Timmy Dooley (Clare, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I will try not to use my full time because I am conscious that a number of Members want to contribute, and I will facilitate that. I thank the Deputies for seeking the opportunity for statements on fishing. It is timely considering the recent developments in the discussions and negotiations for fishing opportunities for 2026 but also as a chance to discuss other important issues and concerns affecting the fisheries sector.

I will deal with the recent developments for the pelagic stock first. On 13 September, the International Council for Exploration of the Seas, ICES, published deeply concerning advice for widely distributed pelagic stock in 2026. The advice recommended a 70% reduction in the total allowable catch for mackerel in 2026, as well as a reduction of 41% for blue whiting and 22% for boarfish. Regarding mackerel, this follows a reduction last year of 22% compared with advice for 2024. This is also on top of a 26% reduction as a result of Brexit. The Celtic Sea whitefish fleet faces an even bleaker prospect, with cod, haddock and whiting quotas facing zero-catch recommendations. What is facing the Irish fleet in 2026 is a reduction in opportunities right across the sector. We must consider the socioeconomic implications of these recommendations. If the cuts proposed are translated into fishing opportunities for 2026, this will challenge the economic viability and the scale of the Irish fishing sector. These cuts will starve fish processing businesses of raw material. They will impact the services industry that supports the seafood sector in coastal communities. Service industries include engineering, net mending and factories that have built up over 50 years around ports like Killybegs and Castletownbere.

Following the publication of the advice, I met with fishermen and fisherwomen in Killybegs on Sunday, 5 October, to hear those concerns. They are very clear that years of unchecked overfishing by Norway, Iceland, the Faroes and the Russian Federation have pushed mackerel to the brink. The North Atlantic Pelagic Advocacy Group, NAPA, represents global seafood buyers and retailers. It confirms that over 1 million tonnes of mackerel have been caught above scientific advice over the past five years. This is not a new problem. It is a failure of enforcement. On 8 October, I met with relevant stakeholder groups as part of the annual sustainability impact assessment process. This provided a further opportunity to discuss the scientific advice.

The issue of unsustainable fishing of key pelagic stock such as mackerel by certain coastal states outside the EU has been raised by Ireland repeatedly over the years. At the Agriculture and Fisheries Council in June and again in September I highlighted Ireland's concerns regarding Norway's actions in setting excessive and unsustainable mackerel quotas. We could be looking at an even more serious scenario in 2027 for mackerel, so it is important that we take a co-ordinated approach now. We cannot accept a business-as-usual approach in dealing with Norway. The EU Commission needs to identify and adapt suitable measures to respond to this crisis and bring forward measures regarding third countries that fail to co-operate and that allow unsustainable fishing of stocks of common interest to the European Union. There are tools under Regulation (EU) No. 1026/2012 to impose trade restrictions on countries undermining stocks. The programme for Government recognises the valuable role of fisheries in this country and the communities that rely on this activity for their livelihoods. Furthermore, it notes the commitment of this Government to defend Irish interests in the context of fisheries negotiations between the EU and third countries.

Last week, I presented a sustainability impact assessment to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs. This assessment, which involves a public consultation process along with expert contributions from the Marine Institute and BIM, is an essential step in Ireland's preparation for the autumn negotiations on fishing opportunities for the forthcoming year. The sustainability impact assessment highlights the potential for significant impacts on the Irish fishing industry. While we have seen clearly the potential impact on the catching sector, the recent ICES advice, particularly in respect of mackerel, is of significant concern to a number of processors who process pelagic fish and ship their product to markets across the world. Mackerel is Ireland's most valuable catch, worth about €94 million in exports last year to premium European and Asian markets. It is now below the safe biological limit. Next week, together with colleagues, I will visit China on a trade mission to support that fishing sector, as well as pork and dairy products. It is a very important market for us and one which, with the assistance of Bord Bia, we continue to promote. The pelagic processors account for €122 million of the €947 million value of the overall sector and ten of the 95 seafood processing companies in the industry. Together with departmental officials, Bord Iascaigh Mhara and Bord Bia, we will work with the pelagic processors to fully assess and analyse the impact of reductions that will take effect in 2026, and to identify ways in which these processors may be supported. In the meantime, a range of supports continue to be available to the sector to support seafood promotion, capacity building, new product development, new market opportunities and capital investment.

As I said, I will be visiting China next week. Our seafood exports to China are particularly strong, showing growth of more than 50% in the year to date. I am committed to working with other Departments to assess what supports may be available to the seafood sector in this very difficult context. I have had discussions with the EU Commissioner for Fisheries and Oceans. I have raised the matter with the Taoiseach and intend to have further conversations with him. The senior Minister, Deputy Heydon is here and he has been appraised of the issues. Together we will work to assist insofar as possible. The Minister for Public Expenditure, Infrastructure, Public Service Reform and Digitalisation has also been briefed on this, as has the Tánaiste, by people from the sector, to explore options within the constraints of both the EU and national Exchequer funding and the relevant EU and national legislation, in particular taking account of the constraints imposed under EU state aid rules. I am acutely aware, too, that processors require fish, not handouts. The reality of the situation requires emergency interventions. I have spoked to fisheries Ministers in other member states since my appointment and have consistently worked towards building common positions on issues that are of relevance to our sector and its specifics. A strong and common European position is in the best interests of all fishing parties. It is critical to ensure these stocks are fished in a sustainable manner and that comprehensive agreements can be reached governing fishing opportunities for the coming year.

Also of paramount importance is that third countries do not set unjust unilateral quotas that deplete this precious resource. The emerging situation is extremely challenging.

I wish to reassure the House that, as Minister of State with special responsibility for fisheries and the marine, I recognise the importance of maintaining a vibrant fishing sector, both for the communities that rely on them and for the wider economy. The programme for Government, Securing Ireland's Future, reflects this approach by committing to securing a sustainable future for the fisheries sector while supporting coastal communities that rely on this activity for their livelihood.

To reflect, for a moment, amid the current challenges, I refer to the BIM Business of Sea Food Report 2024. This offers a comprehensive assessment of the economic impact of the seafood sector. The report tells us that the Irish seafood industry is valued at €1.24 billion. That is an increase of 4% on 2023. I am conscious that some of these numbers can be somewhat distorting of the facts, particularly when we are facing a crisis, but it is important to put those headline figures on record. The sector employs almost 8,000 people directly across fishing, aquaculture and processing, and a total of almost 17,000 people when indirect employment is included. Fish landings in Ireland were valued at €461 million in 2024, with €325 million coming from the Irish vessels and €136 million from non-Irish vessels. The report shows a value growth of 25% in the aquaculture sector, which is also encouraging. I have made it a feature of the role I hold to try to see where we can continue to grow the aquaculture sector. I am conscious that the licensing issue is currently an impediment in that regard. We are working with officials in our Department to try to find a resolution to that so we can ensure, where possible, the aquaculture sector is explored to the greatest opportunity and extent in a positive way that ensures we get increased exports and additional employment at home at a time when we are facing very particular constraints within the catching sector for those pelagic stocks. These metrics clearly demonstrate the resilience of the sector despite the significant challenges in recent years and its capacity to pivot and adjust to a changing environment. This progress would not be possible without strategic and well-targeted investment, both public and private.

I also recognise the appetite for the investment community to continue to put moneys back into this sector. That really needs to be recognised and welcomed. Through the seafood development programme the Government is delivering essential support to strengthen competitiveness and support sustainability and employment across the sector. More generally, funding for supports for the commercial seafood sector are provided under the seafood development programme. The programme is co-funded by the Irish Government and the European Commission under the European Maritime, Fisheries and Aquaculture Fund, EMFAF, 2021 to 2027.

Schemes for industry under the SDP are primarily implemented by Bord Iascaigh Mhara. Separately to the SDP, the Department also funds and supports services provided by Bord Bia and the agrifood sector, including seafood. These are assessed by seafood processors, in particular marketing, innovation and new product development, etc. Funding supports are also provided to the commercial seafood sector by Enterprise Ireland and Údarás na Gaeltachta. Fourteen schemes have been, or will be, implemented by BIM this year on behalf of our Department under the SDP and the majority of these are co-funded under EMFAF. Two are Exchequer-funded - specifically, the fleet safety and marine tourism schemes.

Many Members will be aware that I have placed a heavy emphasis on personal engagement with the seafood sector since I was appointed to this role in February. The engagement has never been more important than it is now and I am finding industry representatives more united than ever before. They make their case with professionalism and clarity and I thank them for the way in which they have engaged with me and with the Department over recent months, particularly at a time of great crisis for them. I can understand their frustration at times but at all times I see in their professionalism and steadfastness a desire to work through the current crisis.

The programme for Government commits to publishing a five-year fishery sector strategy that will include an examination of the processing sector and to continue to support and promote improvements in fisheries and aquaculture. To progress this, I have engaged a facilitator, Mr. Kieran Mulvey, to work with seafood representative groups in order to identify and articulate issues, priorities and opportunities for the sector. These will be considered when I am setting out the terms of reference for the fisheries sector strategy. Mr. Mulvey is currently engaged in a series of meetings with stakeholders and I look forward to meeting with him to consider his insights as the development of a strategy for the long-term future of the fisheries sector has never been more important. To that extent, we expect to be finalising that work in the coming months. I thank the office of the Secretary General which has engaged with Mr. Mulvey over the summer months and more recently in an effort to put in place capacity to facilitate, understand and to try to bring forward a comprehensive strategy there.

The allocation of stocks between members states was established as a principle of the first CFP in 1983 and was based on the average catch of member states over a period of reference years which is referred to as track record. The only exemption to this relates to the Hague preferences based on a special recognition agreement of the underdeveloped nature of the Irish fleet and the heavily controlled responsibility on us when Ireland joined the EU. This arrangement is a mechanism for limited increase in the annual quotas for Irish fishermen. Any changes to the existing system of quota allocations would require a majority of member states to agree under the qualified majority voting system. Deputies will be aware that this would require other member states to give up existing quota shares. Any change to relative stability would involve a loss for some other member states and, therefore, present particular challenges in a qualified majority voting context. I am also conscious that there are some countries that do not fish their entire quota allocation but retain them anyway. I would like to see that changed but I am conscious of the challenges associated with that.

I would hope in any review of the CFP that we could have a fairer, more balanced and collegial approach at European level to try to find solutions that benefit all of us. However, I caveat all of that by saying it is a challenge in negotiations but I will certainly not be found wanting. With the support of the Minister, Deputy Heydon, we will fight the case of Irish fishermen and women to the greatest extent possible, notwithstanding our full understanding of the constraints we face. As I said, I will use all opportunities to seek additional access to quota for the Irish fishing fleet where this is possible.

In 2024, Ireland successfully invoked the Hague preferences for mackerel. This is the first time that the Hague preferences had successfully been invoked for this species. This has caused a considerable amount of disquiet among the impacted member states and I anticipate strong opposition in the December Council meeting. To that extent, a number of member states have sought - and we have afforded them - bilateral discussions, either through their embassies or directly with relevant Ministers. We have, at every possible opportunity, set out the importance of this mechanism for us to protect our sector. I believe we will need to invoke the Hague preference mechanism to protect Ireland's share of key stocks through a co-ordinated and all-of-government approach at EU level. It is for that instance that the Minister, Deputy Heydon, and I are engaging with our colleagues in government so that we can use whatever other contacts are there at member state level to try to ensure we get what is required in the December Council meeting.

The last issue on which I wish to update the House today is the review of trawling inside six nautical miles. The programme for Government commits to maintaining support for our important inshore fishing sector and promoting the sustainability of fish stocks. In December 2018, a transition period to a ban on vessels over 18 m trawling inshore waters within the six nautical miles zone and the baselines, was announced. The measure, however, was the subject of extended legal proceedings resulting in it being overturned in 2023. In February 2024, the then Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, held a new public consultation and a review of trawling activity inside the six nautical mile zone and baselines, and this consultation took place without prejudice to what went before. Over 5,500 submissions were received. These submissions, along with updated scientific and economic advice from the Marine Institute and Bord Iascaigh Mhara, were used to inform a review of trawling activity inside the six nautical mile zone and baselines. Together with the Minister, Deputy Heydon, we carefully considered all issues before making a decision. Given the history of litigation in relation to this matter, it was critical that all the necessary procedural and legal steps were taken.

On 30 September, I signed policy directive 1 of 2025 to give legal effect to the decision that the Minister, Deputy Heydon, and I, announced on 22 July last, to place certain restrictions on trawling activity by larger vessels, that is, vessels over 18 m in length, inside the six nautical mile zone and the baselines.

On 1 October 2026, trawling activity, that is, the operation of trawl or seine nets, by fishing vessels over 18 m in length overall inside the six nautical mile zone and the baselines will be prohibited. In addition, a catch limit of 2,000 tonnes of sprat will be permitted for vessels over 18 m in length inside the six nautical mile limit and the baselines from 11 October of this year to 30 September next year.

There has been much commentary on sprat. I can confirm at this time that there is no proposal from the European Commission for a total allowable catch or a quota management arrangement for sprat in the waters around Ireland. Ireland will, of course, have regard to a possible TAC and quota regime or other appropriate conservation measures going forward if recommended in the scientific advice to support the sustainable management of sprat. This Government committed to maintaining support for our inshore sector in the programme for Government. I have no plans at this time to introduce a sprat quota limit for vessels under 18 m. I made a decision to support the fleet of smaller vessels and those deriving an income from the inshore waters within six nautical miles. The new restrictions apply, as I said, to larger vessels only. I am confident that restricting trawling access to the six nautical mile zone to smaller vessels was the right decision to help to deliver on the promise made by this Government and the previous one to support our crucial inshore fishing sector. I am mindful of the opportunity that these measures will provide for our important small-scale fishermen and fisherwomen. I am confident that these measures will help to re-establish links between local fish resources, local fleets and local communities.

