Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

recognises that: — the reunification of Ireland is an objective of Bunreacht na hÉireann; and

— there is a growing national discussion around constitutional change with people from diverse backgrounds now exploring the possibility of Irish unity; notes that: — the Good Friday Agreement 1998 provides the democratic and peaceful means to achieve reunification through the provision of unity referendums; and

— the significant Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement report "Perspectives on Constitutional Change: Finance and Economics", recommends the establishment of Citizen Assemblies and other relevant forums, a designated Joint Oireachtas Committee and a Government Department to take responsibility for planning and preparing for constitutional change, received cross-party support; and calls on the Irish Government to plan and prepare for Irish unity, through the following actions: — establish an all-island representative Citizens' Assembly or Assemblies, to allow for informed debate, and a Joint Oireachtas Committee on Irish Unity to enable careful planning;

— produce and publish a plan towards Irish unity in conjunction with civic society and key stakeholders;

— engage with northern protestant and unionist opinion about the future of Ireland; and

— work to secure a date for the referendums on unity provided for in the Good Friday Agreement.

To promote his 1977 album, Heroes, the late, great David Bowie coined the phrase, "Tomorrow belongs to those who can hear it coming". This message should resonate powerfully as together we look to the future of our country and to our national journey from peace to unity. A united Ireland is an idea whose moment has come. The politics of Irish nationhood has come full circle. A century ago, partition was forced upon our people against our will, under the British threat of immediate and terrible war. The formation of two conservative states divided and separated the people of Ireland. This was an act of political vandalism which sowed the seeds of military occupation and conflict. Today, the Orange state built on prejudice and discrimination is no more. The Good Friday Agreement, signed almost 30 years ago, transformed the future. The perpetual unionist majority is gone. The most recent set of elections has cemented nationalism as the political perspective with the largest support. I say this not to sound the bell of triumphalism, far from it, but, rather, to underscore the immense change that is taking place. This is a change best represented by the fact that Michelle O'Neill, a republican woman from Tyrone, now leads the Executive as First Minister for all.

More and more people now see that partition has failed both communities and has failed Ireland. The momentum for the reunification of Ireland is building. Across Ireland, among people from all walks of life, the unity conversation is live and there is an onus on the Government to prepare for constitutional change and to plan for unity referendums. There are encouraging signs of growing support for Irish unity in successive electoral results, demographic changes, contributions from civic society, opinion polling and public commentary.

July's landmark research report by Professor John Doyle of Dublin City University supported by Ulster University's Economic Policy Centre deals a fatal blow to the economic arguments proffered against a united Ireland demonstrating that the costs associated with unity have tended to be exaggerated while the benefits of an all-Ireland economy have been largely ignored. The question is now no longer: "How can we afford to unite Ireland?" It is rather: "How can we afford not to?"

Throughout society, the unity discussion is widening and deepening led by civic organisations like Ireland's Future; grassroots GAA groups, including Gaels Le Chéile; across academia; and the commissions of political parties, including those of Sinn Féin and the SDLP. Voices supporting Irish unity come from across the political and societal spectrum, including former Taoiseach and Fine Gael leader, Leo Varadkar, and Archbishop Eamon Martin. Contributions have also been made recently by SDLP leader Claire Hanna emphasising the need to prepare for constitutional change and by the Alliance Party leader Naomi Long calling on the British Government to clarify criteria for the calling of a unity referendum.

By contrast, the poverty of ambition from the Irish Government is not alone wrong but utterly negligent. It is disappointing that the Taoiseach creates false obstacles to reunification. His consistent rejection of the calls for unity referenda is out of sync with the direction and pace of travel - his reasoning dismissive of the huge efforts made to progress reconciliation by communities over three decades.

I urge the Taoiseach to recognise that history is now unfolding. He must seize the promise of the Good Friday Agreement and grasp this moment to progress the reunification of our country. The Government should implement the recommendations of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. That report received cross-party support recommending citizens' assemblies and other relevant forums, a designated joint Oireachtas committee and a Government Department for planning and preparing for Irish unity.

Irish unity has featured prominently in the presidential election. All candidates have expressed their hopes for reunification and outlined how they would propose to progress Irish unity during a term as Uachtarán na hÉireann. The President is a president for all of the people of Ireland and so this must be the very last presidential election in which Northern citizens are excluded and denied their right to a vote. The Irish Constitution asserts the will of the Irish nation to achieve a united Ireland and so it is crucial that we have a President who advances this ambition with vision and generosity. Is deis stairiúil í Éire aontaithe agus is é an smaoineamh is fearr do thodhchaí ár dtíre. Caithfidh an Rialtas stop a chur leis an mhaoil agus an obair a dhéanamh le pleanáil agus ullmhú do reifreann aontachta.

Our motion calls on Government to embrace this mounting spirit of ambition for a united Ireland in our time. The position of yes but not now, the attitude of this far but no further and the partitionism of successive Governments must be consigned to history. The Good Friday Agreement places the democratic future of Ireland in the hands of the people of Ireland. The question was prophetically posed by a former Taoiseach Albert Reynolds in a different time: "Who is afraid of peace?" The question that arises for us now is: "Who is afraid of unity?" Now is the moment to plan and prepare for reunification. There is not a minute to waste. Inch by inch, we come closer to a united Ireland. This generation hears tomorrow coming and steps forward to walk our length of the journey to full nationhood. Our dream is the dream of Wolfe Tone - to unite the whole people of Ireland, to achieve a 32-county republic and for Ireland to finally take its rightful place among the nations of the world. This is the future the Government must pursue with hope, with spirit, with determination and with pace.

Pádraig Mac Lochlainn (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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This motion is utterly sensible. It is asking the Government to prepare now for Irish unity - to have the citizens' assemblies, a dedicated Minister for Irish unity and an Oireachtas committee to pursue these issues. It is about being responsible. It is an exciting challenge. What type of health service will we have? What type of education system will we have? How do we protect unionists within a united Ireland? All these matters must be dealt with now before we have a referendum.

I want to point out positive examples that are happening right now in my region of the north west of Ireland. We had campaigners on both sides of the Border looking for cancer care close to their homes. They came out on the streets on both sides of the Border in Donegal and Derry and now we have a cancer centre at Altnagelvin Hospital - North West Cancer Centre - providing radiotherapy services to cancer patients throughout the region. That is about common sense, working together and breaking down the impact of the Border for our people. In our third level sector, our universities and colleges have a memorandum of understanding. They have an educational cluster working together making sure they add value to each other, maximise the opportunity for our young people and build investment in jobs in our region.

Our councils - Donegal County Council and Derry and Strabane District Council - have the North West City Region. They have been exemplars and leaders in working together in promoting the region. They market the region together. They are inspirational. The model for how we break down the impact of the Border, work together and talk about one region and one people using our resources wisely is there. It is happening as we speak. If we look at the chambers of commerce in Letterkenny, which essentially represents the county of Donegal, and in Derry, we can see they are working hand in hand in partnership to promote investment in jobs and co-operation in the region.

Across every sector we can think of, we are breaking down the Border and working together, so we need to get on with this. I do not know why Micheál Martin has this issue with Irish reunification - why he thinks it will be tomorrow, the next day or the next day. Let us do it now. This motion is utterly sensible. Let us get it passed and let us get on with the work.

Rose Conway-Walsh (Mayo, Sinn Fein)
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I acknowledge the work of the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, in this space. I recognise it and his interest in reunification. That is important because what we are discussing is much bigger than party politics. It is reckless and negligent for the Taoiseach not to play the role he needs to play right now in terms of preparation. Everybody agrees that we need to prepare. Everywhere one goes, one hears that we need to prepare but that preparation is not being done in the way it needs to be done by Government. The Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement told the Taoiseach exactly what he needs to do. The committee told him what he needs to do on the Green Paper, sector-by-sector engagement, citizens' assemblies and the setting up of a joint Oireachtas committee. It is his colleagues who have agreed this. I acknowledge the work of Deputies Emer Currie and Brendan Smith in respect of that but there is a blockage there at the level of An Taoiseach and I ask the Minister of State and Fine Gael to call him out on it because what he is doing is reckless.

We need to be able to answer key questions. Whether they are unionists, nationalists, republicans or whatever, people need to be able to answer what an all-island health service will look like, what an education system across the island will look like and what will be the economic benefits. We now have the macroeconomic model done by the Economic and Social Research Institute, which is a game-changer in the context of what we can do with the data available to us. We have absolute evidence. When we go for a Border poll, a referendum, on Irish unity, which will be sooner than many think, people will need to be able to answer those questions. For the Government not to be doing the work now is absolutely wrong.

We have the answers regarding what needs to be done, but we need a framework. We also need not to reinvent the wheel all the time. We need to be able to do additionality on all those questions. From the work we did on the finance and economic section and women and the constitution, we know that what is coming from women - north, south, east or west - is that they want to be part of shaping a new and united Ireland. We have a responsibility that needs to be taken seriously, and that has to start now. We are not doing anyone any favours. I hear it said that we had better not frighten the unionists. That is crazy. We will not do the unionist community any favours if we do not tell them what they can expect from a united Ireland.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis labhairt i bhfabhar Éire aontaithe. I believe passionately in Irish unity. It is the reason I got involved in politics. The partition of our country was a historic injustice and we have an obligation to undo that injustice. What gives me hope is the huge excitement I see all over the island at the prospect of unity. That excitement is particularly shared by younger people because they know they have the opportunity in this generation to make a united Ireland a reality. Therefore, this is a time of hope, optimism, opportunity and possibility. It is a huge transformational opportunity that very few generations in very few countries in the world have an opportunity to seize. It is an opportunity to create a brand-new, better, fairer country and to end a historic injustice, namely the partition that has divided our country and communities.

All that hope and optimism stands in stark contrast with a Taoiseach, a Fianna Fáil leader, who has decided to put himself between the hopes and aspirations of the Irish people to make it a reality. Thirty years on from the Good Friday Agreement and well over a century on from partition, Micheál Martin says it is too soon to talk about Irish unity. That is not acceptable. It is out of kilter with the wishes of the Irish people. This will not be accepted by Sinn Féin. It should not be accepted by the Members of this House, but I know for sure that it will not be accepted by the people of Ireland who know we have a destiny. That destiny is to be the best nation we can possibly be.

