Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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Rishi Sunak enters No. 10 Downing Street at a time of real strain between our two islands. That strain is caused by the Tory Government's orchestrated undermining of the Good Friday Agreement and its persistent attacks on the protocol. This self-serving agenda has seeped into the stability of Government and power-sharing in the North. The Tories facilitated the DUP in using the protocol as pretext for its boycott of the political institutions following last May's election. The appointment of a new British Prime Minister can bring an opportunity for a real step change in how Britain engages with Ireland and with our European partners. This can be a chance for a fresh start. The question is whether it will be.

We need to see relationships based on good faith and a genuine desire for real progress. For our part, we have contacted Downing Street seeking a meeting with Mr. Sunak as soon as possible. The new Prime Minister must put a focus and energy into ensuring the implementation of the protocol, the ironing out of outstanding issues and getting the Executive in the North back up and running. The protocol is widely supported. It is working. Of course, if can work better and we want to see that happen sooner rather than later. Time is of the essence. The six-month deadline to form an Administration expires on Friday. Sinn Féin stands ready to form an Executive for all and ready to work with others to shape a better future. It is with this objective in mind that the assembly will sit tomorrow.

Our message to the DUP is clear. It must end its boycott, join with us and work with us together in an Executive to tackle the cost of living, fix the health service and make people's lives better. Caithfidh aontachtas a thuiscint nach ionann blocáil an fheidhmeannaigh i mBéal Feirste agus riail dhíreach ó Londain. Is é an t-aon rogha eile ná socrú údaráis idir Stát na hÉireann agus stát na Breataine. Political unionism must understand that wrecking the institutions of Government will not usher in direct rule from London. If the restoration of the Executive in Belfast is blocked indefinitely by the DUP, the only alternative will be an arrangement of joint authority between the Irish State and the British state. This is in line with the position taken in 2006 by the Irish and British Governments when facing a deadlock situation. Fractured relationships serve nobody. We need partnership and a commitment to make politics work in the interests of the people.

I know the Taoiseach will speak with the new British Prime Minister this evening. I very much hope the Dáil can maintain a unified stance on the important matters ahead. I have no doubt he will make clear to Mr. Sunak that the British Government is a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and must play a constructive role in implementing the protocol through a negotiated settlement. No doubt the Taoiseach will make clear that the North's democratic institutions must be restored as a matter of priority and, in the event they are not, that direct rule from London is off the table. Have those in the Irish Government engaged with their British counterparst to prepare for joint authority arrangements should the formation of an Executive continue to be blocked? Can the Taoiseach tell us what stage those preparations are at?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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Ar dtús báire, déanaim comhghairdeas le Príomh-Aire nua na Breataine, Rishi Sunak, as é a bheith tofa mar phríomh-aire. Guím gach rath air agus é ag obair ar son mhuintir na Breataine. Beidh mé ag caint leis níos déanaí, mar a luaigh an Teachta, agus inseoidh mé dó go bhfuil géarghá ann anois le tús a chur le cainteanna substaintiúla idir an tAontas Eorpach agus Rialtas na Breataine agus, mar aon leis sin, go bhfuil géarghá anois le hinstitiúidí an Tuaiscirt a thabhairt ar ais chomh luath agus is féidir - láithreach i ndáiríre.

First of all, I congratulate the new British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, on his election. I look forward to having the opportunity to engage with him later today. What has sustained this House over the last difficult period since Brexit happened has been the unity of purpose in Ireland's fundamental aims and objectives. We were never supporters of Brexit, but we respect the decision of the British people to leave the European Union. The issues that have arisen from that decision have clearly not been resolved, namely, the relationship between Britain and the European Union, the British-Irish relationship and, more specifically, the continuation of the trading relationship between Europe and Britain and how that impacts on Northern Ireland. The protocol was designed to deal with that trading relationship. From my engagement with industry and businesses in Northern Ireland, particularly in manufacturing and the food industry, they have said the protocol has been very beneficial. In fact, the food industry has said the legislation that is going through the House of Lords at the moment would be injurious to it, given the dual regulatory framework of that legislation. It would disrupt the integrity of the food chain from beginning to the end, onto the market, and could have very serious consequences for the food industry. I said that to the previous Primer Minister, Liz Truss, who, to be fair, did indicate to me a resolve to get these issues decided between Europe and Britain through negotiation. I hope the new Prime Minister will equally believe in that idea that negotiation is the preferred option in resolving the issues around the protocol. Europe stands ready. I have had regular engagement with President von der Leyen and with Vice President Šefčovič. I am in no doubt that Europe stands ready to be flexible in all matters pertaining to the protocol, and in the context of the geopolitical difficulties that we are facing across Europe, with the first war on the Continent of Europe since the Second World War, the need for like-minded countries, such as the United Kingdom, the European Union, the United States, Canada, Japan and so forth, to be together in dealing with that issue. That really puts the issue of the protocol, and the necessity to get it resolved, into context.