I look forward to listening with intent to the rest of the debate.

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I am very pleased that the House agreed to take these statements at this very appropriate time, namely prior to the run-in to the December Council and the negotiations that will take place, particularly in respect of coastal states, over the coming weeks. I have been in this House since 1981, with the exception of a few short periods, and I believe this is the worst fishing crisis that will have been experienced since the foundation of the State unless something drastic happens in the next few weeks. I can only describe it as a real Armageddon, with no sector safe from the impacts and devastating fallout that will follow. Over the past five years, Norway, Iceland and the Faroe Islands have overfished mackerel by 1 million tonnes. In some years, Norway alone has overfished by 55%. These are the countries that are telling us we need a sustainable fishery. We are the custodians and we must ensure that there are stocks for the future, but that is not the way those to whom I refer are implementing the TACs and quotas in their countries.

In its scientific advice for stocks for 2026, ICES has called for a reduction, as the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley outlined, of 70% for mackerel, 41% for blue whiting and 20% for boarfish. This has the potential to cost Ireland between €130 million and €150 million in areas along the coast and in rural areas where there is no alternative source of employment. Our catching sector is facing the biggest cut to its fishing opportunities in history in real terms, as proposed in the 2006 recommendations. That cut is equivalent to the accumulative impact of four years' worth of Brexit transfers. I can state very clearly - and I mean this genuinely - that the fishing industry was thrown under the bus to secure Brexit. Had we threatened to veto Brexit, we would not have a problem today. We would have had a problem with Europe, but we certainly would have the mackerel we gave away to secure Brexit.

The processing sector will be severely impacted. As stated, numerous jobs will be lost in rural areas where there is no alternative source of employment. The processing sector could contract in the next 12 months to the tune of between €180 million and €200 million. The scale of the job losses and impacts is unprecedented and catastrophic. Between 2,200 and 2,400 jobs - I believe that is being realistic - could be gone inside the next six months.

The Department, the Minister of State and his colleagues in government must firm up. We must take Europe on. The Minister of State will not succeed unless he goes out to the various member states. It is not enough to negotiate with the maritime states. I do not believe that the Minister of State or the Minister, Deputy Heydon, will have time to visit each capital, but I suggest to the former that he call in the ambassadors of all these countries - not just in the coastal states but in all the other states in western Europe - because they will have an input. I know from experience over the years that they will go along with the Commission's recommendations. However, the Minister of State or the ambassadors could meet their counterparts or those responsible, highlight to them the implications for us and request them not to vote in favour of what is proposed. The latter should be made that very clear to them. They will go for a qualified majority, of course. I hope that the Tánaiste, who told me he is quite interested in resolving this, as is the Taoiseach, will call in the ambassadors and get them to go to the various capitals. The Minister of State should go to the maritime state capitals and the commissioners should do the others.

No disrespect to the Department - I was held this brief for years - but I believe we are all out of our depth on this. That is not just my fear; it is the fear of the industry. While I accept the Minister of State's bona fides and commitment, I am not fully convinced that all of his team are on top of this crisis. I believe that he and his team do not fully appreciate the detrimental effects of the proposed reductions. Have we the capacity to deal with the challenges ahead? This needs to be dealt with by an all-government approach, and I have made a recommendation to the Minister of State in that regard.

Europe has been weak when it comes to coastal states. Norway, which is the chief architect of the destruction of the mackerel stock, will again attempt to gain access to coastal waters off the west of Ireland over the coming weeks. I am pleased that the Minister of State has taken a very strong view and has instructed his officials to oppose the entry of Europe into the waters off the west of Ireland this year. I am grateful to him for that, and I hope he will follow through on it. We need a strongly united no from Ireland and the EU to Norway to stop supporting the industry and, moreover, the recovery of these shared stocks such as blue whiting and mackerel. We must also ensure that the Minister of State can convince Europe and that the market access and trade restrictions for fish products will be fully applied against Norway. That can be done against Norway, against the Faroes and against Iceland. It can be done under Regulation (EU) No. 1026/2012. That needs to be fully implemented, because Norway needs the European Union market to sell its products.

We could lose up to 40% to 50% of the value of our national quotas in monetary terms inside the next three months. Let that sink in. This is very serious for the country and, in particular, for the coastal counties, whether they are in Donegal, Galway or Mayo, right down to Cork and Kerry and across to Waterford and upwards. The proposals from ICES relate not just to mackerel but also to blue whiting and boarfish. Other species of demersal fish are also affected. I hope this will not have to happen, but if it does, the Government needs to immediately draw up a financial framework and a support package to cover the affected sectors, from catching to processing. If we are serious about this, then this needs to be done over the next four weeks. It is not good enough to say that the budget is over now and we have to look ahead. This is unprecedented and this financial framework should be drawn up.

The Government needs to address the weaknesses of our Department. For too long it has been too weak and out of touch with the fishing sectors and communities. It is being allowed to meander as it did before. We are weak within Europe and our presence needs to be strengthened there. Ireland's permanent representation in Brussels has to strengthen its representation there to look after our interests.

The big date is the Council meeting but it is done and dusted at that stage. A lot of the work has been done. It is over the next number of weeks that we want to ensure the officials get the additional support they need to prepare for that important meeting.

The Government needs to address the overregulation of fishing and processing. At times, we are so proud because we are implementing European legislation, rules and regulations but I believe that is killing the industry. I know full well that the Sea-Fisheries Protection Authority, SFPA, have driven away foreign landings from this country. They are not landing. They could be landing here but it has driven them away. Factory ships that work the waters around the country are unregulated with absolutely no oversight. No one knows what they are at out there and we do not have the capacity in the Defence Forces to try to ensure we stop that overfishing.

The Sea-Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Act 2006 needs to be redrafted from scratch. I remember when I was on the other side of the House. It was the first time in the history of the State that a statutory instrument was rescinded in all those years, and I was the one who pioneered that because fishers were getting penalty points. If they went to court afterwards, the court might have overturned it but the penalty points still existed. If you drive down the M1 road and you get penalty points, you go to court and the penalty points are scratched whereas in this case, they are not. No sooner was I out of this House in 2020 than the penalty points were reintroduced. I was told by people on this side of the House; I did not even have the support of my own party. I had the support of Sinn Féin, Labour and the Independents. As soon I was gone, it was changed like that. It was wrong to that do that. I did not even get a telephone call to say that my rescinding of the penalty points was being undone, but I will deal with that on another day.

In the pelagic sector, we need, as a national policy of Government, to reintroduce in-factory weighing. I can take credit that I went to the then Commissioner, Mr. Joe Borg, when our pelagic fish were being weighed on the pier in ambient temperature, affecting the quality of the fish. I brought him over to Killybegs and he saw the futility of that. He introduced weighing in factories and now the factories are full of cameras. You do not have to leave the office in Killybegs, Castletownbere or wherever. You can see exactly what is going on. This is futile and the quality of the fish is being affected. That is something that has been looked at. There is an attitude that all of those in the fishing industry are criminals. I can state very clearly, having spent a lifetime in it, that they are good, honest, decent people who get very little support and create jobs in areas where there are no alternative sources of employment. In the pelagic sector, we need, as a national policy of Government, to reintroduce that in-house weighing. That is for another day but if it goes the way it is going, there might not be much need to weigh, given that there may be so little as a result of the cuts.

Year in, year out, we witness the effects of blue whiting being processed for human consumption. It was a fishery that we in this country pioneered. It was Ireland that pioneered it. I can also take some credit. I remember 1972 very well. We were going out the road to fish meal and at that time and I sent samples to a number of factories in Europe. They opened up the markets there and they are still continuing to this very day. I can take some credit and I fully understand it. Coming from a rural constituency, I realise the importance of fishing.

If we fail to get our house in order and we face into the greatest fishing and processing crisis in our history, we will pay the greatest price due to our own incompetence. I would strongly recommend that the Minister of State take up my suggestion and call in the Minister for foreign affairs or whoever and instruct the ambassadors to go to the various governments and make it very clear to them the implications of this. This demands immediate action, a completely new direction and new leadership.

I wish the Minister of State well in his endeavours. It is a difficult time and a lonely place to be. I was there for many years. It is a lonely place when you are in there but if you can secure the support of the some of the European maritime states, particularly those states with no interest whatsoever in fish, and convince them we are being done down, I believe he will get support from them.

Pádraig Mac Lochlainn (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

There is a story online on theskipper.ie. It is the Bord Iascaigh Mhara, BIM, annual fisheries report and it has caused outrage in the fishing industry because, essentially, the report says it is all fine. It is good; it is all fine. It is data from 2023.

This has to stop. We have to stop denying what is happening. My party conducted a survey late last year of hundreds of fishers and their families. They did not just respond to the survey; they could make some commentary. What was in that report, which I have emailed to the Minister and Minister of State, is absolutely harrowing. It is heartbreaking. People are talking about having fished for generations. It is a tradition and a heritage and it is ending with them. I met fishers, face to face, who were in tears because they were fishing single-handed. There is no future for them and their families.

I am now going to get into the unprecedented crisis we face, an "economic Armageddon", to quote Mr. Brendan Byrne of the Irish Fish Processors and Exporters Association, IFPEA. We need to wake up once and for all. The Chinese - the Minister of State is going to China next week - tell us that a crisis is also an opportunity. This is an opportunity for a reset of our whole mentality in Ireland, in the Government, in our Department of the marine, in Bord Iascaigh Mhara, in the SFPA and in every single agency interacting with our fishing communities. There has to be a whole change. It is outrageous that BIM let that report go to print at a time like this. It is outrageous, offensive and unacceptable.

With regard to mackerel, it is a precious resource to our fishing communities. It was an industry that the ingenuity and ambition of our people built up. We built it up. It was a world-class industry we built up here with thousands of jobs created on the back of it. It is a migratory species that spawns off our west coast and works its way up the Atlantic, so it is a shared resource. As we are in the Common Fisheries Policy, our fishers must follow the science. They must follow the advice from ICES every year and quotas are allocated on that basis. That is right - our fishing should be based on science. It should be sustainable and responsible. I absolutely agree with that. The problem is that there are rule breakers and rogues out there who have been utterly reckless and selfish, and they have paid no price whatsoever. I am sad to say they are a country I admire, Norway, another country I admire, Iceland, and the Faroe Islands. Complicit in this and supporting them are the Russian Federation and the United Kingdom. They are complicit in this practice and they are rewarded. The UK has had its trade and co-operation agreement extended for 12 years. There is no price to pay for this.

When I learned about the absolutely devastating impact of these cuts, which are clearly coming because they are based on science, I asked the question: who benefits from this within the European Union? There are major fishing corporations based in the European Union that invested heavily in the fleets in Iceland and the Faroes. They have been actively involved in this strategic overfishing. They are based in the European Union and I believe they have a huge influence in the European Commission. Ireland has, yet again, been utterly shafted by those at the top of the European Commission. They did it to us in Brexit.

There was no burden sharing. There were just some financial resources, but that was allowed to happen, and here we are again. This has been warned about, and we have been hearing about it, for years. Our producer organisations have been talking about what is coming down the line. Last year, we had a very significant cut in mackerel. This year, what is being suggested is devastating. It is not just mackerel, as the Minister of State knows, but blue whiting and boarfish. This has a knock-on impact on the inshore sector, which needs blue whiting and mackerel for bait. Its prices are going to go through the roof. Remember, the inshore sector is dealing with prices it had 30 years ago for its fish but its costs have increased tenfold. To be clear, it is not just the offshore sector that is impacted by this, but also the inshore sector.

What are we talking about here in terms of impact? I have spoken to the Irish Fish Processors and Exporters Association, which has provided me with its impact assessment. When I go through it, it shows mackerel is important to the producer sector and the factories. It is a huge part of their profits. I have been provided seven examples. Looking through them, the impact of the mackerel cut will be absolutely devastating. We are going to lose hundreds of jobs here, there is no doubt about it. It is not just pelagic, as we know, but also white fish, nephrops and various seas. We are talking about an estimated potential loss of €200 million next year. It is really unprecedented in scale. It is absolutely scandalous that BIM published the report it did today at a time we are dealing with this.

In terms of the organisations dealing with this issue, I have with me submissions from the Irish Fish Producers Organisation, IFPO, and the Killybegs Fishermen's Organisation, KFO. Obviously, those two groups are particularly impacted by the pelagic cuts. According to the submissions, under the model quota scenarios, up to 837 direct jobs could be affected in some manner in the pelagic catching sector. That is not talking about indirect jobs. That is the threat. When including indirect and induced effects, the potential total impact goes up to 2,361 jobs across the wider seafood economy. That is what we are talking about here.

If we look at the supports needed, we clearly need to see the Hague preferences. That has to happen this time. Burden sharing did not get delivered to our people. We were left carrying the weight of Brexit. The Hague preferences are absolutely essential. They will reduce some of the blow.

It is time for BIM to step up. It has offended the industry unbelievably with the report it has issued. However, it can heal those wounds by doing a strong impact assessment, working directly with the industry on the real figures and the real data in the here and now. It needs to do an impact assessment looking at all the scenarios - short, medium and long term - in terms of what supports are needed. We are going to need financial supports. I am glad the Minister of State said it. When we talk to any fishers, they say they want to fish. They want fish. That is what I want. Right now, though, we have to deal with the reality. Of course we need to bring in the Hague preferences. Of course we need to see a review of the Common Fisheries Policy. Of course we need justice. Of course the huge factory ships hoovering up the fish and the industrialisation of fishing has to end. In the here and now, though, we are going to need financial supports to save our industry and save as many jobs as possible. That means emergency short-term financial support. In terms of the quota management and licensing, we need reform of the Common Fisheries Policy. All of that has to be looked at.