To reach our maximum potential we need to undo one of the big barriers to doing so, the partition of our country, which has been a drain on so much of our potential for so long. We now need a Government with backbone, but, more importantly, one that reflects the ambition of our young people. That ambition is seen in our cultural, sports and music spaces, where young people are loudly and proudly declaring they want to see a united Ireland in their lifetimes. This House has a responsibility, first, to endorse this Sinn Féin motion and second, to work together and not let anyone block the march of this country any longer - not those who want to revert us to the past, not those who want to blinker themselves and certainly not a Taoiseach who seems to want at all odds to block the potential of the Irish nation. Better men than Micheál Martin have tried in the past. All have failed.

Thomas Gould (Cork North-Central, Sinn Fein)
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We have a unique opportunity to work together to accomplish something many people thought could never happen. We have brought forward a motion on planning for a united Ireland. Going back to Wolfe Tone, the Fenians and all the people down through the generations, many tried to unite this country as a free 32-county Irish republic. We have the opportunity to take a step closer on that road and we are asking the Government to come with us, to walk next to us, to be part of this journey and to bring the unionist community and all other communities with us. We are not trying to force our beliefs on others. We want to ask them about their beliefs and what they want to do.

I am a member of the GAA. I remember, as a young fella of 12, 13 and 14, going up to Crossmaglen, Kileavy and all the different clubs in the North. I remember what it was like 40 years ago to travel to GAA clubs and what it meant to people in those communities to hold a hurley or kick a football. I love Croke Park for what it stands for, for us, not just the GAA, but the Irish people. Players from the Six Counties will play in Croke Park in all-Ireland finals in hurling, football and camogie. The President will walk the red carpet and shake their hands, but they cannot vote for that person. How is it right that citizens of this country, because they live on the other side of a line that should never have been there, cannot vote? How is that right? How can Micheál Martin and this Government stand over denying their people their constitutional right as Irish citizens to vote in a presidential election?

Micheál Martin might want to block this but I know die-hard Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael people who dream of Irish unity like we dream of Irish unity. Will the Government not come with us on this journey? It is an inclusive journey. Rugby, boxing and many sports operate across the entire island. They have been doing so for decades. Why can we not work together? We are not trying to impose ourselves. We are saying "Let us plan". Let us hear everyone's vision and everyone's concerns. Let us have a citizens assembly. Let us have referendums and let us work together. I love this country and this island. I want to have the best possible Thirty-two Counties we can have. The only people blocking us are Fianna Fáil, Micheál Martin and this Government. I plead with the Minister of State to change his mind so we can walk together.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Opposition for tabling this motion. Commitment to the reunification of the country is a founding principle of the Government. The Government holds an aspiration for a united Ireland in common with the Opposition and, in the spirit of this debate, I underline the fact that we are not opposing this motion.

Every Irish Government must be guided by Article 3 of the Constitution, which states:

It is the firm will of the Irish nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland, in all the diversity of their identities and traditions, recognising that a united Ireland shall be brought about only by peaceful means with the consent of a majority of the people, democratically expressed, in both jurisdictions in the island.

Article 3, however, demands more than just following the shortest distance between two points and racing toward constitutional change. The spirit of harmony and friendship that the Constitution speaks about, and its commitment to a unity that respects the diversity of the people of this island, are descriptions of our destination. They are also signposts for how we get there and they are not optional.

Twenty-seven years have passed, and the Good Friday Agreement remains absolutely central. It would be remiss of me not to take a moment to remember former Senator, Deputy and Minister of State, Martin Mansergh, who played a critical role in the negotiations relating to the Good Friday Agreement. The agreement absolutely is the blueprint for unlocking the full potential of our island and nation. Its implementation is the core of the Government’s policy across all three of its strands, namely our engagement with communities in Northern Ireland, the relationship between North and South and our relationship with Britain. The programme for Government states our position clearly. We are committed to the unity of the Irish people, and we believe that we will only achieve this through a sustained focus on and investment in reconciliation.

There have been criticisms of this Government, from the Opposition benches and elsewhere, because we have made reconciliation a precondition to a united Ireland. I want to be clear on this. When we say we are committed to the Good Friday Agreement, we mean just that. The agreement recognises the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, whether that is to remain in the union or unify the island. If there is to be a Border poll, the constitutional future of the island will be decided by a majority vote, 50% plus one.

That was part of the agreement of 1998: the promise of an end to violence, replaced by a commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means to answer the constitutional question.

A perfectly reconciled society or island is not a precondition to constitutional change. However, we must do better than we have done in the 27 years since 1998 in achieving this. I fear to say that communities remain further apart than we hoped when the agreement was signed. The agreement did not pluck the goal of reconciliation out of the air. In the text, all parties to the agreement firmly dedicated themselves to the achievement of reconciliation. That requires work. It requires leadership from every part of society, from politicians like us, but also from educators and civic, church and sporting leaders. It requires generosity of spirit in dealing with those from different backgrounds than ourselves.

To be frank, I have seen a lot of this in my life because I come from the minority tradition in this jurisdiction and am the grandson of an Orangeman. I do not hide it. It is part of my identity. I must state on the record of this House that some of the language in recent weeks has been deeply troubling, particularly online from posters. Deputy Gould very eloquently talked about travelling to the North to play GAA in places like Crossmaglen. I remember going up to play rugby in the 1990s in east Belfast and in Ards, which had a very different atmosphere than Deputy Gould perhaps enjoyed. Some of the language has really brought me back to the era when I would walk down the street and be called “Orange scum” or a “West Brit”.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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Was that in east Belfast?

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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It happens. I get called that regularly in south Dublin, where Deputy McDonald and I grew up-----

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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Not in east Belfast.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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-----but in east Belfast we were called much else. We were Lundys. We were Free Staters. We were Fenian scum. That was the language too many of us know in this House. I fear it is creeping back in. We need to take the responsibility, all of us who believe in a truly united Ireland, to call it out from all angles.

It is important to acknowledge that we support the Good Friday Agreement in full. When we speak about the future of this island, we need to take great care with the words we choose and how we speak about the Good Friday Agreement. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland must call a referendum if it appears likely to him that there is a majority in favour of a united Ireland. Some may point to different indications of how the Secretary of State might arrive at this assessment, be it election results, demographic change or polling. I reassure the House that the Government is not blind to these things or to the growing debate on these issues across our island. The opposite is true: we follow them very closely. Some of us have very deliberately involved ourselves in the debate. Deputy MacDonald and I have shared platforms many times, thanks to the grace of organisations like Ireland's Future. However, it comes to the question of when there will be a border poll. As it stands, it is not in prospect in the lifetime of this Government, which has just over four more years to go. That is not my preference. Time merely dictates this when we talk about preparations for any referendum. Again, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has stated unambiguously and consistently that, in his opinion, there is no evidence that the necessary conditions have been met to date.

The motion before the House calls on the Government to plan for Irish unity. Let me be clear. When I talk about reconciliation or about the work that is ongoing across this island, we are hard at work preparing for the future of this island, whatever shape it takes, as well as building a better Ireland across it. We have an ambitious agenda that is delivering tangible results for the people of this island. We are capitalising on the window of opportunity offered to us by the reset in Ireland-UK relations. The UK-Ireland summit in Liverpool in March, and the joint statement we agreed on that occasion, set out an ambitious roadmap for east-west relations. The UK-Ireland joint statement makes clear that the reset in our relations will only be meaningful if it includes and delivers for the people of Northern Ireland as well. That goes into all areas, including the economic, but also the areas of legacy in respect of which we have finally seen some progress in recent weeks.

It is part of our mission to create a shared and reconciled future for all communities on this island. That means learning to better live and work together. It is why we are committed to deepening North-South co-operation, including through the Government’s flagship shared island initiative. The restoration of the devolved institutions in Stormont has meant the return of the North-South Ministerial Council. The Government and the Northern Ireland Executive had a productive plenary meeting last Friday. I, too, acknowledge the presence of Michelle O'Neill in her capacity as the first nationalist and republican to take on the position of First Minister. It should be acknowledged and recognised.

Under the €2 billion shared island fund, we are driving strategic all-island co-operation that benefits people, North and South. Deputy Mac Lochlainn eloquently referred to the issues under way. He and I had a lovely evening in Buncrana with politicians from all backgrounds and, more importantly, people who did not want to talk about politics at all, despite our best efforts. There is simply too much work under way in the areas of healthcare, transport, sport and education to list all that work in my remaining time. I could also talk about the Ulster Canal and the Narrow Water bridge. What is happening is real, however, and it really matters. It is indispensable work under all constitutional scenarios. If we hold the sincere ambition to achieve reunification, as is our right as a constitutional position, this needs to be achieved through real reconciliation and real material gains.

The programme for Government clearly states that we will continue to prioritise the essential work of building understanding and reconciliation in order that we can address the fundamental causes of conflict and division. The word “prioritise” is important. As my Government colleagues have stated at other fora more than once, if there is a future referendum within the consent provisions of the Good Friday Agreement - I say if but, of course, I really hope it is when - we will make all necessary preparations in accordance with the terms of the Constitution and the principles and procedures of the agreement. It is regrettable but a fact that no one in this House can set the date for a border poll. We are guided by the terms of that agreement and that decision of another entity. However, we have to play our part in moving towards that in a constructive, shared and reconciled manner.

For now, our priority is delivering for all the people of Ireland. That means continuing to promote reconciliation in Northern Ireland and on a North-South and an east-west basis. It means making the agreement’s institutions work and deliver for people in meaningful ways that they can feel in their day-to-day lives. We need to move beyond debates about symbolism, flags and anthems. When we talk about the reality, as Deputy Mac Lochlainn says, what matters is the future of the health system and how we get our health systems working better. Crucially, it is about the exchanges that we said we would prioritise, not exchanges between politicians, but between schoolchildren, third level institutions and sporting groups, or by bringing down Free Presbyterians from Belfast to meet with Roman Catholic parishes in west Cork, and making it so seamless that people consider this Ireland truly one before we even start talking about the political questions. It means we have to consistently address the legacy of the past. That is a stain and it needs to be called out. It means building a truly shared Ireland in every meaning of the definition.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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When do we get our referendum?

Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)
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Despite 100 years of partition, the ties that bind us together remain strong. Many of us have family ties across the Border, such as my family ties in Enniskillen, Belleek and Derry. Those cousins are just as Irish as I am. Some 20,000 to 30,000 people cross the Border every day to work. When my club, Na Gaeil, plays in the latter stages of the all-Ireland club championship, we have to deal with the challenges of teams from both sides of the Border in Ulster.

