we hear from as wide a range of people as possible.