I defer to my colleague, Deputy Pat the Cope Gallagher, who was a Minister of State with huge experience. I agree with everything he said about the need to talk to everybody. We need to tell our story. Our fellow member states need to understand the injustice the Irish people have suffered under the Common Fisheries Policy. I am sorry to say that Norway, Iceland, Faroe Islands, the Russian Federation - there are huge sanctions in place against that last anyway - and the UK have in this case been rogue players in overfishing mackerel. They need to accept that this is utterly wrong. They need to stop the overfishing and there needs to be a real approach from Europe in terms of justice for our people. We are a small country and we deserve that support right now. I trust the Minister of State will engage strongly on that. We need to have very strong representation in Europe. In terms of our permanent representation and the Department of the marine, we need to up our game on. I proposed a fish Ireland" office, where the industry and our Department would be hand in hand, permanently based in Europe, promoting our seafood industry. That needs to be looked at right now and how we can turn this around and turn a crisis into an opportunity.

I want to talk about the issue of third-country vessels from Norway and Iceland. It is very clear to me that if they refuse to act responsibly and do what is right for all of us with the mackerel resources, they should not be allowed to fish blue whiting in our waters. It is utterly offensive. Any country that is not being responsible and not behaving right should not be rewarded. Clearly, that needs to be dealt with. There needs to be proper control of those vessels.

In my remaining minutes, I want to talk about the inshore sector and the islands sector. They cannot be forgotten about. The inshore sector is looking for financial supports for their fishers. If we look at the farmers, they have always, and rightly, had financial supports under the Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, because they could not live on what they earn from the produce. Similarly, we recently had a basic income support for the artistic community. I welcome that, too. We need to see proper financial supports for inshore fishers. They are fishing single-handedly and putting themselves in real danger, so they need supports. In terms of the islands, we need to look at Article 17 of the Common Fisheries Policy. We need fairness for our island communities and fairness for our inshore communities as part of this overall process. I will continue on this matter another day.

Johnny Mythen (Wexford, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

The Irish fishing industry is in a state of flux and is on course for a full-scale collapse if the proposed 2026 quotas are accepted and implemented. These crippling quotas represent a 70% cut in mackerel, a 41% in blue whiting and a 22% cut in boarfish. These quotas will financially sink every fishing boat in Ireland, whereas on the other side we have non-EU fleets from the likes of Russia, the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Norway continuously overfishing. Not only that, but they are being rewarded for it through the unilateral setting of quotas. For example, in one week, the Norwegian fleet caught 40,000 tonnes of mackerel, equivalent to the entire quota allowed for the Irish fleet. This begs the question: who exactly are the Europe-based fishing corporations, which make millions of euro and benefit from the reciprocal access to the fish in Norwegian water? Maybe the Minister of State will use his office to investigate these corporations and publish the findings.

We know this is a very difficult situation and by no means an easy task. The fishers of Ireland are sending out a clarion cry for the Minster of State to call on the Commissioner to invoke Regulation (EU) 1026/2012, under which the Commissioner has the power to legally address and respond to unfair competition through trade and market restrictions. The irony of this is that the Irish fleet has followed the science and played by the books, yet these countries outside the EU are rewarded while our fishing industry is facing financial ruin. We in Sinn Féin, through our spokesperson on fisheries, Pádraig Mac Lochlainn, and the Chair of the fisheries committee, Connor McGuinness, are asking the Minister of State to create an emergency financial rescue package for the next couple of years. We believe the Minister of State has a vital role to play in supporting Irish fisheries in this. We ask him to work towards establishing a stand-alone "Fish Ireland" office in Brussels, to consider real-time closures, to examine the Brexit adjustment reserve and unspent funds, and to vigorously negotiate the quota allocations.

My county of Wexford is a seafaring country, with fishing villages totally depending on the industry, from Rosslare to Kilmore Quay, Duncannon, Slade Harbour and Ballyhack, and these are villages that need the Minister of State's support and help. I appeal to him again to negotiate new fishing quotas and to use the European Maritime, Fisheries and Aquaculture Fund to support our fishing industry and coastal communities.

Conor McGuinness (Waterford, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Ireland is an island nation with a proud maritime tradition. Our coastal communities, fishing harbours and seafaring people have long sustained the life of this country in hard times and in a good. For too long, the fishing and seafood industry has been treated as an afterthought, a bargaining chip in European negotiations and a casualty of short-termism at home.

Across every coastal county from Louth to Donegal, down to Waterford and Cork, fishers and processors now face the perfect storm of quota cuts, rising costs, loss of traditional fishing grounds and continued overfishing by external states. The result is a crisis or, more accurately, an emergency. Earlier this year, Deputy Mac Lochlainn and I published a survey of Irish fishers. Its findings were stark. Some 98% do not believe the Government is protecting the industry or has its back. The survey also found that 91% believed that, without a radical change in direction, it would not survive the next three to five years.

While this debate is welcome and I commend Deputy Mac Lochlainn on seeking it, it is long overdue. The collapse in mackerel stocks has simply exposed a decline that was already well underway. We now need to move beyond tea and sympathy and towards a national strategy that is ambitious, assertive and unapologetic in its defence of Ireland's national interests.

Tá earnáil iascaireachta na hÉireann i ngéarchéim. Tá iascairí agus pobal cósta faoi bhrú de bharr laghduithe ar chuótaí, costais arda agus ró-iascaireacht ó thíortha eile, an Iorua, an Íoslainn agus na hOileáin Fharó san áireamh. Éilíonn Sinn Féin go gcuirfear straitéis náisiúnta láidir le chéile a chosnóidh ár gcuid acmhainní, a neartóidh calafoirt agus a thabharfaidh tacaíocht cheart d’iascairí cladaigh. Caithfidh Éire seasamh suas ar son a cuid pobal cósta san Aontas Eorpach.

For decades, successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Governments have gone to Brussels to manage, not to lead, and to accommodate, not to assert. The results of that failure speak for themselves. Ireland controls 12% of EU waters, yet receives less than 6% of total EU quotas. Since Brexit, that imbalance has worsened, with about 40% of the quota value transferred from Britain coming from stocks historically caught by Irish vessels. The Brexit deal was catastrophic. The decision earlier this year to extend it to 2038 brought certainty, but it is the certainty of collapse and catastrophe. We need a fundamental reset and radical new approach that recognises the strategic, economic and cultural importance of fisheries to our coastal regions. That means pressing the European Commission and Council for an urgent review of quota allocations, building the Department's capacity to fight our corner, including through the office mentioned by Deputy Mac Lochlainn in Brussels, and reforming the Department of the marine and Bord Iascaigh Mhara, BIM. It would be great if we had someone with a background in the fishing industry appointed as the new chief executive of BIM. I ask the Minister of State to reflect on that and consider it as he looks towards the appointment of a chief executive.

We now have a Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs. As Chair, I want the committee to be active and assertive, give voice to coastal communities, hold the Government to account, propose policy innovations, where appropriate, and demand delivery for the Irish fishing industry.

Our inshore fisheries have been mentioned. They are the beating heart of Ireland's coastal communities. Small family-owned vessels sustain employment and tradition in areas with few alternatives, yet they are too often forgotten about. When they are at the forefront of the minds of the State, it often seems that it is with a view to criminalising or penalising them for simply carrying out their work. With almost 2,000 vessels, the inshore fleet provides over half of all seafood employment but receives only a fraction of supports and quota access. Most are confined to shellfish like crab, lobster and shrimp and young people face major barriers, limited licences, tiny quotas and high costs. The next generation is being driven out. They do not want to take over the boats and they do not want to enter the industry. We need a fairer allocation of a national quota to support small-scale sustainable fisheries. We need targeted investment in coastal infrastructure processing capacity and proper implementation of the Irish inshore fishery sector strategy, backed by real funding and continuity grants to keep small operators afloat. If we value our coastal communities, we must value our fishers and inshore sector not as an afterthought, but as the cornerstone of our rural and regional economy.

Harbour infrastructure, a topic the Minister of State and I have discussed at length, is the backbone of our fishing economy, yet across the country, in particular Waterford, it is crying out for investment. In the quay in Helvick, dredging has been identified as a dire need by local fishers, the local authority and, indeed, those who volunteer to save lives at sea. Progress has stalled for want of State funding. The local authority harbours programme is dysfunctional. I do not think it is fit for purpose. It is inadequate. I said this yesterday at a committee meeting and I will continue to say it. It will not fund the engineering or environmental studies needed to reach a shovel-ready stage. That is its intrinsic failure and must change.

The quay at Helvick and other local authority harbours are vital infrastructure. We acknowledge and accept that they belong to the local authority, but that does not give the Government, Department or Minister of State for fisheries the ability to say that it is not part of the responsibility of the State. In Dunmore East, one of the State's six designated fishery harbour centres and the most important fishing port in the south east, serving the east coast, north and south, critical safety works remain underfunded. Fishers have raised real concerns about berthing safety, quay conditions and overcrowding in the harbour. The promised capital works have yet to materialise and we need immediate approval and funding for the Dunmore East capital programme. That would include dredging, quay realignment and safety upgrades. It is not just a Waterford issue, as I said. This is about protecting lives, jobs and the long-term viability of one of Ireland's major fisheries ports.

Ireland's offshore fleet in ports like Dunmore East, Castletownbere and Howth are central to our seafood economy, supporting hundreds of jobs in fishing, processing, engineering and exports, yet our fleets are allowed to catch less fish in our own waters than ever before. Under Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, Ireland has been a soft touch in quota talks. Time and again, our share has been traded away in favour of stronger member states who negotiate harder in their own countries' interests. That must end. We must demand fair and equitable access to fish stocks in Irish waters.

We need to rebuild pelagic and demersal fleets. We need to secure a fair quota of prawns in the Irish Sea. We need to ensure access to finance for vessel modernisation and keep value-added processing in Ireland. The Common Fisheries Policy has failed our coastal communities. It rewards those who overfish and punishes those who act responsibly. Sinn Féin will press for reform that puts sustainability, fairness and Ireland's national interest at its core.

Nowhere is that failure clearer than in the mackerel and wider pelagic fishery. Scientific advice for 2026 recommends a 70% cut to the EU mackerel quota and a 41% cut to blue whiting, not to forget boarfish. These drastic reductions are not caused by Irish mismanagement, as my colleagues have said. They are a result of rampant overfishing by third countries, in particular Norway, Iceland and the Faroe Islands, which are, of course, under Danish sovereignty and, therefore, I thought would have been part of the European Union. This activity has often been aided by EU-based companies using those flags. That is not to let the Russian Federation and Britain off the hook for their gross overfishing in the North Atlantic.

The European Commission has known about this for years. We and others, including industry and environmental groups, have raised this. More than a million tonnes of mackerel have been caught above scientific advice in the past five years. Instead of sanctioning offenders, the EU has rewarded them with access to western waters, or is certainly proposing to do so. This has plunged Ireland's pelagic sector into crisis, in particular Donegal, but across the coast. Our entire seafood economy is looking at losses that could exceed €200 million next year. We need an emergency survival fund now. As has been noted by the Minister of State and my colleague, Deputy Mac Lochlainn, fishers do not want handouts or a bailout, but they need that as this crisis will affect them.

The EU must act decisively to end this reckless overfishing. The Government must demand sanctions and compensation and show leadership. It is indefensible that Irish fishers follow the rules and face ruin while others profit with the consent of their governments and the silence and acquiescence, if we are being honest, of Brussels. The mackerel issue is a test of whether Ireland has any real influence in Europe and we cannot afford another year of hand-wringing.

In a few weeks, the Minister of State will be in Brussels with the Council of Ministers to set the 2026 quotas. Expectations in the industry are not high or buoyant at the moment because of the crisis, but there is a weight of expectation on his shoulders as he goes there because of the great urgency involved. The Minister of State must go to Brussels with a clear mandate not simply to manage, but to fight for Ireland's corner. It cannot be on his shoulders alone; it has to be on the shoulders of the Taoiseach, as Head of Government, and the Tánaiste, in his role as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade.

A failure to deliver on the reasonable demands of the Irish fishing industry would be a collective failure for the Government to assert Ireland's sovereignty in Europe. For decades, fishers have correctly believed that Irish fisheries were sacrificed to secure wins elsewhere and that must stop. The balance has to be reset. We need the Minister of State to secure a fair share of quota allocations reflecting the scale of waters, along with concrete EU actions to sanction overfishing by third countries and European corporations which operate in vessels under the flag of third countries.

We need to see funding for harbour infrastructure and fleet modernisation, and we need to see a renewed commitment to Ireland's coastal communities. Our fishing industry is not asking for favours. It is simply demanding fairness. Fishing communities have endured decades of neglect and now they need delivery. Ireland's fishing heritage, our economic potential, thousands of livelihoods and hundreds of millions of euro of economic growth are at stake here. The time for caution and niceties has passed. What we need, and what Sinn Féin will continue to demand, is action that is firm, co-ordinated and in the national interest.

Robert O'Donoghue (Dublin Fingal West, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I welcome the announcement by the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, of €27.75 million for capital projects at Ireland’s publicly owned harbours under the 2025 fishery harbour centres and coastal infrastructure development programme. While welcome news for our coastal communities, the way this funding is being divided is far from equitable. To touch on a point just mentioned by Deputy McGuinness, let us talk about harbours. This year, €19.5 million, or the lion’s share, is going to just six Department-run fishery harbour centres, while a mere €4.3 million is being allocated to the local authority marine infrastructure scheme, which must stretch to cover every other small harbour and pier in the State.