Politically, we also have to combat the lines that the Irish State cannot afford the North or that a united Ireland is not economically viable. Watching the football matches last week, I could not help imagining the impetus, promise and hope that a united team could bring. Talking to a Portuguese man, he was confused that Norman Whiteside and Mickey Walsh never played together on the same team. There are other issues that do not make sense either. For example, the only port capable of handling offshore wind on this island is in Belfast, but it is being used to develop offshore wind in Britain rather than on this island.

Canvassing in Irvinestown in the most recent Assembly election showed me that the issues are the same, North and South, namely housing, health, the cost of living, refuse and transport. Brexit and Covid showed that we need to plan for the future. In 2018, for the first time since records and surveys began, the North exported more goods to other countries than to Britain. We have an opportunity to tackle the issues and interests of all the people on the island. Unity will create new opportunities, new prosperity, more employment, higher potential tax revenue and also cultural and social benefits. However, if we do not plan to get there, it is never going to happen. Hiding behind the excuse of having to deal with certain issues like legacy is not going to help us get anywhere.

From an environmental point of view, just transition, the environment, renewable energy and proper public transport should be the cause of Ireland, just as the cause of Ireland should be the environment, climate and transport. Ireland is ecologically depleted compared with the rest of Europe. Through real unification, we can break with the liberal green agenda, look at the legacies of colonialism and neoliberalism and maximise our resources to ensure they are translated into national wealth for all.

We need a future based on equality, sustainability, fairness and opportunity. We need a date for a referendum now.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Partition has been a failure. It has a been failure for those communities, North and South. It has been a failure for unionists, nationalists and others. The Minister of State would agree with me in relation to that. Let us be absolutely clear, there has been an abject failure by this Government in relation to the necessary work as regards planning. Even for people who do not believe Irish unity is good idea, the fact that it is a possibility means logic would dictate that planning should occur. I accept a lot of what the Minister of State has said, but to be a clear, a referendum is a right that we need. There will never be pressure on a British Government when there is an Irish Government that does not in any way push it in relation to there being a referendum. What we are asking is that preparatory work be done. We have the Oireachtas committee. Let us also have what could be called a forum. It does not have to be a citizens' assembly. We do not need ownership of it. We just need a facility where the full conversation happens on what a new Ireland can look like.

This partition was forced upon us under the threat of imminent and terrible war by a British Government that wanted to continue its occupation and oppression. The Northern orange state is gone. We have an opportunity to build something real, to build something better, to build an Irish republic of thirty-two counties that delivers for all the people. What is wrong with that? Where we have a failure is on the part of the Fianna Fáil leader - Micheál Martin, the Taoiseach - in being the biggest obstacle to Irish unity at this point in time. We need the Minister of State to go back to the Government and request that it change its direction. Éire aontaithe - ar aghaidh linn le chéile.

Deputies:

Hear, hear.

Cathy Bennett (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Irish unity stands as the greatest aspiration and opportunity for the future of Ireland. It is incumbent on each of us to play a constructive role. Right across the island and beyond, people are doing that and having conversations at dinner tables and social gatherings as to when it will happen and what it might look like. Across communities and traditions and among the diaspora, they are eager and willing to play their part. Civic society groups are organising exciting and engaging events of a scale, and it is gathering pace. Undeniably, momentum is building. What is needed now is for the Irish Government to play its part in full. My appeal to my colleagues across Government and Opposition benches is this: let us establish a citizens' assembly to facilitate the conversations that need to happen, let us have a joint Oireachtas committee to enable careful planning, and let us engage with civic societies, with school children as the Minister of State, and with Catholic and unionist communities about the future of our island. We need to start to plan.

It is deeply regrettable that this week, yet another presidential election will come to pass that excludes Irish citizens in the North. It is a retrograde step that this Government chose to abandon the commitment to hold a referendum on the extension of voting rights to the North and outside of the State. At a time when the Government is advertising and calling on our young people to return home, it is a sad indictment of how we value those abroad. When we are on the final leg of the journey to reunification, the Minister of State can prepare, plan and make the change.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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The reality of unity, an end to division and the possibility of a united Ireland is very much part of the political conversation on this island now more than ever. It has been a focus point of discussion during the ongoing presidential election, even more so than when Martin McGuinness was running in 2011. It has moved beyond the hypothetical and people are now discussing what kind of Ireland it could and should be. Unfortunately, we do not have that level of discussion at a political level. That is one of the main points we are making here tonight. The only people who do not realise that we need to have this conversation are the people sitting on the benches across from us. One of the parties calls itself “The Republican Party” and the other is the “United Ireland Party”, yet the impression from a lot of people who are having this discussion is that they do not want to talk about it. Certain Members do, former Members do, other individuals do and so on, but there is a reluctance coming from the Government benches. For a lot of people, they just do not understand what that is about.

The Good Friday Agreement committee in the previous Dáil recommended that a designated Oireachtas committee and Government Department should be tasked with taking responsibility for planning and preparing for constitutional change. This was a recommendation from all parties, yet it seems that those parties involved in government did not take that up. It was a missed opportunity. If we are serious about this issue, we need to come together and work our way forward collectively. People do not want to wake up in the morning with the idea that we have made a decision. What did we make a decision on? Vote yes or vote no. We need have the conversation on what exactly they are voting for and agreeing to.

Réada Cronin (Kildare North, Sinn Fein)
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There comes a time in the march of a nation when it has to take the next step. That time is now. Irish unity is not just a distant aspiration. Deputy McDonald was right - the conversation has begun already among people of all ages. Uniting Ireland was brought up with me today when I met fifth and sixth-year students from Naas Community College on their visit to the Oireachtas - an chéad ghlúin eile. It is not just the next generation, but on the doorsteps of the campaign, it is coming up again and again. It is a presidential campaign where Irish citizens in the North are, unfortunately, denied their right to cast their vote for their President. Irish unity is clearly on the agenda, yet we see no action from the Government. There is only silence, hesitation and a complete lack of leadership on what will be the defining question of our time. A united Ireland will not fall from the sky. We must build it with the same courage of our heroes past. We must build it through our democratic institutions while establishing an all-Ireland citizens' assembly to allow for careful planning. We must build it by engaging with Northern nationalists and unionists about the future of Ireland with the same courage of those who promoted peace on our island almost 30 years ago for the Good Friday Agreement. Irish unity is not a dream. It is the democratic right of the people of Ireland. We must stop waiting for the right time and make it the right time now because it is the right time now. We must rise to the moment and bring our people from the North, South, east and west home, not just as two peoples, but as one nation - Ireland, Thirty-two Counties, united and free.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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There is breaking news tonight. I condemn the outbreak of violence in Saggart.

Deputies:

Hear, hear.

Ivana Bacik (Dublin Bay South, Labour)
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I see reports that a Garda van has been set alight and fireworks and missiles are being thrown at gardaí as a large crowd have gathered outside Citywest Hotel. I condemn that violence. It is an ongoing situation.

I welcome the opportunity to participate in this debate. I thank Deputy McDonald and her colleagues in Sinn Féin for putting forward this motion. It is timely. I am glad to hear that the Government will not be opposing the motion. It is good that we can unite in this House on this issue. Indeed, it is a proposition in the motion that we in Labour support. As the oldest political party in the State, we in Labour aspire to achieve an agreed united island founded on fairness and equality for all our communities. We are Connollyite republicans in the spirit of James Connolly. We believe our nation would be better united. We are also internationalists. We recognise that the island of Ireland exists within a wider European and global family and that unification - the question we are discussing tonight - would take place within that context, as it has implications for the EU post Brexit.

I was delighted to address the SDLP conference in Belfast at the beginning of this month. Deputies Gibney, Currie and Moynihan were also there. There were different representatives from different parties. It was an important event to be at. Former Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar, was also there. He is no longer in this Dáil.

It is important that we engage North and South in these events. As a sister party of the SDLP we always ensure representation at each other's party conferences. Last weekend I led a Labour Party delegation to the congress of the Party of European Socialists in Amsterdam. There we were with the SDLP and others from across Europe who share a commitment to the achievement of a social Europe and who recognise the vital importance of the European project and the EU to the future of this island. The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, spoke previously about his participation in Ireland's Future events. I was delighted to participate on behalf of Labour in events run by Ireland's Future in Dublin and Belfast over recent years. These are superb events which bring together civic society organisations and those of us in politics. I pay tribute to Senator Frances Black, who has done so much to drive civic engagement North and South.

We in Labour stand for a real Republic across the island, one which values equality and redistribution, which can see beyond sectarianism and which recognises that true equality is based on pluralism. We all recognise the differences between communities in the Ireland of 2025 are far more diverse than merely green and orange. Ours is a pluralist society now, North and South of the Border. That is something to be celebrated. Sectarianism has no place in a partitioned Ireland or a united Ireland. The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, and others spoke about jibes being thrown and insults based on religion. That has no place and should have no place in the Ireland of today or a future united Ireland. Racism, antisemitism, homophobia, sexism and transphobia should have no place on this island. Crucially, no moving or removal of any border on this island should ever come at the price of a human life. Paramilitarism and the normalisation of violence represent a darkness to which we simply cannot return.

We support the holding of a referendum on unity. We want to see preparatory work under way now. We support the motion. However, we do believe a huge amount of preparatory work will be necessary. We must learn from the mistakes of Brexit. We must ensure that both North and South of the Border, people are clear on what they are voting on. As others have said, the Good Friday Agreement must be our guiding star and the principle of consent must be absolutely central, as we all acknowledge.

Generosity must be at the heart of any successful transition. We do not want to swap the majoritarianism of the past for a new one. We need to take inspiration from the work of the great social democratic peace maker, the SDLP's John Hume, who was courageous enough to rewrite the canon of Irish nationalism by pointing out that it is people that matter, not territories. Because people matter, so to do their economic circumstances. As he famously said, you cannot eat a flag. There is no more republican sentiment than that. Hume was inherently critical of Irish nationalism’s failure to address unionist opposition to its unity project, in both its constitutional and republican guises, from Home Rule to the War of Independence. We need to be careful that there is no slippage back from that.