Let us put this in context. In Donegal, the Killybegs fishery harbour centre received over €11.2 million, while Donegal County Council, which is responsible for 155 piers and harbours, received just €450,000 towards projects costing an estimated €660,000. That is an unequal partnership, a drop in the ocean for our coastal local authorities which are struggling to maintain essential infrastructure that sustains their local fishing and tourism industries. To make matters worse, the six fishery harbour centres receive 100% of their project costs from the Department, while the local authorities receive only 75%, leaving the remaining 25% to be found from already overstretched local budgets or, ultimately, from local ratepayers. This is unfair. They should be receiving 100% funding. The result is that the smaller harbours, where most of our inshore fishers actually operate, are being left behind. These are the fishers who use the most environmentally sustainable and friendly methods of fishing. They are the backbone of our inshore fishing sector. They deserve modern, safe, well-maintained facilities just as much as any national harbour. Fishermen in the Donegal constituency have been in touch with Labour Party representatives in the county, including representatives from two local fishing co-ops, to tell us that they feel the Department is spending the lion’s share of harbour funding on itself, promoting projects that local fishers neither want nor need, simply because the Department has to use up its budget or risk losing it next year. That is not strategic investment; it is box-ticking.

We need a fairer, more balanced approach, one which recognises local authority piers and harbours as an intrinsic part of our national coastal infrastructure. Ireland’s network of piers, slipways and harbours supports not just fisheries, but marine tourism, recreation and local enterprise. Tourism and recreation in coastal areas are now the largest contributors to employment among Ireland’s marine industries. Marine tourism alone accounts for 10% of our overall tourism sector, with over 260 enterprises involved in marine leisure, from angling and diving to kayaking, surfing and visiting our offshore islands. The Wild Atlantic Way has shown what can be achieved when we invest in our coastal infrastructure and build a world-class destination brand. However, this success cannot continue if local marine infrastructure is left to crumble.

Fáilte Ireland continues to highlight the opportunities in coastal marine tourism, eco-tourism and sustainable growth, but these opportunities can only be realised if our piers and harbours are up to standard. In my constituency of Dublin Fingal West, Skerries and Balbriggan are both under the management of Fingal County Council. There have been consistent calls for capital works, including dredging, breakwater repairs and enhanced facilities for both the fishing and leisure sectors. Notably, Balbriggan Harbour forms a central element of the Balbriggan rejuvenation plan, which seeks to revitalise the town and its coastal infrastructure. The smaller harbours in Rush and Loughshinny continue to play an important role in supporting local fishermen and recreational users. However, these facilities also require upgrading, particularly in relation to safety measures, lighting, slipways and pontoons. Overall, there is a clear and ongoing need to invest in Fingal’s harbour infrastructure to improve safety and accessibility for all users; strengthen support for coastal tourism and local fishing activities; enhance resilience to climate impacts and coastal erosion; and ensure compliance with modern environmental and waste management standards. Fingal’s harbours are critical coastal assets, supporting both local economies and community life. However, they now require targeted investment and modernisation.

I am, therefore, calling for a fairer division of funding, with a 50-50 split between the fishery harbour centres and local authority marine infrastructure until a proper national assessment of needs is completed; 100% funding for all marine infrastructure projects, recognising their national importance; and a national framework that ensures every harbour, large or small, is safe, modern and fit for purpose.

We also need to address climate change as it is having a profound impact on Ireland’s harbours and coastal infrastructure. Rising sea levels, intensified storms and more frequent flooding events are already damaging vital port facilities and coastal defences. All over Ireland, harbours are experiencing increased erosion, structural damage to quays and slipways and siltation that hampers navigation and marine operations. These challenges threaten not only our maritime heritage, but also critical sectors such as fishing, aquaculture, tourism and trade, all of which are industries that sustain coastal communities and contribute significantly to the national economy. Local authorities and harbour boards are facing costs for repairs, maintenance and emergency works following extreme weather events.

To safeguard all these assets, we must prioritise investment in climate-resilient infrastructure and adaptive coastal management. This includes strengthening breakwaters, modernising drainage and flood protection systems and integrating climate change risk assessments into all future harbour development plans. Furthermore, we must trust our policies are adequately resourced and implemented at local level to ensuring a consistent, science-based approach is undertaken. By taking decisive action now, we can protect our harbours, not only as centres of economic activity but as lifelines for our coastal communities, ensuring they remain safe, functional and sustainable for generations to come.

This is about fairness. It is about recognising that the vibrancy and sustainability of coastal communities depend on investment in the infrastructure they use every day, and not just in the six harbours managed by the Department. Let us ensure the smaller harbours, the beating hearts of so many coastal towns and villages, finally get their fair share. However, this will be completely useless if our fisheries sector is wiped out. Overfishing and the management of our shared marine resources, which have been ongoing issues for years, have already been addressed by previous speakers. Yet, despite years of engagement and submissions, the fishing sector now faces an unprecedented crisis. If we account for the cumulative cutbacks, Ireland’s seafood industry could face losses of up to €200 million next year, and conservative estimates suggest 2,000 jobs could be at risk. The impact on coastal and fishing communities would be devastating.

I thank the Irish South and East Fish Producers Organisation, which got in touch with my office yesterday regarding the seriousness of the situation. The latest scientific advice for 2026 paints a deeply worrying picture. Drastic catch reductions are being recommended, including 70% in mackerel, 41% in whiting and 22% in boarfish, with zero catches for cod, haddock and whiting. If these cuts are implemented, the implications will be severe. The economic viability of the Irish catching sector will be in jeopardy and fish processors will be starved of raw materials, particularly in the pelagic sector, where closures could occur. The service industries that depend on fishing will also be hit, affecting livelihoods right across our coastal communities. To put this into perspective, the loss of income from these cuts could exceed €60 million compared to 2024.

Around 200 fishermen's jobs would be directly at risk. When we add the quota transfers to the UK from Brexit, Ireland's mackerel quota will have fallen by 85% since 2022. Mackerel alone was valued at €82 million in 2024, our most valuable fish stock for both catching and processing. To manage this crisis, the sector will urgently need cash resources to reduce pressure on quotas and share limited fishing opportunities fairly throughout the year. Unlike the Brexit schemes, these supports must be linked to the processing sector to avoid repeating past mistakes that left processors stranded without supply. The processing industry employs 3,800 people across 91 companies and has already been struggling since Brexit. Further cuts in 2026 could force closures.

This is not sustainable, economically, socially or politically. The EU's management of these resources must respect scientific limits but also fairness. Ireland has consistently been on the losing side of these negotiations. We cannot continue to lose. The term "economic Armageddon" was used in the fisheries committee only last week. This is not an exaggeration; it is reality for our fishing sector. I am calling for a comprehensive support framework for the catching and processing sectors to be designed and delivered. Ireland's fishing and seafood industries are the lifeblood of many of our coastal communities. We must ensure their survival and sustainability.

I highlight the work of my colleague and party leader, Deputy Ivana Bacik, on the Dublin Bay Bill. This legislation would go a long way to protect biodiversity, enhance water quality and restore and regenerate amenities along our coastline.

Eoghan Kenny (Cork North-Central, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

As a first time TD, I meet many people across many different sectors. Meeting those people, particularly volunteers in various groups and organisations, and learning from them is possibly one of the best parts of this job. In August this year, fisheries, the importance of fish, wildlife and our rivers landed on my desk. To be totally honest with everyone in this House, I knew very little about fish, wildlife and our rivers, despite living in and being from Mallow, which the River Blackwater flows through. The River Blackwater was the scene of the greatest fish kill ever seen in this country. In excess of 40,000 fish were killed by a chemical irritant. The cross-party agency group came to a conclusion that no definite source could be found.

I again thank the Minister of State for coming to Mallow. The people of the town appreciate that. The Minister of State well knows that the fish kill caused significant hurt and anger in my home town and its environs. To get this conclusion is a cause for significant and serious concern. Following the joint committee on the environment meeting, I am shocked to hear IFI chairperson and the workers themselves believe that they do not have strong enough enforcement powers within their organisation to stop companies, individuals or State agencies from polluting our rivers. My understanding is that the Minister of State, his Department and IFI have begun conversations to give IFI further enforcement powers but my firm belief is that that must be sped up or more events like what we saw on the Blackwater in August will continue to happen across this country.

The essential issue that members of our communities have, which they have directed at me even though I am not even in government, is that there is a serious lack of accountability when it comes to protecting our environment and pollution in our environment. If we are serious about protecting our environment, rivers, fish and wildlife, enforcement powers must be increased. EPA licences must be withdrawn if constant pollution happens, because I can think of a number of organisations, private and public, which have polluted rivers in and around my own town of Mallow for many years, and which are making millions of euro in profit, that continue to pollute. My firm belief is that the reason for that is that it will cost them far less to take the slap on the wrist and the few thousand euro of a fine than to put in the infrastructure.

I thank the Minister of State again for visiting Mallow. He is well aware of the fishermen he met that day and the significant hurt and anger that continue to be felt. It does not matter whether I am in the Opposition or the Government, the lack of accountability remains an issue for the people in Mallow. I ask the Minister of State to speed up those conversations that have begun with IFI and give it those enforcement powers because unless we do that, events like that on the Blackwater will continue to happen on our waterways across this country.

Tom Brabazon (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I welcome the opportunity to participate in this debate. I welcome John Lynch from Howth, who is the CEO of the Irish South and East Fish Producers Organisation. I thank him for the hard work that he does in this area.

Ireland has a very proud fishing tradition right across our island. I was glad to see that a stand-alone Minister of State for fisheries was re-established as part of the programme for Government, reflecting the Government's commitment to this sector. It is important that, as Members of these Houses, we acknowledge that our fisheries are vital, not only for our economy but for our food security. We must ensure that those working in the sector are supported to the absolute maximum. In my constituency, Dublin Bay North, we are proud of Howth Harbour and Howth's tradition as a fishing village, dating back to the Middle Ages. This is my second time raising this matter on the floor of the House. Last month, I tabled a Topical Issue matter to discuss the urgent works required at the harbour. The harbour has not been dredged since the 1970s, half a century ago, and vessels are experiencing significant issues with the harbour's depth. A number of weeks ago, a vessel became stuck in the harbour for a number of hours at low tide. Vessels have a narrow window to get in and out of the harbour, particularly larger boats with a clearance of 5 m or less.

Planning permission has been granted for a wonderful new park off the pier using the dredged material. However, consent is awaited from the Environmental Protection Agency. We urgently need this approval so that vessels can utilise the harbour with ease, get in and out and do what they want and need to do. It is not just fishing vessels which use the harbour, but also commercial and leisure craft, and, extremely importantly, RNLI rescue craft. This delay could have serious implications for lifeboats in the future in the event of an emergency. I urge the Department to do what it can to get this project moving as soon as possible. Other improvements are required at the harbour, such as the boat repair shed. Currently, it is only accessible for part of the year. Greater sheltering of the shed would allow vessel owners to make repairs and improvements to the vessels all year around. I ask the Department to have a look at this and to offer definitive support in this regard. Also at the harbour, the Syncrolift which was built in the 1980s is long overdue an upgrade. I ask the Department to give this the attention it deserves.

Howth, as we all know, is a major centre for tourism, and contributes to the local and national economy. Each year, hundreds travel to Howth to celebrate Ireland's maritime heritage and our seafood tradition at Howth Maritime and Seafood Festival. However, it is vital that the local fishermen and women and the harbour receive the support they need to sustain the rich fishing tradition.

At a broader level, we are witnessing growing fragility in our food systems from impacts of war, climate disasters, rising costs and supply shortages. Ireland cannot take its food security for granted. We must provide every support that we can to our fisheries and those in the sector to protect our livelihoods and our national food security. Those in our fishing sector have raised their real concern about conditions they will face in 2026, which Deputy Pat the Cope Gallagher has so eruditely put. This entails reductions in catches of mackerel, blue whiting and boarfish, and zero catches for cod, haddock and whiting stocks. Such cuts would seriously impact the viability of our catching sector, prevent fish processing businesses from having access to raw material, and impact the service industry that supports the seafood sector in coastal communities like Howth. The Irish South and East Fish Producers Organisation has put forward a number of measures to support the sector, including subsidies or tie-up schemes to reduce fishing effort where stocks require a period of rebuilding, and has also called for Ireland to invoke all its Hague preferences where its quota is below the threshold. I know the Minister of State is familiar with those proposals.

I welcome that budget 2026 provides a significant €157.7 million to support the fisheries sector. This funding will provide much-needed financial assistance and essential investment in infrastructure. I strongly urge the Department to continue to work with the sector to meet the significant challenges ahead and to ensure the long-term viability of our fisheries and coastal communities.

The Department, however, needs to seriously up its game, as was so well put by Deputy Gallagher.

Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Sinn Féin has long called for this debate and I am glad to finally have the chance to stand up for coastal and fishing communities. I thank our fisheries spokesman, Deputy Mac Lochlainn, for pushing for this debate.

David Cullinane (Waterford, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Hear, hear.

Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

These fishing communities have played a critical role in our economy and culture for generations but are now facing an existential threat following proposed cuts to our fishing quota and the Common Fisheries Policy. Just as we must protect marine life and biodiversity, we must also prioritise the communities that have lived alongside them for generations. Science and sustainability are not incompatible with thriving coastal communities; both can exist harmoniously. However, due to decades of EU inaction and diplomatic failure by governments, Ireland's fishing industry is facing a crisis. Devastating quota reductions, combined with the loss of traditional fishing grounds, represent serious threats. Quota cuts could wipe out over €200 million in value next year, with mackerel losses up to €80 million alone.

To add to this, some of the most egregious damage has and continues to be caused by the rogue actions of other states through overfishing. Overfishing by states such as Norway, the Faroes, Russia, Iceland and Britain have had a devastating impact on Ireland's fishing stocks. Over 1 million tonnes of mackerel have been caught above scientific advice in the past five years according to the North Atlantic Pelagic Advocacy Group. These are not just numbers; these are livelihoods, communities and a proud heritage under threat. What has the European Commission done in response? Worse than nothing. Not only has it failed to impose sanctions, these same states have been rewarded with greater access to water off the west of Ireland. In one recent deal, Norway was granted 200,000 tonnes of blue whiting in Irish waters while Ireland received less than 60,000 tonnes. That is worth €50 million for Norway versus €15 million for Ireland. This is unjust and it is outrageous. It is not like the EU is unaware of the devastating consequences of its actions in response to such rogue state behaviour. It has admitted that continued overfishing could force a zero-catch mackerel quota by 2027, given the scale of these inflated quotas. This is a cliff edge that is simply not surmountable without decimating livelihoods and communities as things stand.

We have also heard from fish producers that over 2,000 jobs could be lost. This will also affect the inshore fishers. Let me make this clear: Sinn Féin stands with fishing and coastal communities. We admire their resilience and commend their calls for fairness and accountability. We are calling on the Government to stand strongly with them. We need a firm stance in Brussels. It is high time the EU does what is right, acting decisively, and where rogue behaviour exists, it must stand firm. The Government must make it clear that if this overfishing continues, sanctions, trade leverage and access restrictions will be on the table.

We also call for an urgent financial aid package to support the industry through the crisis. Sinn Féin has proposed a €10 million contingency fund and €10 million in capital for harbour improvements. Speaking to our local councillor in west Kerry, Robert Brosnan, he has also called for the tuna fish quota for inshore grants so that they can diversify and more infrastructure for fishers in west Kerry. We believe the Government must back our coastal communities, not abandon them. The system also needs major reform, including a dedicated Minister for fisheries and marine, a fish Ireland office in Brussels and a root and branch review of the department. BIM also needs to do an impact assessment in order to protect the industry and a long-term strategy to sustainably support the fishing industry. Our offshore, inshore and agriculture sectors must be supported. We must ban destructive factory vessels, ensure fair quota distribution and promote sustainable growth.

When it comes to Ireland's offshore energy ambition in particular, fishing and coastal communities must see the benefits. Community benefit funds should be expanded and ring-fenced for this purpose specifically. In addition, they should be treated as experts and partners they have the potential to be, but many fishers are locked out. Under the Government's current plan, in order for a fishing vessel to be used as a guard vessel, the fisherman must deregister the vessel, apply to go on the commercial register and then, should they wish to fish again, reapply both for a load line certificate and to go back on the fishing register. This is bureaucracy that, in practice, stops the communities in the major economic and infrastructural developments in their area. It is not a just transition. It is not like this in other EU countries.

Will the Minister of State commit to breaking down the barriers for fishing vessels to act as guard vessels? I also take this opportunity to ask once again where is the marine protected areas legislation. We have been waiting far too long. It threatens marine life and biodiversity but also creates significant uncertainty for our coastal and fishing communities. They need to be seen as partners, co-producers and active authors of this process. It is the only way it will work.

Jennifer Whitmore (Wicklow, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context

It is clear at this stage that the Common Fisheries Policy, as it is currently being implemented, is not fit for purpose. Something that was established 40 years ago to provide for a co-ordinated management of fish stocks has failed. It has failed to protect fish stocks, to protect our marine and to protect Irish fishing industry.

Our Irish fishing industry is one that is core to who we are as an island country. It is core to our coastal communities and to our identity. Rather than being part of a process in Europe that protects that, what we have seen happen is the sustainability of the fishery itself being completely eroded by the systems that have been put in place. Fishermen have been squeezed further and further. Their quotas are being squeezed and these fishermen are being squeezed out of their boats, out of their jobs and probably out of a history of generations of working in that area.

Unfortunately, the Common Fisheries Policy as it is currently being managed is also putting our fish stocks at huge risk. This policy is not working for any element of the stakeholders it was essentially set up to protect. This is not something that has happened recently. There has been updated information from ICES regarding stocks of certain species but this is not something that has happened recently. Twenty years ago, when I was fishing out of Howth, I would have gone down with the Marine Institute to fish from there. We used to go up to particular boats and ask could we go out with them for the week to catch some samples. I was working on a cod project at the time and I would talk to fisherman who would ask what I was trying to sample. When I would say cod - cod and haddock - they would laugh in my face and say I was not going to get any cod out there. That was probably 20 years ago and we can see now that has continued to play out. When we are looking at the state of our whitefish stocks at present, we have a zero catch TAC for cod in the north west, the Irish Sea and the Celtic Sea, and for haddock, whiting and pollock in the Celtic Sea. That in itself is a clear illustration that the system we are currently operating on is not working. We are seeing the collapse of stocks.

There are two particular stocks that have been a large part of the discussion today, namely, mackerel stocks and the blue whiting stocks. It is important when we talk about these stocks' collapse to state that this is not just a problem for Ireland. The collapse of this stock is catastrophic. Again, this is because it has not been managed properly. The ICES advice regarding the mackerel stocks is that the total allowable catch must be no more than 174,000 tonnes. That is a 77% reduction compared with the estimated catch in 2025. That advice is driven by the maximum sustainable yield. Essentially, what that says is there will be a 50% probability that the spawning stock biomass can recover to the absolute minimum biological limit by 2027. That is only a 50% chance. If we manage to keep to that 77% reduction, there is still only a 50% chance that the stock will be recoverable. That is just incredible.

Decades of overfishing have caused this crisis. Since 2010, the collective quota set by the coastal states, which include UK, the EU, Norway and others, have resulted in actual catches that have exceeded the scientific advice by an average of 39% every year. Fish stocks do not work this way. If you overfish them, there is not enough mature fish to reproduce to keep that stock going. That is the fundamental basis of it. If we continue to allow and facilitate overfishing, we are wiping that species out.

We are looking at a 41% reduction from the previous year's advice. Norway, the Faroe Islands, Iceland, the UK and the European Union have consistently exceeded the advised catches. We have discussed in the committee how Norway, the Faroe Islands and Iceland are particularly problematic in that they are allowed and facilitated to overfish a species to which they really should have no right. As a country, we need to get this message across to Europe. Even though the framework as it is set up is not working properly, I believe there are tools within the system that Ireland can use. I do not know why we have not been able to negotiate more strongly on the quotas in recent years and why Ireland has not been getting a fair share. There are two important principles here. One is that the overall quotas stay within the species' biological limits and that they are evidence- and science-based. That is the primary thing. If we do not get that right, there will be no fish for anybody. Within the quota, that is, the large cake that is determined to be there, Ireland needs to get its fair share. This is the fundamental thing we need to be fighting for. If it is the case, we need to make sure that we have alliances going in Europe that will fight and stand by us on that. That is really important. I do not know why we have always got the short end of the stick, I just do not understand it as I am not in the room. Previous Ministers might have a better understanding but it is time for that to stop and it is time for us to get our fair share.

Even within the system, I believe there are tools that we can use to ensure a more sustainable fishery and a better way of managing the fishery, particularly for our inshore fishers. They have been ignored for far too long. They are being squeezed into smaller and smaller geographical areas and are being confined to fewer and fewer species. That in itself is putting huge pressure on the species that are there. They need to be a core focus of the Minister of State's work. We need to start looking at Article 7 of the Common Fisheries Policy and actually start implementing it. This allows for fishing opportunities and for states to use transparent and objective criteria with a focus on social, environmental and economic criteria. This means that within the Common Fisheries Policy, the Minister of State can enable a much clearer focus on inshore fisheries and the low-impact fishers, which is what we really want to have. More resources can be directed to them under this provision. I do not understand why we have not used it. I ask the Minister of State to look at this seriously.

Previously, there was an issue with hake off the south west of Ireland, which is a nursery ground for this fish. In 2003 Ireland established, under the conditions of the EU, a biologically sensitive area. This enables restrictions on certain types of fishing within an area, based on its importance as a nursery area. Perhaps the Minister of State can look at this to deal with the blue whiting issue because the nursery area for that is currently in trouble. The provision could be used for that. The biologically sensitive areas seem to be a precursor to the marine protected areas. I strongly urge the Minister of State to get the marine protected area legislation in place. If that is done properly, not only will it protect our stocks, it will also protect our inshore fishers. If it is done well, it will increase fishing potential for people, so it needs to be done urgently. I plead for the Minister of State to have it as stand-alone legislation and that it is not just tacked on to something else. That would not give it the focus it requires. Please, get that done. We have been too long waiting and in the meantime, we are seeing stocks collapse and we are seeing our fishing industry collapse as well.

In his speech earlier, the Minister of State mentioned sprat. He referred to the fact that the banning of vessels over 18 m was an inshore-fishery measure. It is reckless of the Minister of State not to put in a quota for boats of under 18 m. He can still ensure a proper fishery for the boats under 18 m. They can still be prioritised but there needs to be a quota. The Marine Institute was very clear on this in the committee. Its representatives said that in the absence of any other data or information, the quota set by ICES, which was 2,240 tonnes, was the one that should be used. The precautionary principle needs to be used here. If the Minister of State does not get this right there may not be a fishery for some of those inshore boats and it is short-sighted not to apply a quota.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this vital topic. I also acknowledge Deputy Mac Lochlainn for his continued efforts to push for this and the Minister of State's attendance here as the relevant member of the Government. I want to make a few points today. This is a community that has been consistently left behind. It speaks to an area of my portfolio, which is the trade and sustainable industry element. I am coming at this as our enterprise spokesperson. Overfishing, as we have heard from many contributors today is compounding these problems. I want to focus not just on the industry itself but the lived reality of fishing communities across Ireland, the challenges they face and the policy failures that are simply squeezing them out of their business. Ireland is an island nation with 12% of the EU's fishing grounds and people along our coasts have made their livelihood from the sea for generations and it is vital that they continue to do so for many more generations. Sadly, however, overfishing has led us to a place where the scientific advice is recommending drastic reductions in quotas, including zero catches for cod, haddock and whiting. We cannot have a fishing industry without fish, and we need to see a policy which makes sure that we have plentiful stocks for years to come. We also need to fix the pattern of overfishing that has brought us here in the first place. We face immense challenges in this area when it comes to protecting our oceans, fishing communities and the jobs of people who live along our coasts. These are challenges that we need to take seriously and which we need to resolve as a matter of urgency. Inshore fishers have been a community that we have consistently left behind. Up and down our coastlines, we have communities that traditionally were full of people who made their livelihood on the sea. For many of those communities that way of life has been almost entirely wiped out in the past 50 years. Those who still do so face decreasing incomes, depleted fish stocks and lack of support in a job that is increasingly perilous.

The Common Agricultural Policy has been a huge support to Irish farmers but the Common Fisheries Policy has left Irish inshore fishers with the short straw on European fishing quotas. This has been compounded since Brexit, where Irish inshore fishers lost another quarter of that quota. These communities, particularly along the Atlantic coastline, which were never the most economically advantaged to begin with, are being pushed further to the margins. As I said, I come at this topic as my party's enterprise spokesperson, so I want to speak about the trade and sustainable industry components of that. In this context, I have heard and said many times in this Chamber that we need to find an economic model in Ireland that is not so reliant on foreign direct investment, FDI, and that is stable and sustainable. That means building up an indigenous industry and protecting it into the future. We need a stable economy and a tax base that we can rely on in good times and bad and which is guaranteed into the future in a world where few things are.

There is a version of our fishing industry that can be all of those things, namely, indigenous, stable and sustainable, but this vision is not yet the reality. Instead, the reality is a way of life that is being squeezed out of existence. It is galling to Irish inshore fishers and their communities, who are also dealing with the rising cost of living and hearing how wonderful our economy is, that their margins are being squeezed tighter and tighter. They certainly do not feel that their interests are being represented and fought for at national and EU level. We have seen the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea call on the EU to significantly reduce fishing quotas and our fishing stocks have drastically reduced. We are in a dangerous situation where fish cannot repopulate at the current rate of fishing. While small fishers struggle to get by, huge factory trawlers are hoovering up fish stocks inside and outside of our waters. We need a common-sense approach to fishing that protects our environment, fishing stocks and Irish inshore fisheries, because right now we have a situation which does not do any of those things.

Tá an saol ar chósta agus oileáin na hÉireann crua. Tuigeann daoine go bhfuil an saol seo crua. Tuigeann siad go bhfuil sé deacair agus contúirteach. Is é an rud nach dtuigeann siad ná cén fath nach bhfuil aon chabhair ar fáil dóibh.

We cannot ignore the crisis as it worsens year on year. We are facing a cliff edge of dwindling fish stocks, dwindling quotas and an industry and community pushed further towards the margins.

Cormac Devlin (Dún Laoghaire, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Given that Ireland is a maritime nation, our waters are a strategic asset. Our fishing communities are a living heritage and our policy choices now will decide whether the next generation will be able to make a livelihood from the sea. I welcome today’s debate and the Government’s continued investment in the sector.

Since 2020, over €180 million has been invested in seafood, with a further €50 million for local piers and harbours and €157.7 million provided in budget 2026 to keep that momentum going. That money matters on the ground in the form of safer harbours, modern kit and real supports for crews and processors. I welcome the re-establishment of the role of Minister of State for fisheries and marine. Since his appointment earlier this year, the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, has moved quickly. His work has encompassed capital works in our fishery harbour centres, reciprocal access with the UK out to 2038 with no change to quotas, the launch of the FLAG coastal communities scheme and a dedicated skills plan through BIM to bring new entrants into a modern, professional seafood industry. These are practical measures that build resilience when margins are tight and crews are hard to find.

There are major challenges for the sector ahead. ICES advice points to sharp reductions next year, with a 70% cut signalled for mackerel, 41% for blue whiting and 22% for boarfish. In the context of Ireland’s most valuable species, that is very worrying. The Government has committed to work with the industry on a pathway through this. Let us be honest, however. An adjustment of anything close to this level will bite. It will bite hardest where communities are most dependent on a narrow species mix. That is exactly why targeted investment, fleet efficiency, skills and local value-add are not just nice to have, they are also survival tools.