There is not anything inherently natural or predetermined about any political settlement on this island. We do need to ensure that under any constitutional arrangement, respect and allegiance are fundamental. In 2025, there are no planters and there are no Gaels. There are only those who by accident of birth or act of choice call this island home. I talked about diverse identities. I think it is hugely positive that we now see a growing sense on the North of people who identify not as Protestant or Catholic, or unionist or nationalist, but rather as being Northern Irish, Irish, British Irish, as having a hybrid identity. In the same way, in this jurisdiction, people would regard themselves as Nigerian Irish, Polish Irish or in my case Czech Irish. That was a very unusual thing to be when I was growing up but happily it is no longer so unusual. Our national identities are not set in 1916, 1922 or 1998. Identity is a living, breathing phenomenon. National identity is unrecognisable today from what it as a century ago and undoubtedly will be different again in another century.

Demographic changes and those changes in how people identify make it even more imperative that we abide by the principles of the political guiding star of the Good Friday Agreement. The consent of the maximum number possible from all traditions must be our goal in seeking a shared future. The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, spoke about the requirement of majority in the Good Friday Agreement but many people, including Seamus Mallon, pointed out that 51% would be a very slim majority on which to build a shared future on this island. That is why it is so important that we do the necessary work to enable the making of informed choices in referendums about the future of the island. We want to ensure that our most marginalised communities are protected from the consequences of a hasty campaign, or the vanity project of any one group seeking ideological victory.

It is right that we would start that process now. It is fair to critique the Government for doing too little at this stage to build on that process. This motion is right to call on the Government to work to secure a date for the referendums on unity, bearing in mind that there is a good deal of preparatory work that must be undertaken. In terms of timing, former Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, who is featured rather heavily in current news cycles, previously suggested the thirtieth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. It seemed at the time he suggested it like it was not a bad idea. It is perhaps a shame that the current Taoiseach is saying it will not happen in this decade, while the Minister of State has said it will not happen in the lifetime of this Government. To say that so categorically and to rule it out so soon pushes back any sense of preparatory work. Procrastination cannot be justified by long-fingering preparations. We absolutely agree that an all-island citizens’ assembly or assemblies, approved ideally by the Stormont Assembly as well as the Oireachtas, should be an integral part of the preparatory process. We also think that we should be reviving the old Green and White Paper tradition of assembling evidence, identifying problems and solutions prior to the holding of a citizens' assembly. The Green Paper puts together the broad range of issues and the White Paper focuses on possible solutions. This process could and should be adopted by Government, and I have previously called on the Government to do this, to identify the issues that would require discussion and deliberation at open and transparent citizens’ assemblies. I welcome the work of the Taoiseach's shared island unit. That has been a hugely positive initiative. Others have welcomed it too.

Other welcome initiatives are examining some of the practical issues involved. Many people are already talking about this. In the context of the presidential election, it is absolutely right that we are talking now about the need to ensure franchise is extended in future elections. This is a critical question for people North of the Border as well as South. We have seen discussion of the Irish language, how that can be reclaimed for all our benefit. We have seen a huge outpouring from a younger generation and a renewal of interest in the Irish language, with Kneecap and other groups making the Irish language an integral part of their work and their music. That is hugely positive. The new British ambassador to Ireland has made a very solid effort to learn ár dteanga in advance of taking office, which is also welcome. There are other ways in which we see a new focus on unity. Environmental issues are substantially not devolved, yet when it comes to the condition of Lough Neagh, the exploitation of the Sperrins mine and other natural resources, we must deal with the material reality that we share a landmass and that environmental concerns know no borders.

Regardless of national identity, we are lucky on this island to have so many people and communities who are interested in these issues and really want to see them explored further in advance of any referendum. Finally, we must recognise that many people will vote in a unity referendum on issues of identity, but others, of course, will vote on economic and social issues. As always, as a socialist, it is class and economics which will be hugely determinative of this process of unification, notwithstanding the importance of identity and identities. The obvious issues of symbolism regarding anthems and flags can dominate debate, but there will be really challenging questions on economic and social issues that require deliberation in advance. How will we deal with the economics of the new arrangements? What will our housing, health and education systems look like? We can talk about a new Ireland but we have to acknowledge that it will be built on the foundations of our current systems, where far too few of our institutions operate on a cross-Border basis. I do a lot of work with Waterways Ireland because of the Grand Canal running through my constituency. It is one of the few all-island public entities that has such an important impact on the everyday lives of so many citizens living along the canals and inland waterways.

When we dream of a new Ireland, a fair and equal Ireland, a reunited Ireland, we must be realistic about our current infrastructure which is inadequate to meet the real needs of communities on so many fronts, including the cost of living crisis, the housing crisis, childcare and climate. This infrastructure in this jurisdiction has suffered from the hegemony of the two-party system of the past century. We often see those who are termed "soft unionists" looking at our health system and at the price of a house here in Dublin or the price of rent in any of our cities, and asking of those of us advocating unity what is in it for them and can they afford this. It is a reasonable question and one that those in government who aspire to a united Ireland must prepare to answer.

In conclusion, I welcome this motion. It does not chart a blueprint for unity. It lacks detail.

However, it does set out some of the key processes that will need to be undertaken in order to achieve what I think we all have said we want to see, which is a united Ireland. Only through open dialogue and through debate on motions like this will we tease out the real anxieties, the concerns and the aspirations that communities on this island share. This cannot remain an academic debate. I urge the Government to act on this motion and take the preparatory steps necessary.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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Táimid uilig sásta go bhfuilimid ag iarraidh Éire aontaithe ach caithfimid an obair a dhéanamh ionas go dtarlóidh sé. We in the Social Democrats welcome this motion because the work needs to be done. We need to prepare for and implement the suggestions to build that road towards a united Ireland. They are not new suggestions. They have been knocking around for a long time now. This is a position and a policy that we support wholeheartedly. We have a very young support base and a young voter base and it is such an exciting time to be a politician on this island where we find ourselves in the conditions that are leading us towards reunification. It is an exciting time to see the groundswell of support we have in our younger generations for exactly that across our population. I commend the work that has been done by the Government. I share the same concerns as have been expressed by many others and I will speak to them throughout my contribution.

There is this mentality that we have to be ready fully before we take certain steps. I will try to explain why this is. I commend the work that has been done, particularly by the shared island unit. Obviously, the infrastructural pieces that are under way and the bridge building in different ways are really important to making sure we connect the two jurisdictions. However, I want to talk about the specific cultural bridges we need to build. I will talk about my own experience and journey in terms of the North. I went to college up north in Ulster University in Coleraine in the mid-nineties during the truce period and as a result have a huge fondness for the North. I continue to visit there, I have a lot of friends there and I am really passionate about the really special culture, people and life we have up there in that part of our island. If we fast-forward 15 years, I had to undertake work in my roles in the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission, which was established by the Good Friday Agreement. Both of our human rights bodies on both sides of the Border were founded by the Good Friday Agreement and I chaired the joint committee of both of those human rights commissions. In my experience in that more official capacity, I learned, for example, to say "Northern Ireland" in certain settings rather than "the North" because I started to understand how language jarred for certain people, just as for other people saying "Northern Ireland" instead of "the North" is just as problematic. It was a huge privilege to have that experience and change in my understanding and to recognise the huge sensitivities and the really complex nature of the debate in the North. It has been amazing to bring that into my political work. As Deputy Bacik mentioned, we have had a lot of engagements recently at the SDLP conference. I am now committee chair on the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly for growth, trade and investment, which will focus a lot on that cross-Border potential. What I am trying to describe here is my deep connection with the North, with our whole island and with the prospect of Irish unity but I follow that immediately by pointing out that I am the outlier. Where I am from in south county Dublin, I do not see that same level of connection with my peers. I have seen that the whole way up. My friends there when I was in college up North used to joke with me that I would have to dodge the bullets. This was during the truce. That is just the kind of mentality. There is an unfamiliarity with the actual situation in the North and what culture and daily life is like. It is not mirrored because a lot of people I know in the North consume RTÉ and can name Irish politicians in a way Irish people cannot name politicians in Belfast. There is a massive job of work to do for us to build that cultural connection. We, as politicians and policymakers and as leaders in our communities, have that job of work to do. I look towards Germany and think we really need to learn from their lessons. I do a lot of travelling around Germany and people are heard referring to Ossis and Wessies. These are those who came from either west or east Germany before reunification. To my eyes, I cannot see an Ossie versus a Wessie but they can. That is what we do not want. We do not want to find ourselves at the point of a potential for Irish unity not having done the groundwork of connecting our populations from every corner of this island, respecting their communities and their difference and maintaining it within that dialogue. Otherwise, it will be like how the Germans talk about themselves. The east Germans will say it was assimilation, not reunification. We do not want that. We have to protect all of the identities of all of the different communities on the island. We have to respect that some people who have, up to now, been from a majority population or community are now facing into being a very small minority in a much larger population and we have to figure out how we deal with that. One of the things we really need to think about within this is that cultural divide. It would be amazing to send a copy of the Good Friday Agreement to every single household on this island to really help people start thinking about that. Those who have contributed already this evening are correct that these conversations are happening. They are happening at kitchen tables and in pubs. If we do not have better dialogue and better mechanisms to advance the implementation piece, it is going to be a huge problem.

That brings me back to what I said earlier. Although I acknowledge the good work of the Government with the shared island unit and in other initiatives that deal with this, there is a problematic mentality that says we have to be fully ready before we talk about a border poll. It reminds me of the same attitude that the Government takes towards the signing of international conventions. I dealt with this in my human rights work. Minister after Minister would tell me that they did not have everything in place yet so we could not sign the UNCRPD or ratify OPCAT. We will never be fully ready for this. I compare it to a young couple who are planning to have a family who are waiting until they can afford it. They would never be able to technically afford it if they sat down and thought it out. Similarly, this is never going to be absolutely perfect. What we do is we push the dialogue forward, we bring through these very sensible measures that are set out in this motion, we implement them and parallel to that we advance the efforts this Government has already committed to. I do not see that we have to sit and wait until we are there.

As others have said, there are a few other items that I really hope the Government continues to prioritise. One is dealing with the legacy Act and implementing the framework that has emerged this year. We also have to deal with the responsibilities we have down here in the South for our own issues around legacy and bringing access to justice for everybody in this State. We need to play our part as a State and a remaining member of the European Union to ensure there is no diminution of rights in the North as a result of Brexit and that we do not have a divergence of rights on this island.

I will finish by quoting John Hume because, as I say, what is really important to me and what I will be bringing to this discussion is a respect for different communities and different identities within this discussion.