Let me turn to Dublin and the east coast, where the pattern is distinctive. Howth is our designated fishery harbour centre in Dublin. It anchors a significant processing cluster and sustains hundreds of jobs across the value chain. Continued capital investment there involving dredging, safety, berths and utilities is essential to keep output high and to secure processing jobs that support families right across the Dublin area. That work is already funded this year under the national capital allocations for fishery harbour centres, so let us keep it moving at pace. However, Dublin’s story is bigger than one harbour. Along the coast, we have small inshore fleets working pots for brown crab and lobster from Skerries and Clogherhead down to Bulloch Harbour in Dalkey, Kilmore Quay and Dunmore East. The decision to prohibit trawling by vessels over 18 m inside the six-mile zone helps restore that link between local resources and local boats. We support that policy and we want to see the benefits land locally.

I have two practical asks for Dublin Bay. The first relates to Dún Laoghaire Harbour. Dún Laoghaire is not a fishery harbour centre, but it is a major harbour with slipways, a public boatyard, fuel, water and easy logistics. I want to see it utilised further for inshore activity. That means designating a modest working area in the Coal Harbour or the Old Harbour for time-limited commercial landings by small craft, providing hose points and shore power, securing gear storage in order that pots will not be competing with leisure users or those engaged in boat and craft repairs. None of that would turn Dún Laoghaire into a second Howth, but it would make a real difference for inshore crews and for restaurants that want local catch on local plates.

My second ask relates to Bulloch Harbour. The tradition of lobster potting from Bulloch is part of our coastal identity in Dún Laoghaire. Let us back it with targeted micro-measures, such as small-gear grants, safe haul-out and storage, a seasonal conservation plan developed with fishers and young entrant supports tied to BIM training, in order that new skippers can step aboard with competence and confidence. If we want the tradition to endure, we should make it a little easier and a lot safer to work from Bulloch Harbour.

Across the east coast, there is a wider co-existence agenda. Offshore renewable energy is coming. Survey vessels are already using our ports, and the build-out is going to intensify. The State’s seafood-offshore renewable energy working group is the right forum. We need its outputs to be nailed down in practical protocols involving charted corridors, fair compensation for disruption and opportunities for fishing vessels to earn income on surveys and guard-duty work without being lost to the fleet. Dublin Bay and Dún Laoghaire Harbour can be national exemplars of good practice here, with climate action and coastal livelihoods rowing in the same direction.

We also need to keep pulling EU levers. Ireland must keep fighting for fair outcomes under the Common Fisheries Policy and in annual quota rounds. With European Maritime, Fisheries and Aquaculture Fund moneys already underpinning our seafood development programme, we should ring-fence the next multi-annual financial framework in order that fisheries supports are stable through the cycle.

As we prepare for the 2026 review milestones under the UK-EU trade and cooperation agreement, Ireland’s bottom line is clear - defend our access, defend our share and make sure landings support processing and jobs at home.

Regarding skills and safety, BIM through its plan, The Next Wave, is investing in the people we need, such as skippers, engineers, processors and those with business skills. That must continue. If we want young people to choose this life, we owe them modern kit, predictable income and a harbour they can come home to. We keep the knowledge alive by ensuring that people know how to set a string, read a tide and bring a boat and a crew back safe.

We must keep investing in Howth, unlock practical inshore facilities at Dún Laoghaire, safeguard and support lobster potting at Bulloch, manage offshore renewable energy in order that fishers will be partners and hold our line in Brussels and London while we ride out the stock cycle. If we do that, we will ensure that the next generation in Dublin, on the east coast and at ports around the island will see a future at sea.

Rose Conway-Walsh (Mayo, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

For months, we in Sinn Féin and our colleague Deputy Mac Lochlainn have been calling on the Government to allow statements on fisheries to take place in this House. In that context, I welcome the opportunity today to finally debate the future of an industry that is at breaking point. This is an industry that has been failed by successive Governments and abandoned by Brussels, but we have reached the point, as a result of years of neglect, where it is in crisis. Across our coastal communities from Donegal to Cork and from Mayo to Wexford, families that have fished these waters for generations are facing devastation. The latest international scientific advice has confirmed what many feared, namely a 70% cut to the mackerel quota alongside severe reductions for blue whiting and boarfish. These are not abstract figures. They are the difference between survival and collapse for Irish fishing communities, so let us be clear about what has happened here.

For years, fleets from countries such as Norway, Iceland and Russia among others have engaged in reckless overfishing of mackerel and other shared stocks. The European Commission has stood idly by. Year after year, it has expressed concern but taken no action. Now the punishment falls not on those who broke the rules but on those who played by them. Ireland, which controls 12% of EU waters yet receives less than 6% of the quota, is once again being made to pay the price for the failures of others. The reality is that the Common Fisheries Policy is broken. It is unjust, ineffective and fundamentally anti-Irish. It rewards those who over-fish and over penalises those who protect the resource. It has allowed foreign super-trawlers to plunder our waters while our own fleets are being decommissioned. If the EU continues down this road, our seafood sector could collapse within a year, wiping out 2,000 jobs and hundreds of millions of euro in exports. For fishing communities such as in my constituency in Mayo and around the coast, this is a crisis, which is why Sinn Féin is calling for urgent action.

The Government must immediately enter negotiations with the European Commission on an emergency financial package to sustain our fishing and seafood industry through this crisis. Those that have been punished for compliance must not be left to sink while the EU dithers. Second, we need a radical reset of the Common Fisheries Policy and for the Irish Government to fight for a fair share of quota in our own waters. We also need sanctions against the rogue states that continue to overfish and we need transparency around who within the EU benefits from these cosy arrangements.

It is vital for our fishing industry that our voice is finally heard loud and clear in Brussels. Our message is simple, enough is enough. The days of polite diplomacy and weak negotiation are over. Ireland's coastal and island communities deserve fairness, sustainability and respect. Our fishermen are not asking for favours. They are asking for justice and a future in the industry that built their communities and fed our nation. Sinn Féin will continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with them in Brussels, in this House and in every town and village across the island.

I will say a few words about the inshore sector. The inshore fleet is a vital part of our fishing sector, with almost 2,000 vessels. It provides more than half the employment in our seafood industry, sustaining coastal communities across the island. We will continue the proud history and tradition of Irish inshore fishing by collaborating with the sector and putting in place supports to ensure its growth. Sinn Féin's priorities for the inshore sector include revisiting, relaunching and implementing the Irish Inshore Fisheries Sector Strategy 2019-2023 in full, theme by theme, objective by objective and action by action; adequately resourcing the recently established inshore and islands producers organisations, the National Inshore Fishermen's Association and the Irish Islands Marine Resource Organisation; working with all sectors of the fishing industry to ensure a fair and reasonable distribution of the mackerel and herring quota and the quotas of other species as they arise; working with inshore fishermen and their representatives to identify new quota and non-quota fishing opportunities to build and grow new markets and identify financial and other types of supports that can be availed of during these turbulent times; developing a continuity grant that can be accessed by the inshore and islands fishing sector to promote growth and revitalise communities; and enacting and implementing the Islands Fisheries (Heritage Licence) Bill 2017.

We have to take seriously what is happening.

Charles Ward (Donegal, 100% Redress Party)
Link to this: Individually | In context

It is hard not to feel completely hopeless about the fishing industry at the moment. What was once a prosperous industry is now facing complete collapse. It is utter devastation, as the Minister of State is well aware. The numbers have been outlined multiple times already, but it is important they are repeated until we get to grips with what we are facing and its potential impact. The International Council for the Exploration of the Sea has advised the following cuts, starting next year: a 70% cut in mackerel, a 41% cut in blue whiting, a 22% cut in boarfish, a 71% cut in Irish Sea whiting, a 59% cut in Irish Sea plaice and a 30% cut in Irish Sea haddock. As well as these cuts, a cut in Dublin Bay prawns is expected next week. The fishing industry faces losing up to €200 million.

The Minister of State knows about these numbers. We have discussed them at length over recent months in the fisheries committee. The response from the Government has been extremely underwhelming. It is an attitude of deafness regarding fishing. It is as though these cuts and the industry's decline have already been accepted. We have no control over what happens in our waters, but we should. We have spent so long pandering to Europe that we have completely forgotten our value and the value of our fishing industry.

Ireland holds about 12% of EU waters but is allocated less than 6% of the fishing quota. We are getting back half of what we have and we allow it. We allow Europe and other countries to consistently take and take, which they do. In 2010, Iceland and the Faroe Islands increased their mackerel quotas without consulting the other countries that have a shared interest in these stocks, and we let them. In 2021, the Faroe Islands and Norway raised their mackerel quotas without agreement with the EU, despite Ireland being the most reliant on them, and we let them. In 2013, the Faroe Islands increased its allowance for herring by 229% and we allowed it. In 2020, following the Brexit trade co-operation agreement, 40% of the total value of European quotas was transferred to the UK from Ireland, and we let Europe sell off our half. This deal has been extremely damaging and has cost the fishing industry an estimated €180 million to date. In 2024, the UK signed an agreement with Norway and the Faroe Islands, dividing up 70% of the mackerel between them without involving the EU. We let them get away with that too.

Today, vessels from EU states, as well as fleets from the southern hemisphere, fish bluefin tuna, a lucrative species, in our waters, while Irish fishermen are forced to observe this because Europe has not allowed us to access this stock. French and British vessels continue to fish seabass on our doorstep while we have not been able to fish it since the 1990s and yet again, we let them away with this and much more. For how much longer will we let Europe and other countries take advantage of us?

If this was happening in any other industry, there would be complete uproar. However, the fishing industry gets ignored and is undervalued again and again, despite being a massive part of the country's culture and heritage, as well as a massive economic asset. Bord Iascaigh Mhara, BIM, reported that in 2024 Ireland's seafood economy generated €1.24 billion in GDP. The sector sustained more than 16,800 direct and indirect jobs across fishing services and other services, yet the Government fails to take action. It fails to protect this industry and the jobs of people of who have made this industry their livelihood.

Worse than that, it continues to support the very mechanisms and policies that actively hurt the industry. In its budget announcement at the beginning of the month, the Government stated it intends to support fully the implementation of the Common Fisheries Policy. Basically, it seeks to support the very outdated policy that is causing these significant cuts. I understand the total allowance catch numbers are set annually at EU level for each region and each fish species. Ireland then receives its percentage for these through the total allowable catches, TAC, system. The percentage reflects the size and scope of the Irish fishing industry during the 1970s, which is half a century ago. That is why we have no bluefin tuna quota as there were no recorded landings over 50 years ago. Quite frankly, that is ridiculous in this day and age. The country and fishing industry have changed astronomically.

It is clear this policy holds us back, yet the Government calls for the full implementation of the Common Fisheries Policy. This speaks of a Government that is completely out of touch with the fishing industry. The European Commission is currently evaluating the Common Fisheries Policy but the review has been going on for far too long. The cuts we face are due to take place in less than three months. We do not have time to wait. Armegeddon is coming. There is no doubt our industry will be completely wiped out if any further quota cuts are enforced, never mind the 70% cut in mackerel. Ireland's TAC share of mackerel is more than that of any other species and its value supports more of the fishing industry than any other significant margin, yet it seems tthe Government's negotiation strategy is not to reject such devastating quota cuts but to allow a lesser cut and apply for the Hague preferences, a small additional allowance, to patch it up, rather than try to fix the root problem.

It is disappointing that the Government consistently takes such a weak negotiation stance when it comes to fishing. We are so desperate to please Europe that it is to the detriment of our fisheries and citizens. It is not fair that Irish fishers are forced to bear the brunt of a weak Government that does not seem to have the best interests of the fisheries at heart. As I come from a coastal community, an island community, I can tell the House that further cuts to quotas will cause catastrophic damage and we should not be immune to hearing this. Fishing communities are barely surviving as it is. In Donegal, I see at first hand every day that it takes entire towns and communities to make towns successful. Killybegs is one example. It was a thriving town, but it is in decline. The next few months and decisions will determine the future of that place. Killybegs has a history of fishing. It has raised families on fishing, but right now as we speak, fish factories are not operating and boats are tied up. I come from an island, Arranmore, where fishing has been an important part of the island's history. That history is being erased with every cut and every time we are treated unfairly. Many of our island piers and harbours lack basic services such as electricity, waste collection, lighting and water supply. There are problems and on top of that many inshore fisheries face discrimination against smaller fisheries. Inshore fisheries are denied funding from the Brexit adjustment reserve.

That almost the entire mackerel and herring quota is given to just 50 large vessels, owned by about two dozen, is extremely unfair. These people face an uncertain Christmas and an uncertain future. This is solvable with the right Government and political will. The Minister has the will to do this. He will have to do it because if he does not, we are facing Armageddon for the fishing industry all over Ireland. I believe the Minister will have to go in hard and fight for the people and the fisheries.

Mairéad Farrell (Galway West, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

The Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, knows and has spent time in the coastal communities I represent in Galway. We talk about Connemara and the four offshore islands in Galway West where the lifestyle is completely interwoven with the sea and fishing. It really is a way of life. Anyone who is familiar with fishing communities knows the importance of European fishing quotas and of states respecting these quotas. This is why it is so important for the Government to represent the interests of hard-working Irish fishers when negotiating quotas and representing their interests in Europe.

I am regularly contacted by fishers who ask for a bluefin tuna quota, which I have previously raised with the Minister of State. Understandably, our fishing communities are furious that non-EU third states are overfishing with no repercussions. This has led to recent scientific recommendations to cut fishing quotas of species like mackerel. Mackerel is very important to our fishing communities and any cuts will be devastating for them.