Difference is of the essence of humanity. Difference is an accident of birth and it should therefore never be the source of hatred or conflict. The answer to difference is to respect it. Therein lies a most fundamental principle of peace – respect for diversity.

Pádraig Rice (Cork South-Central, Social Democrats)
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Like Deputy Bacik, I wish to express my concerns about the scenes we are seeing in Dublin tonight and I ask Members to think twice before inflaming tensions even further. It is something we should all be mindful of.

On the motion at hand, I believe in a new and united Ireland, one with a thriving all-island economy, with universal public services and inclusive politics. We have a real opportunity here to create a new and better Ireland, one that enshrines rights in a new Constitution, including a right to housing, a right to healthcare, that guarantees equality and delivers a more inclusive kind of Ireland for all of us. Before we get to that new and united Ireland, we need to unite communities before we unite territories. There is a lot of deep work that needs to be happen in preparation for that. This is work in which I am proud to be involved with some of my Social Democrat colleagues. Recently, we did a trip to Belfast and engaged with colleagues in Stormont. We have engaged with unionists over the last year to listen, to learn, to understand and to have a better understanding of Northern Ireland and the North in preparation for that. In my previous role, I worked with LGBT Ireland and in that role I set up an all-island LGBT forum funded through Community Foundation Ireland and the shared island initiative to bring together people from the LGBT community North and South whose lives had not crossed before.

One of the community workers working in Dundalk mentioned that she knew people who worked in the community right across the Republic but did not know any of those working in the North and that there was an invisible wall there. This kind of forum, over two weekends across the year, was designed to bring people together and for them to sit down with people they would not meet otherwise - people from different backgrounds and different perspectives but all of us part of one community living on this island. That is the kind of work that needs to happen, and more of it needs to happen.

We need to give a lot of consideration to some of the issues that will dominate a unification referendum, including flags and anthems. We need to give these things deep consideration. That is work that should happen now.

We need to learn from our nearest neighbours. I lived in the UK in 2014 and 2015, around the time of the Scottish independence referendum and in advance of Brexit. What we learned from the Scottish independence referendum was that they failed to prepare properly. They lost that and it set back that movement about a decade. There are lessons to be learned from that. Similarly, in terms of Brexit, the result was so close - 52% to 48%. We should take cognisance of the real tensions and the divide that exist in British society as a result.

We need to think back to the Good Friday Agreement and the promises that were made about peace, prosperity and an end to violence. There is a lot to be done to deliver those promises to people in Northern Ireland, particularly around prosperity. There is a lot left to be done about living standards, eradication of poverty and concerns about suicide. I recently read the book Lost, Found, Rememberedby Lyra McKee. In it she talked about the suicide rates and about the fact that, according to a report in The Guardianin February 2018, around 4,500 people had died by suicide since the Good Friday Agreement. She wrote: "It's the most tragic of ironies that 20 years of peace could rob us of more lives than 30 years of war did."

Lyra also wrote in that book, "I don't want a United Ireland or a stronger Union. I just want a better life." I think there are a lot of young people in Northern Ireland who are of that perspective, who want better living standards. We need to ensure that is part of the debate and the consideration in preparation for that new and united Ireland that I would like to see.

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak in this important debate. It has been 27 years since the Good Friday Agreement was endorsed, north and south, and over 100 years since partition. A lot of us at the time of the Good Friday Agreement, if we are being honest, were reluctant supporters of it. I will read out one line in it. "The Government [meaning the British Government] of Ireland Act 1920 is repealed; and this Act shall have effect notwithstanding any other previous enactment." That line in an annexe to the document was the thing that tilted it for me, the fact that Britain was prepared to relinquish its claim to the North if the majority of people, north and south, in a referendum decided on a united Ireland. That line was key.

It has been over 100 years since partition. Connolly predicted "a carnival of reaction", and how correct he was. Two reactionary states is exactly what we got: one Orange state and one southern State that was a narrow, clerical State. The Good Friday Agreement provided for national reunification of the territory. It is time we stepped up a gear. Preparations need to begin, and winning support and planning for reunification need to be given a new importance, not just by the Government but by all of us. Partition failed. The North is a failed political entity. We have managed to circle a square for now and it trundles along, but it is not really a successful political entity. It is a failed military project on behalf of Britain - that failed as well - and a failed economic entity because it cannot survive on its own. The British Government's actions caused division and conflict and retarded the economic and political development of this island over the past 100 years.

We are in a better place now but we recognise that Ireland is a small island. There are 7 million people in a relatively small country on the north-western edge of Europe. That is a fact. It does not make sense to have it divided, with two separate systems operating back to back, with separate currencies, revenue systems, taxation, energy systems, transport, agriculture, education and so on. None of this ever made political or economic sense and definitely does not now, particularly with the arrival of Brexit. That was the game-changer and opened a lot of people's eyes in the North who would be soft unionists - or maybe even hard unionists. It created a multitude of trading and political problems. It exposed how ridiculous partition was. A hard border was just about avoided because of the joint efforts of the Opposition, the Government and a lot of other people in Europe and everywhere else who contributed to that and ensured we did not have a hard border. The Six Counties were retained in the EU Single Market - just about - for trade and movement of goods and services. That is welcome, but problems remain, including bureaucracy with trade, the two currencies, the two sets of standards, and British and EU revenue systems. We cannot get away from that. It does cause problems.

Some positive progress has been made since the Good Friday Agreement. The development of the all-Ireland economy is happening. As we speak, there are more and more economic connections between North and South, and that is good. The North-South Ministerial Council is meeting again, which is positive. There is co-operation on several matters such as infrastructure, health, energy and, now, domestic violence, which is overdue. We need to expand all that into other areas. We need to give agriculture environmental protection because environmental damage does not recognise any borders. There is education and there are a whole range of other areas. The economic logic demands that. On infrastructure, there are the plans to advance the A5 and the Ulster Canal, and Narrow Water Bridge is under way. All of that needs to move ahead apace, but other critical infrastructure now needs to be progressed, including rail connections. Most important of all is the North-South electricity interconnector. We cannot have it both ways, talking about a united Ireland and somehow obstructing or slowing down the interconnector between the North and South. That is critical if we want an all-Ireland energy system and energy market. That is long overdue and must happen as soon as possible.

The North-South implementation bodies - Waterways Ireland, the food safety board, InterTradeIreland, An Foras Teanga, the EU programmes implementation body and the Irish loughs and lights commission - are functioning. New ones need to be created. That was provided for in the Good Friday Agreement.

A reunited Ireland has to be a just and inclusive Ireland, a system based on social justice with proper public services, with workers' rights respected and disabled people included. Military neutrality has to be upheld, and we need to be a strong voice in Europe. We can be critical sometimes of Europe. It does not mean we are anti-European. We need an Ireland that looks out internationally, helping the people of Gaza and other parts of the world where people are suffering.

There are questions about whether an assembly should remain in the North. Those issues need to be discussed. Should Stormont still exist? Perhaps it should. Maybe that needs to be worked into this. How would all that function? Those matters need to be considered.

Politically, in the North and the South, the ground is shifting. People in the North are more open to discussions about reunification, and that is within communities that were traditionally hostile to it. There is a growing demand within the nationalist community. The debate has changed in here. If I think back to when I came in here nearly 15 years ago, this debate would have been very different. I welcome that. Parties that would have been - I will not say lukewarm - maybe even stone-cold to the idea then are now able to discuss it. That is good and it shows progress. Most parties now see this as important.

The North-South implementation bodies, as I said, need to be expanded and further progress needs to be made there. The development of a national health system is really important and will be key. People in the North have a health system. I have a niece who works in it. There are problems with it. There are problems with the one here. There are strengths in both health systems too. They need to be harnessed and we need to create a proper Irish national health system.

We need to establish a citizens' assembly, civic forum, North-South forum or all-Ireland forum.

We need to move on the voting rights for presidential elections and, I believe, Seanad elections for people in the North. We need to tease out the practicalities of that. We need to identify opportunities and start planning for a referendum. We need to promote the debate and while doing that we need to respect other people's identities. The identity of unionists needs to be respect. We need to assure unionists of fairness in a 32-county reunited Ireland. We need to assure them in relation to political representation in a new 32-county Dáil. As I asked earlier, should Stormont still be there? Perhaps it should be. That is a discussion that needs to happen. We need to talk to those who are not yet convinced, North and South. We should not talk at them, like some parties do. We need to talk to them and listen to them.

The new President, Uachtarán nua, will have a key role in this. I believe Catherine Connolly will be the best one to do that. We need to get a referendum going within this decade. We need to start the plans and get them advanced for Irish unity. If we fail to plan, we plan to fail.

Frank Feighan (Sligo-Leitrim, Fine Gael)
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Chair, on a point of order-----

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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Minister-----

Frank Feighan (Sligo-Leitrim, Fine Gael)
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-----you cannot name a candidate for the presidential election.

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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Could we stop any heckling, please?

Frank Feighan (Sligo-Leitrim, Fine Gael)
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I am just pointing it out.

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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Micheál Martin says the time is not right.

The Deputy will get an opportunity, I will use my opportunity.

Micheál Martin says the time is not now. Full reconciliation has to a precondition but that will mean it will never happen. Yes, we need to advance reconciliation and we should promote it. Of course we should. I have met people from the unionist community in the past, including some loyalists. We should reach out and meet people who were traditionally our opponents.

Reconciliation is important and we must continue working with that but it cannot be a block to progress. Micheál Martin says the time is not right but the time to start this work is now. We need to move on with it.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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I welcome this motion and I welcome the opportunity to sign it. Ireland is on the verge of Irish unity. Full independence is within touching distance for this generation. Full self-determination is in the reach of this Dáil. There is a once-in-a-century alignment of factors that has opened the door to the possibility of unity. We have demographics, Brexit and the increasing change between North and South in terms of living standards. Irish unity is a matter of justice, economic necessity and national interest.

The men and women of 1916, who fought in the Easter Rising, knew that unity and independence were not just a pipe dream. It was actually a matter of survival. That was the generation that rose from the ashes of the Famine. They knew that decisions made in London would never be in the interests of the Irish people. They knew there was a massive cost to London rule and that self-determination was key to economic survival.

Brexit has shown that without a shadow of a doubt. London does not give a tuppenny damn about the North of Ireland. The North of Ireland was the last thing in the minds of the little Englanders as they pushed for Brexit. If you want to clear the floors of the Houses of Parliament in England, all you have to do is push for a debate on the North of Ireland.

Irish unity is a key pillar for Aontú. Our very name means "unity". We are a practical united Ireland party and we want this country to start the process along that journey. We believe the Border is a wall with a thousand blocks. Each block stands for a blockage between North and South. For example, there are two air ambulance services not working together. Two cancer services are disjointed. Two university systems are working in isolation from each other and it goes on and on. Even if you look at planning, the motorway that was built from Belfast to Newry turned left to a small village, Warrenpoint, instead of going straight to Dublin. When they went to build another university in the north of Ireland, they did not go for Derry in the north west; they went for it being built on the other side of the Bann.

I had the honour of researching and authoring the first committee report on the all-Ireland economy in Leinster House since partition. I interviewed about 100 people from all communities and walks of life: business people, trade unionists, people from the community sector etc. All of them agreed that if we plan, fund and deliver together that infrastructure and those services will be more efficient and better for people.

What we are saying to the Government is that while we are waiting for unity, there is nothing stopping this Government and the Executive in the North of Ireland from taking down each brick in the Border one by one. That would improve the lives of people in terms of making those services better but it would also make the transition to unity easier. It would create a process of convergence on both sides of the Border that would make that sunny day happen much sooner.

Traditionally, people felt that unionists were the major block to Irish unity but that is not the case. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are the biggest barriers to Irish unity at the moment. They will not say it out loud-----

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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Nonsense.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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-----because they know that is unpopular but the leadership of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael-----

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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That is nonsense. Go away out of that.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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-----see Irish unity as a threat to themselves.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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Total nonsense.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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Liam Mellows said that if a Border was to arise, there would rise two establishments North and South, both depending on the Border for their existence and so it has happened. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are both regional parties, not national parties, and in a united Ireland Dáil-----

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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The Deputy is more interested in electioneering. He has one eye on the election.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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-----they would be smaller parties and would have less chance for Government. As a result, they are seeking to block the path towards unity.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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The Deputy is not interested in Irish unity. Nonsense.

Jerry Buttimer (Cork South-Central, Fine Gael)
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What a small-minded-----

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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It is insulting to this debate.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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A post-republican party.

Frank Feighan (Sligo-Leitrim, Fine Gael)
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Do not fall for it.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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Ar aon nós-----

John Paul O'Shea (Cork North-West, Fine Gael)
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Deputy Gogarty now.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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Mo sheans atá ann. Go raibh maith agat.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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It is awful to hear lies in this Chamber.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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Is the Deputy voting for Heather?

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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Ar an gcéad dul síos, ba mhaith liom a rá gur poblachtánach mé, cosúil le gach duine eile anseo. Ach deir roinnt daoine gur féidir linn a bheith réalaíoch freisin. Mar sin, ba mhaith liom Éire aontaithe a fheiceáil a luaithe agus is féidir linn ach ní féidir é seo a dhéanamh gan cúpla rud - toil na gceardchumann, mar shampla.

We only have four minutes each to speak on this and we cannot say a lot. First, I thank Sinn Féin for putting this motion down. I agree that we need to plan for a united Ireland if we are to ever get there. As others have said, it cannot be a perfect unity but, at the same time, it has to be a united unity. By that, we mean not having a zero-sum game so that when we get to 50% plus one, all of a sudden it is said, "You have the majority lads, come on in and join us and we will throw you a few scraps, lads". We are talking about Éire nua i ndáiríre. It has to be a new island, a new Ireland. When we are planning, we may as well ask the unionists, a very significant future minority - not to mention those who would consider themselves Northern Irish without considering themselves fully southern Irish - what it would take for them to consider being part of an all-Ireland decision-making body. Is it going to be a federal system? As others have said, are we going to have to change our flag? We love our flag. We talk about how it unites the unionists and republicans, how it is Catholics, Protestants and Dissenters, and sure, can you not understand why the flag is a flag for everyone. They do not see it that way. We are not going back to the zero-sum politics of saying that anyone who came here 400 years ago should be sent back to Scotland or England. They are there. They are Irish in their own way, they are also British in their own way and that has to be respected. In any type of discussion about a united Ireland, we have to become a little bit more British ourselves, unfortunately.

There are arguments from the South where I have heard some people say that they would not want to increase the cost of living to bring those Nordies with us. There is that mentality you have to bring forward. For me, my love of my country is such, just like others here, that I will gladly fork out whatever it takes to have a united Ireland. It is worth it and there are economic benefits down the line as we have seen in study after study. However, you will not get anywhere near those economic benefits unless you bring people together. That means that we in the South who will have the majority, whether we call ourselves a Catholic or a secular country or something in between - a lot of people are cultural Catholics - will have to be bigger, for want of a better term, and even that might seem patronising.

We have to say the flag is up there, the anthem is up there, the type of island is up there and the closer links with Britain are up there. Maybe then the unionists will come along. We have to bring them with us.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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I thank Sinn Féin for bringing this motion on Irish unity before us. I am not afraid of unity. The Independent Ireland party is not afraid of unity. However, I speak with both caution and conviction on this motion. The question of Irish unity is not just a constitutional matter; it is a deeply personal and emotional issue for many across this island. It deserves thoughtful, inclusive and respectful engagement.

While I welcome the spirit of planning and dialogue proposed in this motion, I must also raise concerns. We cannot afford to rush into structures or referendums without first ensuring that every community, North and South, nationalist and unionist, rural and urban, is genuinely heard and represented. This does not mean, however, that moves, both North and South, towards unity can go without discussion by our leaders. To date, not enough has been done here to kick-start a process that could be sometimes difficult but meaningful in discussions. The establishment of a dedicated Oireachtas committee is a constructive step, but this must be balanced with a commitment to transparency and neutrality. Planning for unity must not become a political campaign; it must be a national conversation. Furthermore, a committee made up of politicians from the North and the South must be set up to discuss this issue. They must be respectful of views from all sides. I also urge the Government to ensure that cross-Border projects like the A5 road are not politicised but prioritised for their economic and social value. Infrastructure should unite us in practice, not just in principle. We must also look towards areas towards areas that have unified us already. This is in the area of sport where the GAA and rugby teams have successfully played together in peace and harmony. Only last week, Independent Ireland called for a united Ireland, North and South, soccer team, and why not? If we are to have unity, let us start with sport as something people can celebrate as one, going forward, in peace and harmony.

I also extend a warm welcome to the new British ambassador to Ireland, Ms Kara Owen, who took up her role and seal of office last week, with our President. Ms Owen has been praised for her efforts to engage with Irish culture, including speaking Irish fluently during her credentials ceremony at Áras an Uachtaráin. She will play a vital role in building strong relations between North and South in the months and years ahead. I look forward to meeting her and engaging with her on behalf of the people of this Irish Republic.

Independent Ireland has been building relations with Northern Ireland in the last number of years in the area of health delivery. Thousands of people going blind or in terrible pain seeking surgery are being treated by Kingsbridge Private Hospital in Belfast. Never once has someone's address meant they could not get care in that hospital in Northern Ireland, where the patient comes first. The reason I raise this is that this can happen both North and South on so many levels because the cross-Border scheme works on both sides. I express a huge thanks to the CEO of Kingsbridge Private Hospital, Belfast, Mark Regan, and all the hospital's staff.

I call on all parties to approach this issue with humility. Unity cannot be imposed. It must be built on trust, respect and shared purpose. We cannot in any way return to the horrible bloodshed that almost destroyed this island, but certainly destroyed many lives on both sides of the Troubles over many years. As a country, we can show to the world what peace means and what it can deliver. Let us take this a step further together.

Frank Feighan (Sligo-Leitrim, Fine Gael)
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I thank Sinn Féin for bringing this very important motion to the House. I come from the Fine Gael Party, which is known as the united Ireland party. I have my grandfather's witness statement from the Bureau of Military History. He was commander of the IRA in north Roscommon, was released on the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty and was a Sinn Féin councillor. He was the first garda in An Garda Síochána. We are very proud of him. My other grandfather was Felix Feighan from Cullyhanna, south Armagh. He could not go back to Northern Ireland because of his involvement in the War of Independence. Nobody should lecture me, or any of us, about our republican and Fenian background.

I am going to read from my grandfather James Feely's witness statement from the Bureau of Military History:

I was brought up in the Fenian faith with a rebel outlook. In 1914, [...] the Irish Volunteers was formed in Boyle and I joined them.

At that time, there were 100,000 Ulster Volunteers marching and gearing up, as were the Irish Volunteers. He said that in 1914, 40 out of the 100 men joined the British Army and that when John Redmond came to Boyle, 48 men joined to fight for home rule. Of the 100 men, 88 joined the British Army. Some went for money and some went to fight for home rule, but they were forgotten about. One thing I have done in the last 15 years has been to try to commemorate those great Irishmen, patriots who were airbrushed out of our history. I think we have come an awful long way.

To me, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Downing Street Declaration and the Good Friday Agreement have been game-changers. In 1949, it was Fine Gael that declared Ireland a Republic, which took us out of the Commonwealth. If we are going to have an agreed Ireland, there has to be a lot more generosity. We are going to have to talk about flags, Ireland, anthems and the Commonwealth, but nobody wants to talk about that. Unity is not a one-way street; it is a two-way street.

Until recently, I had never ever blocked anybody on Facebook, but in the last four weeks, I have blocked nearly 300 people because of sectarianism and racism. I will not engage with anybody who has a Tricolour or a Union Jack or "be kind" on their handle. Nobody can lecture me or my party on republicanism, Fenianism or an agreed Ireland. I want to have unity, but we have to ensure it includes the 1 million unionists and loyalists. It is not a one-way street.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I was in the North today. I travelled through four counties early in the morning. It is a grand place with grand people. Like Deputy Michael Collins, I thank the consultants and staff in Kingsbridge Private Hospital for the great care they have taken of all the patients we have sent up for cataract removals, hip and knee replacements and all the other things. They are very careful and have treated our people we have sent up with great respect.