This is why it is so shameful that certain Irish MEPs voted for the agreement that would hand over Irish fishing territory and quotas to Norway and Iceland in return for funding. Meanwhile, Ireland will not see a red cent of that money despite these concessions. This is bad for Ireland and turns its back on our fishing communities. Along with Independent, Labour and Independent Ireland MEPs, all four Fianna Fáil MEPs supported it. This is particularly concerning, considering that Fianna Fáil holds the Ministry responsible for fisheries.

Our fishing communities need us all to stand up for them internationally to protect our quotas and negotiate deals that will support coastal communities and not leave them on their own. We cannot reward states that overfish our waters with higher quotas. We need the EU to take action to ensure that all states fish responsibly based on the science. We need a better deal for Irish fishers. We need justice and fairness for our Irish fishing communities, once and for all.

Tá a fhios ag an Aire Stáit go maith cé chomh tábhachtach is atá cúrsaí iascaireachta i gConamara agus ar na hoileán amuigh ón chósta thar timpeall na Gaillimhe. Tá ceithre cinn acu. Tuigeann muid cé chomh tábhachtach is atá an iascaireacht ní hamháin don gheilleagair, ach do shaol na ndaoine sin chomh maith. Cuireann sé frustrachas uafásach ar iascairí nuair a fheiceann siad céard a tharlaíonn ar bhonn leibhéal na hEorpa agus an Aontais Eorpaigh. Mothaíonn siad nach bhfuil an méid atá ag teastáil uathu á chur in iúl ag an Rialtas, ná ag Feisirí Eorpacha áirithe, ag leibhéal an Aontais Eorpaigh. Níl sé sách maith go bhfuil siad ag fulaingt agus ag streachailt mar gheall air seo. Tá sé fíorthábhachtach go n-oibríonn chuile dhuine sa Teach seo le chéile chun cinntiú go mbeidh deal níos fearr ag iascairí na hÉireann. Tá sé thar am go ndéanann muid é seo mar tá a fhios againn nach raibh sé déanta le 20, 30 nó 40 bliain anuas. Anois, áfach, tá Aire Stáit againn. Tá an tAire Stáit ann agus tá sé thar am go mbainfear úsáid as an ról sin chun é sin a chinntiú.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I thank the Chief Whip for making the statements possible today. Deputy Mac Lochlainn and I pushed hard for this debate, which is of huge importance at the present time. I would like this to be an honest debate. I do not want to stand here speaking and not getting answers. I would like to get answers to the questions I am putting to the Minister. I want us to work together to save our fishing industry. This is where we are at.

The proposed 70% cut in the European Union’s mackerel fishing quota will wipe out the industry in Ireland. I was at a meeting of TDs and Senators the other night. I will tell the Minister that the fishers of Ireland are well pissed off - pardon my language - with successive Governments hanging them out to dry. The word that was used when describing what was happening in the fishing industry was “Armageddon”, as Deputy Ward mentioned. In the fishers’ own words, they are saying it is a total collapse of the sector. If current trends continue, there will be irreparable damage to coastal communities, livelihoods and the marine economy. The fishers say it is a point of no return and that, without immediate and decisive intervention, recovery may be impossible. They use the word “Armageddon” to wake up policymakers, including the Minister, unless the policymakers want to see the end of an era for Irish fishing.

My God, does the Minister know what is one of the biggest costs for Cork County Council at present? It is repairing the road into Castletownbere. From what? It is from damage done by Spanish lorries going into Castletownbere numerous times weekly to load Irish fish on Spanish boats, while our Irish boats are tied up with empty tanks. Those trucks driving out of Castletownbere are causing a world of damage to the road. It is astonishing. You could not make it up in a cartoon or a comedy because no one would believe it.

Today, I am not just a representative of my constituents. I am a voice for the coastal communities of Ireland that are being systematically dismantled by the failures of fishery policy at home and in Europe. The figures speak for themselves. In just the past seven years, the Irish fleet has suffered estimated losses of €90 million to €100 million. This is not just a financial crisis. It is a cultural and community catastrophe. Mackerel quotas have been slashed by 77%, costing us €66 million. Blue whiting is down by 41%, a €7.5 million blow. Prawns have been reduced by 12% to 13%, costing €4.8 million. Entire fleets are being shut down. The Celtic Sea fleet is effectively grounded. The Irish Sea fleet is barely operational. Ports like Castletownbere, Union Hall, Dunmore East, Clogherhead, Howth, Kilmore Quay, Killybegs and Greencastle are facing existential threats. Seventeen boats were taken from Castletownbere alone in the most recent decommissioning scheme. They are not just boats. They are our livelihoods, traditions and futures.

Despite Ireland contributing 12% of EU waters, we receive just 6% of the fish. This is a grotesque imbalance. Our fishers are being asked to stop fishing in their own waters while foreign vessels continue to exploit these stocks. Where is the fairness? Where is the sovereignty? The Common Fisheries Policy, compounded by the Brexit trade and co-operation agreement, has failed Ireland. Stocks are declining even though our fishers have reduced their catches year after year. ICES now describes the situation in the Celtic and Irish seas as particularly concerning, with many stocks falling below critical biomass thresholds.

We are being punished for our compliance. We need, first, immediate financial aid to support our fleet and communities, second, a succession plan to ensure the future of Irish fishing and, third, a legal challenge to the EU’s policy failure, if necessary. The legal mechanism exists, namely, Articles 263, 265 and 340 of the TFEU, to challenge unlawful conduct and the failure to act, and to seek damages. If our Government will not act, then we on this side of the House and the fishers must consider doing this ourselves. We also demand the application of the Hague preferences to allow our fishers to remain legal in their own waters.

What of bluefin tuna? Despite a massive recovery in stock numbers, Ireland receives no quota, only a bycatch allowance. This is unacceptable. What about our fishing rights off Rockall? Have we got those rights back? Are we going to get them back? Is this another kick in the you-know-what for Irish fishers? This is not just about fish. It is about fairness. It is about the survival of our coastal communities. It is about Ireland's right to fish in Irish waters.

First, can the Minister confirm what emergency financial aid package is being considered to address the estimated €90 million to €100 million in losses suffered by the Irish fleet? Second, what is his response to the fact that 17 boats were removed from Castletownbere alone under the most recent decommissioning scheme? What continued support is being offered to those families and communities? Third, why does Ireland, which contributes 12% of EU waters, receive only 6% of the fish? What steps are being taken to correct this imbalance?

I wish the Minister would take this down because these are very serious questions that come from the fishers, not from me. If the Minister can answer them, they and I would greatly appreciate it.

Martin Heydon (Kildare South, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

My officials are taking note of all the questions.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Fourth, will the Minister commit to pushing for the application of the Hague preferences to ensure Irish fishers can legally fish in their own waters? Fifth, why is Ireland being denied a dedicated quota for bluefin tuna despite a clear recovery in stock levels and historical fishing effort? Sixth, does the Minister accept that the Common Fisheries Policy and the Brexit trade and co-operation agreement have disproportionately harmed Ireland's fishing sector? Seventh, will the Government consider initiating a legal challenge under Articles 263, 265 or 340 of the TFEU to seek redress for these policy failures?

Eighth, how does the Government explain the continued decline in fish stocks despite Irish fishermen reducing their catches over the past seven years? Ninth, what is the Government’s position on ICES recommending zero TACs for key species in the Celtic and Irish Seas, effectively shutting down entire fleets? Tenth, what is the Government’s plan for succession and recruitment in the fishing industry to ensure its long-term survival? Eleventh, will the Government commit to a full review of Ireland’s share of blue whiting, given the massive biomass and the unfair allocation of just 59,000 tonnes from a TAC of over 1.4 million tonnes? Twelfth, are the Minister and Minister of State going to agree on the 70% proposed cuts on mackerel quotas? What is their plan for other quotas for these fishermen who want to work in the sea?

I urge them to stand with these fishermen. I had a meeting with them. It is at crisis point. It was at crisis point without ever a worry of a 70% mackerel cut. That is game over for them. People have invested in fishing. I have been down in Wexford and in different ports meeting with fishermen. It is the same down in west Cork. People have spent millions of euro investing in their boats, fleet and staff, and to think this is what is facing them. They are facing ruination. It is a serious crisis. I urge the Government to stand with us, fight for our fisherman, demand reform and if reform is denied then let us challenge the injustice in the courts of Europe.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I raise a very serious issue that is happening in my constituency in Mayo. That is the proposed closure of the Cong hatchery. This facility is one of the most important pieces of infrastructure in Mayo. It is fundamentally important. It is the jewel in the crown of the tourism sector in south Mayo. Cong, Ballinrobe, much of south Mayo and Galway rely on this important angling and tourism sector. The IFI is proposing to close this hatchery. Why is this important? It is important that the Minister of State understands that the hatchery was established in the 1960s. It was established as a result of a near wipe-out of salmon stocks. The IFI created the hatchery. It imported genetics from abroad. It has been hugely successful in replenishing the near wipe-out of salmon stocks across the Corrib. Many of the smolts that are produced have a huge success rate in leaving our shores, travelling across North America and returning.

The IFI decided to close without any environmental assessment. In fact, I have written to the Minister of State. I have submitted parliamentary questions. I was amazed at the response. I asked what analysis was done on the fish stocks in the region. There was no analysis done. I also asked what analysis was done on the impact on the tourism sector in south Mayo and Connemara. The reply was astonishing. It stated that because, in the 1960s, the hatchery was not established for the purposes of tourism, no impact assessment would be done. What kind of response is that? Cong and south Mayo have developed on the back of this really important piece of infrastructure, but no impact analysis is done. There are hundreds of jobs and businesses that rely on tourism in south Mayo. This is an important aspect that must be considered. I ask the Minister of State to consider the impact on tourism and the impact it will have on fish stocks in the region.

The report that was published by the North Atlantic Salmon Conservation Organisation, NASCO, is being used to essentially close the Cong hatchery, but the fact is that NASCO recognises that well-managed hatcheries can play an important role in conservation of our fish stocks. The science used to justify the closure manipulates the international guidance and overlooks Cong’s valuable service. I asked about the assessment that was done on the fish stocks that are produced in Cong but no data was provided. This hatchery should be used as flagship hatchery. It should be a model to follow, a place we can go to learn and research and an education facility. I have no doubt that if we see an epidemic like the environmental disaster we saw in the River Blackwater, we will rue the day that we close this. This will cost millions of euro to re-establish down the line.

Before this hatchery is closed, I ask the Minister of State to join me in Cong, visit the facility and see the valuable contribution. It is just two hours from County Clare. I will join him at the facility in Cong at any point of his choosing. I am asking him to pause, reflect, intervene and understand what is at stake here for the entire region, not just for tourism but in term of the salmon stocks in south Mayo. It is fundamentally important. Will the Minister of State commit to visiting Cong hatchery before the IFI closes this facility?

David Cullinane (Waterford, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

A lot of issues have been raised by my colleagues, particularly by Teachtaí Mac Lochlainn and McGuinness, in relation to quotas, an existential threat facing fishermen and European and State policy. I support all of that and all the points that they made.

I wish to concentrate on infrastructure because it is important. The Minister visited Waterford recently. One of the points of the discussion was Helvick Harbour. The need to the develop those harbours is quite clear to anybody who is looking at this. We in Sinn Féin have been raising this issue for years. Helvick pier falls under the local authority harbours programme. The problem is that it does not get enough funding and is not able to do the engineering or environmental studies. That creates problems for projects to be done. Everybody gets sent around the houses. We go around in circles and the work does not get done. There needs to be a reform of how funding is provided in the first instance, particularly to those local authority harbours. Helvick is one of them, but there are others across the State as well.

I raise the issue of Dunmore East Harbour. It is an issue that I have been raising for a long number of years in relation to the development of that harbour. It is a shining example of what can be done regarding marine tourism and water sports activity. There is lots going on there during the summer. There is an adventure playground where young children can go out and swim in the harbour. There are fishing boats. Sometimes, we have cruise ships that come in. It is all fantastic. The problem is that they cannot all coexist in the current harbour because it is just not sufficient. There was a study commissioned by the Department a number of years ago. It was a very good study; it was a feasibility study on what needed to ensure that we can maximise the potential of Dunmore East Harbour. It outlined four options ranging from €17 million to €45 million. Nothing was done, not a thing. It dropped off the face of the earth. It dropped off a cliff. I have not seen anything from the Government or the Department since. Despite the fact I was submitting parliamentary questions well before the most recent general election, trying to get a sense of what happened there and where it went, we did not get any response. I ask the Minister to look into that feasibility study.

Pat Buckley (Cork East, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context

As a coastal TD, I have seen at first hand the decline in the fishing industry. The sector has suffered quota cuts, fleet reductions and fuel pressures. The input of cost increases in recent years has left them facing crisis after crisis. This is following decades of neglect, mismanagement and weak negotiations on their behalf by successive Fianna Fáil- and Fine Gael-led Governments. I want to touch on something because people have mentioned quotas and different stocks. I am going to give a real-life story. A gentleman named Mr. CJ Gaffney is the perfect example of the incredible damage that has been done and continues to be done to the Irish fishing industry. It has literally been gutted – pardon the pun. In 2007, CJ purchased a Dutch trawler, the Mary Kate, and subsequently found that it had serious stability issues that made the boat uninsurable.

After trying to take legal action in Holland and in Germany, as it was German registered, without success, he took out a loan to cover the considerable cost of fixing that boat. Despite finishing the repairs in 2012 at an eye-watering cost to himself, CJ had been unable to earn a living fishing the boat for so long that he was forced to sell it. A UK buyer was found, but due to the boat's history it could not be registered in the UK as part of the fishing fleet. He had to surrender the boat to the bank in 2012 along with his fishing licence, and was left with debts of over €1 million. The decade-long crusade has left CJ emotionally and financially spent with petitions to the European Commission and to the Irish Government to see if they could draw down EU funds from the European fisheries fund in compensation, but that is falling on deaf ears. Now dismantled, her fate has resonated deeply in many coastal communities across the country who have been ignored by consecutive Governments. Questions need to be answered by this Government and by the EU as to how this beam trawler was issued with a stamped stability book from a renowned international classification society. This had serious maritime safety implications. The Gaffney family deserve compensation for this ordeal. We need to ensure that no other family will ever face the same injustice.

Barry Heneghan (Dublin Bay North, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Táim buíoch don Aire Stáit as a thuras chuig Bhaile Átha Cliath thuaidh. It was great to see him with the local fishermen and the people who are engaged with local businesses i mBinn Éadair. It is very important to have been at that table to talk to the local fishermen. He witnessed how greatly the local economy is based on fishing. Howth is a huge tourist attraction. Americans come to this beautiful capital city, get the bus out to Howth, go on the walk, see the fishermen and eat the fresh fish. There are so many jobs based on that. The main thing the Minister of State heard about from that meeting is the dredging of the harbour. There is a serious delay at the moment. I understand the EPA has a reason and there are issues that need to be examined. Can the Department speed that up? Some estimates show that nearly 220,000 cu. m. of material needs to be removed. We have to do that sensitively as there is a lot of marine life around the area. Clearance of this material would restore depth and safety and ensure navigation of all craft. Residents in Howth are saying there have been incidents where the lifeboat was having difficult in certain areas of the port. Could the Department look at ways to expedite the environmental authorisation along with the rigorous safeguards?

I also want to reinforce the long discussion we had on the Syncrolift boat lift that is currently there. It is 40 years old and sadly the parts for that lift are not available any more. If that lift was out of service, all the local fishermen, boats and businesses, the fishmongers, restaurants and boat developers would not be able to work and the local economy would be damaged. I was on the phone to a local fisherman today. It is essential that this infrastructure be upgraded.

Returning to the dredging, the issue of boat access is linked in that there have been cases where it is inefficient at low tide on certain channels. Other Members have commented on EU fishing laws. We saw how the fishermen spoke to the Minister of State that day. I know that he engaged with them and that we do have our hands tied when it comes to EU laws. Is there a way he could look into the matters those fishermen asked him to expedite? I look forward to welcoming him back to Howth to open a new boat lift in the next month or two.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I am glad to get an opportunity to talk on behalf of the fishing industry and coastal communities in general. When fishermen cannot make money, coastal communities are adversely affected. We have to give credit to the British going back to the 1600s. They built up the fishing industry in Ireland and gave the local people at the time the wherewithal to get the fishing industry going, which we carried on through thick and thin for many years. Since our accession to the EU, we have lost much of our fishing quotas to the detriment of Irish fishermen and the coastal communities that I mentioned. All that has been done for them was to pay some of them. We saw the grand presentations they made to us in front of national conference centre where the Dáil was sitting during Covid. We saw the orderly fashion they came in, so many of them, and made their presentation. Each and every one of them was hurting and I always think of them for the meticulous way they made their presentation. There was no repetition. Each of them had their own amount to say and said it eloquently. We have not done enough for them. We need to.

There is one thing that I know anyway. I have not seen or tasted a mackerel for almost three years. Like all of us, I was very fond of them. They are not to be seen any more. Where are they gone? I do not know. I remember even people from Kilgarvan used to go back down to Valentia and fish off the rocks there. We lost one great man there, Ned Carey, from Coollick in Kilcummin. It was such a thing at the time but I am told there is no mackerel to be had now. There are serious concerns as well as we are losing our quotas to pair trawling in Kenmare Bay. When is that going to be addressed and fair play meted out? The larger trawlers are coming in and cleaning the whole thing out, every kind of fish. I am blaming that for the fact that I cannot get a mackerel or the people of Kilgarvan or anyone else around us. Where are they going? It is not fair. No one person should own anything like that and no large entity should be able to clean out a place like that. All I am asking for is fair play. I do not want to put those people out of business either but we have to see after the smaller people, the Joe Jims who are now dead and Donal Shea who braved the elements. They always said the fishing was better on the bad day when the wind and rain were blowing. That is when they were out at their best because they seemed to get the fish in those conditions.

We need to address that. We have been promised for so long. There are so many people along Tuosist and back the way to Ardgroom and back to Berehaven and there is concern about that. People around Kilmakillogue are always mentioning it. The one thing I have pride in is that these fish lorries go up through Kilgarvan village late at night getting fuel. We liked to see them passing. They would go back empty and go up full. There is not as many of them now. Why is that? We have lost our quotas, I am told. We need to ensure the continuation of the people in the rural communities down along the Iveragh peninsula and all the way around to Dingle. We need to retain the coastal communities and keep them going. Fishing did keep those people traditionally in business and kept the local shop and pub going. It is not just the fisherman; it is whole communities that depend on and take pride in their fishermen. We are losing that. I am asking the Ministers to fight harder for quotas and get what rightfully belongs to us. We seem to have left a lot of it slip under successive Governments. I am not blaming the two Ministers but this is their time to get into action and make a mark for themselves and ensure they get the respect we need them to get for the fishing and coastal communities. They are very important to us. We seem to have a shortage of housing everywhere but the biggest cry is here in Dublin. We need to spread out and diversify and have enough people living in the rural parts of Ireland as well. It cannot be all about Dublin. We must remember the people who are braving the elements on the western seaboard and trying to eke out a living. We have to see after them as well.

David Maxwell (Cavan-Monaghan, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I call the Minister to make his concluding statement.

Martin Heydon (Kildare South, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I thank Deputies for their engagement in what is a really important debate on the issues in respect of fisheries. The concern in all our coastal communities, as raised by Deputies, is very evident, particularly in Donegal and Cork where fishing is such an intrinsic part of our economic activity, as it is in Waterford and Dublin - the latter which is sometimes forgotten in terms of costal communities and economic activity - and, as the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, knows all too well, Clare.

Deputy Lawless raised specific points which relate to inland fisheries that the Minister of State, wearing his other hat, will come back to from the other Department's side. Regarding the specific questions Deputy Collins raised, in my ten minutes here I do not have time to go through them all but the Minister of State will engage with the Deputy in correspondence on those very detailed, specific points.

I flag here that the waters around Ireland’s 7,500 km coastline have always been a source of remarkable seafood. Fishing remains of significant social and economic importance to Ireland and for many of our coastal communities, it is intrinsically linked to their identity and way of life. The sector employs over 15,000 people on fishing vessels and aquaculture sites, in processing operations and in the distribution of seafood. It helps to sustain vibrant rural and coastal communities across Ireland. Right now, however, the sector is under significant pressure. The Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, and I share many of the concerns raised during the debate, particularly those in relation to the setting of fishing opportunities in 2026.

As has been outlined, on 30 September, the International Council for Exploration of the Seas published deeply concerning advice for widely distributed pelagic stocks in 2026, including mackerel, blue whiting and boarfish, which were said to be depleted. This has caused deep and understandable concern in the sector. Given the urgent nature of these concerns, Ireland will bring a point to the agenda under "any other business" at the EU AGRIFISH Council next week, calling for urgent EU action to save north-east Atlantic pelagic stocks. We will call for the European Commission to identify and adopt suitable measures to respond to this crisis and, in particular, to bring forward measures regarding third countries which fail to co-operate and allow unsustainable fishing of a stock of common interest for the Union. Ireland will support the EU in taking a stand to engage constructively and as an equal partner with our fellow coastal states in the north-east Atlantic on the sustainable management of our shared fisheries resources. However, we must send a clear signal that the EU will no longer tolerate actions which threaten the sustainability of this vital natural resource or the viability of the EU’s seafood sector. In addition, we are committed to working across government to assess what supports may be available to the seafood sector in this very difficult context. Discussions are ongoing to explore options within the constraints of both EU and national Exchequer funding and the relevant EU and national legislation.

As regards bluefin tuna, I fully understand the very strong lobby among Irish fishermen for Ireland to receive an allocation of the EU's bluefin tuna quota. Ireland has a national quota for northern albacore tuna. Annual catch limits are set by the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas based on scientific advice. Ireland does not have a national quota for bluefin tuna. The available bluefin tuna quota is allocated each year to member states based on relative stability, as established in the late 1990s. At that time, Ireland did not have a track record of commercial fishing for bluefin tuna and, accordingly, did not receive a quota allocation. However, a small bluefin tuna by-catch quota is available to Ireland, primarily for use in our important northern albacore tuna fishery and Celtic Sea herring fishery, where there can be bluefin tuna by-catch.

In 2018, Ireland was successful, for the first time, in securing an agreement that allowed it to set up a catch-tag-release fishery to contribute to the collection of scientific data for the bluefin tuna stock. This catch-tag-release science-based fishery for authorised recreational angling vessels has been in place since 2019 and supports the collection of valuable data on the migratory patterns of bluefin tuna in Irish waters. This fishery is most beneficial to Ireland, as it increases our knowledge of the behaviour and abundance of bluefin tuna, while also providing a small but valuable tourism benefit to peripheral coastal communities. Ireland has made it clear to EU member states and the European Commission that there is a case for an allocation of the EU’s bluefin tuna quota to be made available to Ireland. The case is supported by the data collected in the catch-tag-release science-based fishery for authorised recreational angling vessels. Ireland has requested the opening of discussions at EU level to progress Ireland’s case and has made formal statements on the matter at numerous fisheries Council meetings in recent years. Opening up this issue is difficult, as other member states are resistant to any discussion on amending relative stability for this stock. As is the case across quota stocks in the EU, any change to relative stability would involve a loss for some other member states and, therefore, would pose particular challenges in a qualified majority voting context. However, the case for a national quota for bluefin tuna is supported by the data collected in the catch-tag-release science-based fishery for authorised recreational angling vessels. The Minister of State and I will continue to support our efforts on this at every available opportunity.

The ongoing impacts of Brexit to the sector and the extension to the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement, TCA, has also been raised in the House. I know it was a significant frustration to the sector that Ireland did not get some quota back from the UK in the discussions which ended in May this year. The challenge we have faced in this area has been the comparative strength of the UK's negotiating position vis-à-vis the EU’s. UK vessels do not rely on access to EU waters to fish to the same extent that EU vessels do. North Sea member states such as France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark and Sweden are particularly reliant on access to the UK's exclusive economic zone, EEZ. While Irish vessels are not as dependent, we fish approximately one third of our catch in UK waters. Therefore, in the 2020 EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement, a strategic link was established between fisheries and energy. Without the agreement at the May summit, we faced the possibility of the UK either refusing to agree to a multi-year reciprocal access arrangement or seeking further quota transfers in order to agree to continued access for EU vessels. This was especially relevant as we approach the end of the adjustment period. This was critically important for Ireland as we suffered disproportionately on quota transfers in the TCA and we were determined not to lose one more fish. Given the number of fish stocks shared between the EU and UK - over 80 - it would not be feasible to negotiate and agree on access to waters and quotas on an annual basis. Therefore, the priority was to secure a continuation of the current arrangements with continued reciprocal access and no further transfers in quota from the EU to the UK. Ireland sought the longest possible extension to the status quo, on condition of there being no additional quotas transferred to the UK. The fisheries agreement reached sees an extension of 12 years of the status quo to June 2038, significantly longer than the four years previously sought by the United Kingdom. The certainty of an agreement to extend reciprocal access for EU and UK vessels to fish in each other’s waters for a period of 12 years, with no change to existing quota shares, is therefore welcome and a much better outcome than some of the other possibilities.

I also welcome the commitment to the negotiation of a sanitary and phytosanitary, SPS, agreement between the EU and the UK. This will be based on dynamic alignment by the UK with EU food safety standards and rules. There are long-established and mutually beneficial trading relationships between food producers in Ireland and food businesses and retailers in the UK. A comprehensive SPS agreement would greatly reduce the administrative burden on agrifood businesses exporting to the UK.

Many Deputies have raised the issue of Rockall, both today and in previous debates, and the desire of Irish fishermen to return to fishing in the waters around Rockall, especially for squid. Rockall is a small, uninhabitable rock located approximately 160 nautical miles west of the Scottish islands of St. Kilda and 230 nautical miles to the north-west of Donegal, as we all know. Ireland has not sought to claim sovereignty over Rockall. The UK claimed sovereignty over Rockall in 1955 and sought to formally annex it as part of Scotland under its 1972 Island of Rockall Act. The consistent position of successive Irish Governments is that Ireland does not recognise Britain's claim of sovereignty over Rockall. Accordingly, Ireland does not accept that a 12 nautical mile or 22 km territorial sea exists around Rockall. We understand that the UK takes a different view. In addition, Rockall, and similar rocks and skerries, have no significance for generating an exclusive economic zone or establishing legal claims to the continental shelf. We believe this position is reflected in the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which provides, at Article 121, paragraph 3, that, "Rocks which cannot sustain human habitation or economic life of their own shall have no exclusive economic zone or continental shelf." I assure the House that reaching an agreement on issues relating to Rockall remains an important issue for the Government and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is in ongoing contact with the relevant Scottish and UK authorities in this regard. This is an area to which the Minister of State has committed to contributing constructively in the months ahead, as he has in his time in this portfolio to date.

The programme for Government recognises the valuable role of fisheries in this country. As Minister, I am committed, alongside my Government colleagues, to defending the interests of the Irish fishing sector and securing a sustainable future for the sector. It is a sector that makes an invaluable contribution to our coastal communities and the rural economy. We will continue to work on addressing the issues it faces on behalf of the communities that rely on that activity for their livelihood. I thank the Office of the Ceann Comhairle for facilitating this important debate today.