I thank Sinn Féin for bringing forward this motion. I have been here for a long time listening to the debate. It is great to have it because we think of all the battles and all the trials our people have gone through over the last couple of hundred years. What I remember most are the Troubles, which took place from 1968 to 1998. All of us can remember when certain things happened in our lives. When the twin towers were blown up, I can remember where I was. I can remember exactly where I was when the Good Friday Agreement was announced. I thank the people that took part in and secured that agreement because there was give and take on both sides and a lot of give on both sides. I thank everyone involved and I will name a few of them. I thank Ian Paisley, David Trimble, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness, John Hume, Bertie Ahern, Albert Reynolds, Charlie Haughey, Garret FitzGerald, Bill Clinton, George Mitchell, John Major, Tony Blair and many more for giving such great attention and securing the move away from the bloodshed and awful times that people, mainly in the Six Counties, suffered over that period. It is grand to see that people can get up in the morning, go to work and live normal lives, as they do now. We do not want to go back to what was. When I went to the North today, there were no checkpoints.

Even before we started getting good prices for cattle, Northern buyers were coming down and they boosted the marts in Cahersiveen, Castleisland and Macroom. We appreciate that very much, and they are very welcome. We must ensure for all the people on the island that if we do merge - a united Ireland is as much my ambition as it anyone else's - that there will not be a reduction in living standards for anyone in any part of the country.

We need to have many debates. We must appreciate all of the people on each side. Whether unionists or hard republicans, all sides must be heard and all communities must be listened to. We cannot rush it. We must be fairly sure that what we are doing is going to work and that we do not antagonise anyone or push the thing back any further. What happened in Scotland was mentioned. We need to be sure about all of that. We all need to work together. I thank Sinn Féin and everyone else for this debate. If we are not united on this, we have no hope of going any further.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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I am glad we are having this debate in the Dáil. The uniting of all people of this island in a shared state is, beyond all else, the founding value of the Fianna Fáil Party. In politics, we more often than not work in here-and-now situations and the long-term vision we as parliamentarians have for our country and its people is not always expressed. In this debate, I wish to state on the record of Dáil Éireann that my bedrock belief has always been and will always be that there should be a united Ireland.

On the wall of my office in Leinster House, I have a picture of my great-great-grandfather, John Hargrove, a prominent Land League leader and nationalist from Cratloe, County Clare. On the other wall, I have a prison letter written by Tom Barry while interned in Arbour Hill. Achieving a united Ireland, which I am confident will happen in our lifetime, will be somewhat different to what these two men and many generations of Irish nationalists and republicans envisage. A united Ireland can now only be achieved through peaceful means in accordance with the provisions of the Good Friday Agreement. While I very much want there to be a border poll at some stage, I fear if we move with too much haste we may not get the result that we so desperately yearn for. The Scottish independence referendum of 2014 failed miserably and we cannot risk failure in what would likely be a once-in-a-lifetime ballot.

The partition of our island has been a failure and must be ended. I was lambasted in some quarters last year when I said that the fact Northern Ireland exists is a source of hurt and pain for many people. I stand over that assertion and belief. It is certainly how the nationalist community sees things. The Good Friday Agreement should not be seen as the finish line, but rather a stepping stone for unity.

The shared island unit has done some fantastic work to build positive relations beyond the Border. It makes good sense to explore what a united Ireland could look like, vis-à-vis intertwined public services like healthcare, housing provision and judicial systems. This work must continue. I will conclude with a quote from Pádraig Pearse, whose basalt bust looks over this Chamber each and every day:

You cannot extinguish the Irish passion for freedom. If our deed has not been sufficient to win freedom, then our children will win it by a better deed.

The deeds of our children will be peaceful and diplomatic, but they will be unifying.

Erin McGreehan (Louth, Fianna Fail)
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For as long as I can remember, I have believed deeply and instinctively in the reunification of Ireland. It is not a passing campaign. Rather, it is a core value that has guided me from my earliest of memories. Growing up in north Louth, you lived the failure of partition. You saw how communities were split and people divided. Still today the Border holds us all back. Irish unity is not about erasing the difference or rewriting identity; it is about respect, reconciliation and building what we share to make this island stronger, fairer and more successful.

The Good Friday Agreement gave us a blueprint for the future. It set out how we move forward together peacefully and democratically. It also sets us a challenge, namely, to break old habits of mistrust and do the hard human work of reconciliation. That is why the shared Ireland initiative matters so profoundly. For the first time we are not talking about unity but are instead investing in it.

The €2 billion shared Ireland fund is turning aspirations into action. Bridges are being built, canals are being restored and research is being shared. Businesses are connected. Young people North and South are shaping a common future. These are not just gestures; they are the groundwork for reunification in practice. They must be built upon in this term of Government. We all must look at how we can work towards a border poll and how it can be achieved.

Fianna Fáil people hold dear our core aim of Irish unity. I hold it in my heart, but we must act respectfully, steadily and in a determined way because unity does not come from slogans. It will come from trust, progress and working with rather than against each other. It certainly will not come from one-upmanship in this Chamber.

I believe in an Ireland that is generous, modern and reconciled with itself, an island that faces outwards with confidence and inwards with compassion, accepting our failures and the things we have done wrong unto each other but which we can work on together. That is an Ireland I have always believed in and an Ireland for which I will never stop working.

Jerry Buttimer (Cork South-Central, Fine Gael)
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Ar an gcéad dul síos, tá céad míle fáilte roimh Kara Owen agus déanaim comhghairdeas le Paul Johnston.

I thank Sinn Féin for putting the motion before us. It is my pleasure to deliver the closing remarks on behalf of an Rialtas. I echo the comments of my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, at the outset of the debate, namely, that all of us in government share as a founding principle the commitment to the unification of this island. We all need to work together.

Tá gach ball den Rialtas ar aon intinn faoi cé chomh tábhachtach is atá sé an t-oileán seo a aontú. Táim lán cinnte go bhfuil gach ball sa Teach seo tiomanta don tsíocháin bhuan do mhuintir na hÉireann. All of us in government in this Chamber and across the Chamber are committed to enduring peace on the island and to the unity of our people. The Government believes this can only be achieved by a sustained focus on investment and reconciliation. We are determined to realise the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement. I agree with Deputy McGreehan. It is not about slogans; it is about all of us working together to ensure our island is reunified.

At the heart of the programme for Government is the enhancement of co-operation, connections and engagements with all communities and traditions to build that shared future. That is what we are delivering through North-South co-operation, the shared island initiative and PEACEPLUS in my Department. Our focus is on the promotion of reconciliation and our determination to address the legacy of the Troubles.

The shared island initiative is the most ambitious agenda set by any Government to promote co-operation and understanding across the island. The Government is supporting it through the allocation of €2 billion to 2035. It is about practical steps to make a difference to the lives of ordinary people North and South. It is about investing in areas where it makes sense to work together. It is about investing in people and communities. Major projects such as the iconic Narrow Water Bridge and the renovation of the Ulster Canal are well under way. Everyone who travels regularly from Dublin to Belfast or to Drogheda, Dundalk, Newry and Portadown will appreciate the transformative impact of the Enterprise train moving to an hourly service.

I visited Carlingford Lough recently to see the progress of the greenway, which connects people. These kinds of practical connectivity are important for better sharing on this island. That is why the Government is also supporting the resumption of the Dublin to Derry air link. We are also investing over €44 million in the expansion of the University of Ulster in Derry. Again, that is of benefit in terms of higher education, research and co-operation across the north west, as well as young people and their families on both sides of the Border benefiting.

We have allocated €2.5 million to build a specialised respite and therapeutic centre for children with cancer and their families from across the island. In August, the Government announced an award of €16 million in funding for the Higher Education Authority, HEA, under the North-South research programme to support four multiyear research collaborations between higher education institutions. Those collaborations will range from work on cybersecurity to Parkinson's disease, arts, culture, language and identities. In October, the Minister for agriculture, Deputy Heydon, and the Minister of agriculture, Mr. Muir, announced a new cross-Border initiative to tackle bovine TB, which takes a heavy toll on rural communities on this island.

These are some of the practical steps that the Government is taking to build a truly shared island. That is what we mean when we say we are committed to unlocking the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement and improving the lives of people on this island today, tomorrow and whatever the future of the island may hold.

I agree with Deputy Gibney on respect for individuals and communities.

I will invoke Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin in my contribution. I had the pleasure of serving with Caoimhghín on the health committee. We were one of the first committees to go North to have those conversations about what a future island would look like. I want to pay tribute to him for his role and his leadership. He is a man I really have great time for because he understood the importance of people and of our island being shared and different denominations and different identities. I learned a lot from Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, and I want to remember him in my contribution tonight.

Practical initiatives bring us together, but we must also be ready for challenging conversations to create a more reconciled society. We are committed to supporting inclusive dialogue with all communities and political traditions. I remember Peter Barry, a person from my own city of Cork who always spoke to me about the importance of dialogue and of listening and understanding different traditions on our island. What we are doing, and what we should be doing, is about supporting work to build better relationships within Northern Ireland, between North and South and between Ireland and Britain.

The shared island dialogue series has brought together more than 4,000 citizens and civic representatives to discuss how we can address our common challenges and connect the whole island. This April, an Taoiseach announced at a shared island forum a new dimension to the shared island initiative to commence later this year, that is, the shared home place programme. This participative community initiative will be open to people across every town on the island. It will develop new connections and consensus through engagement with our place-based heritage and culture. The programme will engage with the contributions of Irish, Anglo-Irish and Ulster Scots traditions across the island of Ireland. It will also recognise and include the great ethnic and cultural diversity of the island now, and engage with diaspora communities in Britain, the United States and further afield.

This Government is overseeing continued growth in the reconciliation fund, which is a flagship programme for reconciliation since 1982. This year, the fund stands at over €7 million, and it will grow further next year. It was just €2.7 million in 2018. This year alone, more than 150 projects have benefited from our support, and as Members will know, demand is growing. That comes in part from a difficult funding environment in Northern Ireland, but it is also because more people see value in this work. Each year, new organisations come forward to seek support.

Complementing this work is the shared island civic society fund, which has a budget of €6 million for a two-year period from 2025 to 2027. That funding supports practical North-South co-operation and engagement through increased cross-Border civic society connections. When we speak about promoting reconciliation, this is what we mean; not a change in approach from the Good Friday Agreement. It is a commitment to prioritise the whole series of practical steps we need to take and the conversations we need to have to learn to work together better across the island, to see things from one another's perspective, to live in one another's skins. To have those conversations to have a more reconciled Ireland is the destination, but a commitment to the concept is also a part of the journey. It demands that all of us show generosity to each other's perspectives, other histories and other traditions. Too often, that generosity has been absent, and is absent. There is an onus on us as politicians and leaders. Each of us has friends, colleagues, contacts and neighbours, and we must urge each of them to show that generosity. Reconciliation is not a precondition to unity, but greater reconciliation is essential to whatever constitutional future you, I or whoever else wishes to see.

I have been taken by the PEACEPLUS programme that I am involved with in the Department of Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht. This involves projects that bring people together and partnerships that bring young and old of different traditions together. We are determined to build a better future for this island, but we cannot gloss over the divisions of our past. The legacy of the violence of the Troubles has left behind enduring and immense pain. For far too long, too many families have been denied truth, accountability and justice. This Government has worked tirelessly as a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement with the British Government on this issue. In September, we agreed a historic joint framework on addressing the legacy of the Troubles. This was the culmination of months of intense negotiations between an Tánaiste and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. The framework provides for root and branch reform of the mechanisms to address the legacy of the Troubles in Northern Ireland and across this island. It reflects the desire of both Governments to move forward on legacy. It is a return to an approach of partnership on Northern Ireland. That is only right, given our shared responsibilities as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, and it is one illustration of how we are ensuring that the reset in Ireland-UK relations is including and delivering for the people of Northern Ireland. It is also an affirmation of this Government's responsibilities. We will facilitate the fullest possible co-operation with the reformed legacy commission. To do so, a dedicated legacy unit will be established in An Garda Síochána. We will receive reciprocal co-operation from the British Government on Troubles-related inquiries, inquests and investigations in this jurisdiction. The Government will provide €25 million in funding to ensure the participation and representation of victims and families in the work of the UK's legacy commission. The Government is working at pace to ensure that, right now, we are examining the Westminster legislation on legacy to ensure that it conforms to that joint framework.

As we chart a new path forward with the British Government on legacy, we will continue to be guided by our two key tests, that is, the need for compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights, which is woven directly into the fabric of the Good Friday Agreement, and the need to command the confidence of the victims' families. Families and individuals hurt by terrorist violence may, understandably, be wary, fearful or contemptuous of whatever side changed their lives forever. We must work with them and help them.

In conclusion, I will go back to Article 3 of the Constitution, amended as part of the Good Friday Agreement, that states: "It is the firm will of the Irish nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland, in all the diversity of their identities and traditions". The Good Friday Agreement is our compass as we chart a path to the peace and prosperity. Let us continue to focus on delivering for our people on this island.

Johnny Mythen (Wexford, Sinn Fein)
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The history of our country is one of partition, division, imperial dominance and military occupation. For centuries, Irish people have borne the yoke of oppression - oppression of our language, our culture and our own birthright. That said, the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 was agreed to by all parties, to provide through peaceful democratic means a referendum on Irish unity. It is incumbent on the Irish Government to be prepared for such an event. Brexit has changed the economic dynamics and, in many ways, has made the relationship between the North and South more interdependent on trade, commerce and all-Ireland social institutions. I have listened to Government academics, officials and Government Ministers most of my life, and when they are asked about a united Ireland, their answer is, as always, that it is not the time for a united Ireland. This is exactly why we need to prepare for a united Ireland in establishing a citizens' assembly, a dedicated Oireachtas committee and all-island forums. It is time now to unite and consign partition to the past and build a strong economy, an inclusive democracy and an equal society for all.

Michelle O'Neill has demonstrated how this can be done as a First Minister for all. We are a small island of just 32,595 sq. miles. Partition makes no sense. It never has and never will. We have far more to gain by planning a way forward in a mindful and meaningful way to bring together all sections of our little island, to create a new and prosperous nation and a new future that belongs to us all, where everyone has a decent opportunity to live in harmony and respect and to rear their families in whatever way they choose. I believe we now have a gifted opportunity. The Irish Government should be taking the lead on this. The time has come to build a better place for all; to plan, engage and secure a date for the referendum on Irish unity, as outlined in the Good Friday Agreement. I would like to finish on a quote from Abraham Lincoln: "You cannot escape the responsibility of tomorrow by evading it today."

Donna McGettigan (Clare, Sinn Fein)
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We have a great opportunity to reunite our county and our people, and to have engagement through a citizens' assembly with all sectors of our island. It is long past time for the Irish Government to prepare for the reunification of our country. It is particularly important that a citizens' assembly is established to allow anyone, North or South, to have their say and provide their input to the process. Many families in my hometown of Shannon, including my own, are originally from the North. Many did not have a choice but to move. While we got a welcome, we also faced being told as young children to go back where we belonged, but where did we belong? Did we not belong in Ireland? I was born in Belfast; I am Irish. I hold an Irish passport, so where do I belong? I belong in a country that should be reunited. For many families, we may have separate currencies and separate healthcare and education, but in our hearts, we are together. We play the same sports and listen to the same music. All of us just want to belong.

The Good Friday Agreement allows for a referendum on a reunited Ireland but that will not come about automatically. We all need to play our part in preparing for a unity referendum. Irish unity is now part of the national discourse. People from all walks of life can see that our shared future will be built together. Ní neart go cur le chéile. I look forward to my family and others living in the same country. We are calling on the Government to establish a citizens' assembly as a forum for informed discussion and an Oireachtas joint committee on Irish unity to facilitate the necessary preparations for unity because we need to listen to all voices and to learn from each other about how we can build an Ireland for all. For now, there are not even criteria set out by which we can call a referendum and the Irish Government needs to push on this. Both governments need to understand that the signing of the Good Friday Agreement was not the end of the process but the beginning. We need now to build on the peace we have achieved and work to achieve the long-term future by planning for the reuniting of our country.

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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Our motion is about asking everyone who believes in a united Ireland to step up to the plate, to become persuaders for unity and to demonstrate the responsible, mature and ambitious leadership required to achieve a future in a united Ireland. I listened to the Minister of State's speech. I have heard Minister after Minister and the Taoiseach dodging their responsibility to the Irish people, North and South. Fortunately, the Government cannot continue to hide, deflect and run away from the debate. The Irish people are moving ahead of it. As someone who has spent most of my life campaigning for a united Ireland, I have no doubt that we are on the final length of the journey towards reunification. There is a huge responsibility on the Government to do the political, economic and social ground work for a successful transition to a united Ireland. Not to do so would be utterly reckless and shameful.

I have participated in many elections. I have never witnessed the conversation on Irish unity that has been so central to the debate in this presidential election. It is happening in real time and we need to be proactive. The momentum is building. The direction and pace of travel points firmly towards unity. There is an onus on everybody, particularly those in political leadership, to plan for Ireland's future and to seize the enthusiasm and immense opportunity that reunification offers to all our people. Fianna Fáil - The Republican Party and Fine Gael (United Ireland) must use their platform as members of the Government to plan and prepare for unity today. That means establishing an all-Ireland citizens' assembly on a united Ireland, producing a plan towards a united Ireland and working to secure a date for unity referendums as provided for by the Good Friday Agreement. Talking about it is good but we need to see action and it is time for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to get together and work with everybody who wants to see a united Ireland. They need to actually work for it, not just talk about.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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Is the Deputy doing that work?

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Gabh mo leithscéal, a Theachta.

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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We are in here because we believe in-----

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Glaoim ar an Teachta Ó Laoghaire. Duine amháin ag caint.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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That is absolute nonsense.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Bíodh béasaí agat.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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Shame on Deputy Donnelly using his time like that point-scoring.

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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The Deputy does all right.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Bíodh béasaí agat, a Theachta.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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We are as committed as anyone else in this House. It is nonsense, utter nonsense.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Bíodh béasaí agat.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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It is utter nonsense. Point-scoring on a very serious matter.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Glaoim ar Teachta Ó Laoghaire. Bíodh béasaí agat, a Theachta Crowe. Ní do sheans é. Bhí seans agat cúpla nóiméad ó shin. Seans Teachta Ó Laoghaire atá ann anois.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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Sin do rogha.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
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Is é rogha an Chathaoir go mbeadh béasaí agat agus go bhfanfadh tú leis an am. Tá an seans ag Teachta Ó Laoghaire anois, ní agatsa so bí i do thost.

Cathal Crowe (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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Ar aghaidh leat.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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Go raibh maith agat. Tá súil agam go bhfaighidh mé an t-am ar ais. It is over 100 years since partition. Partition was profoundly wrong and had huge negative impacts for Ireland, North and South. It divided communities. It separated institutions and cultural movements and organisations. It had a negative effect on politics, North and South, with the sectarian orange state that existed for a long time in the North and in some respects having a significant impact on southern politics that did not reflect the full picture of what Ireland was in terms of its various traditions.

A united Ireland needs to be about a lot more than just fixing the wrongs of partition; it needs to be about the transformation of our future. I believe that a united Ireland can mean that. It can unleash even greater economic potential in our country. It is the natural, most logical form of political organisation on this island. It can lead us to a much richer and more reflective composition of a national identity, which can be enriched by all the strands of our national story. I am eating into time. I am conscious that I lost a bit of time, so I hope the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach might accept that to some extent.

With the talk about sloganeering, the motion is about planning and preparing. The position of the Taoiseach, which is not the position of Deputy Byrne or many other speakers, is irrational and illogical. Other organisations, including political parties and trade unions, can do a great deal. Ultimately, only a Government has the weight and heft of resources to properly plan the integration of public services and so on. It needs an Irish Government to back it and begin planning and preparing. It would be negligent not to do so.

Rose Conway-Walsh (Mayo, Sinn Fein)
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To conclude this debate, I thank everybody who has contributed tonight, including Government Members. It is important. What is obvious from it is, exactly as it says in the motion, is that we need a Green Paper on Irish unity, a White Paper, an Oireachtas joint committee dedicated to reunification and citizens' assemblies. Were we to do that, even in itself, we would make much progress in this space. We all agree that we need to prepare. Let us not go over the old ground. Let us agree here and now that we need to prepare, but we need to do it urgently. We also need to include our diaspora, including the thousands of people living in Britain and America. These are Irish people who really want to be part of this debate.

The Government has a particular role to play as coguarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, as does the Taoiseach. I ask each member of the Government to have that discussion and conversation in their parliamentary party groups. Let it unite us. This is much bigger than party politics. We need to do this. We owe it to people to do this. We owe it to people who are currently living on this island, right across the board, and we owe it to the future to do this preparatory work now. I welcome the shared island unit and the work that it does but it has to be expanded and there has to be urgency about answering the questions that we need to have answered. We cannot hope to tackle issues such as climate change, public health, energy security and food security with a separated island. We can only do it together. Let us go forward from here and do what needs to be done. We know what that is.