I have made it clear to the DUP that the party should come back into the assembly and facilitate the restoration of the assembly and the Executive. It is a denial of democracy not to do so. I have been very consistent, since the election, that the results of the election should be vindicated. The people have voted and the results should be reflected in the composition of the Executive, the positions of First Minister and deputy First Minister, and the operation of the assembly. I have held that position for a long time. In previous periods when the Executive was taken down or stopped meeting for various reasons, I called it out then just as I call it out now. When people elect their representatives, they expect their parliament to be elected. On what happens in the event of no restoration, the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference kicks in. The Good Friday Agreement provides for meetings of that group, with close consultation with the Irish Government in matters pertaining to Northern Ireland. I will come back in on the supplementary.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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I have absolutely no doubt Europe is ready and, indeed, has been ready and has shown remarkable flexibility in dealing with the issues of concern around the protocol. Just to reiterate, the protocol is widely supported and it is working, as the Taoiseach has attested to and has witnessed from his conversations with various sectors north of the Border. I, too, hope we get to a position where we have a functioning Executive, a First Minister for all and a functioning assembly. That is where this needs to land. However, it is essential everybody understands that the alternative to that is not a return to direct rule from London. We need to be very upfront and frank with our unionist colleagues in that regard. Will the Taoiseach elaborate, in the minute he has available, on the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, that partnership relationship, and how he envisages that functioning in the event there is a failure on the part of political unionism to help us re-establish the Executive and to have a functioning assembly?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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First of all, we want the institutions restored, and I make that plea to the DUP. The Good Friday Agreement provides for meetings of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference to promote bilateral co-operation on matters of mutual interest and to consider non-devolved Northern Ireland matters. It makes provision for the Irish Government to put forward views and proposals, recognising the Irish Government's special interest in Northern Ireland. That is in recognition of that special interest we have. In the event there is a sustained period with no functioning of the Northern Ireland Executive or the assembly, there cannot be a return to the direct rule arrangements of the past. The Government will fully pursue its consultative role under the Good Friday Agreement. That is the position, and we will exhaust every possibility within that framework if there is a sustained period of absence of the Executive or the assembly.

Catherine Murphy (Kildare North, Social Democrats)
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There is finally some good news on energy prices. Gas prices have dropped by more than two thirds since the summer. Yesterday's benchmark futures dropped to €92 per MWh, down from an astronomical €340 per MWh in August. A number of factors are feeding into this. The EU set a target for having its gas stockpiles at 80% by 1 November. This figure has been exceeded, with storage currently at 92%. Demand has also reduced, and is down by 7% across the EU so far this year. Finally, consumption across the EU is around 20% lower than for this time of the year. It may well be to do with the mild weather, but people are also fearful about turning on the heat. I understand there are a number of variables feeding into the price reduction. However, the key point remains that wholesale gas prices have significantly declined from the exorbitant peak we saw earlier this year.

Energy companies in this country were quick to increase their prices for consumers when gas prices started to rise. Electricity prices have gone up by more than 90% over the past 12 months, and energy prices are up by 80%. This means workers and their families are paying up to an additional €2,000, on average, this year on their energy bills. It is also important to note the annual price increase did not come in one fell swoop. Companies have been steadily increasing their prices every three to six months in response to what they say are increases in wholesale energy costs. This month alone, Electric Ireland, Bord Gáis Energy, SSE Airtricity and Flogas, to name a few, have all hiked their prices by 50%. While prices have soared, the number of discounts available for customers has been slashed. The discounts customers get for switching providers are now minuscule. Switching was the mechanism for ensuring competition between suppliers. Potential savings for switching have been cut from between 25% and 40% to barely 10% right across the board. The result is that the energy market here is increasingly resembling a cartel, with almost no real choice for customers. To put this in context, those who switch their accounts are now missing out on savings of up to €1,000 a year. That is coming on top of increases in bills of up to €2,000 a year. Many families facing into the winter will be choosing between feeding their families and heating their homes. Any reduction cannot come soon enough.

How quickly can we expect to see reductions in energy prices passed onto consumers? What power does the Government have to ensure energy companies are passing on reduced costs and are not gouging their customers? In the interim, has the Government acted to give the energy regulator the power to regulate the exorbitant standing charges?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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First of all, I thank the Deputy for raising this important issue, and by prefacing her remarks by referring to some good news. It does not normally happen in exchanges between the Opposition and the Government sides. However, I do take the point made by the Deputy. Today's price is the lowest since June, and it is down more than 70% from the record level of 640 pence hit in August. That is the gas spot price in the UK market. It is around 190 pence a therm today.

That is the lowest since June and considerably lower than the price of 640 pence a therm in August. That may be the result of temperatures but we also need to reflect on the fact that the European Union working together has an impact. When the storage policy was first announced more than a year ago, people did not think it was credible that the European Union member states could get to the levels of storage they have. That has created an impact on the markets. The work the European Union has been doing to move towards a more sophisticated and nuanced approach to price caps and so on is also having an impact on the market, as is reduced consumption, which is clearly the result of people being fearful of the prices involved. However, it also points to the inadvisability of moving to a blanket cap of the kind the UK Government originally proposed, and which was also proposed in Ireland. That would incentivise consumption. It is a complex matter and the discussions at the EU Energy Council at the moment are complex. There is no one-size-fits-all solution. All the markets are different with member states having different energy mixes. For example, we import 75% of our gas from the United Kingdom and get 25% from the Corrib gas field. Even to a certain extent, we are more dependent on what happens in the London market than on other markets within Europe. Security of supply is a key issue for us. We have prioritised security of supply for the country. Given that many companies and most utility companies base their prices on future and forward contracts, the recent drop in spot prices may not immediately translate into lower electricity and gas bills for customers. This country spent €8.3 billion on the importation of energy products in the first eight months of this year compared with €3.4 billion last year. It is an extraordinary gap.

Therefore, hopefully it will, but there are other issues also. Future markets are pointing to higher prices in the coming months. There is still a certain degree of uncertainty because of political uncertainty, the war in Ukraine and the need to start preparing for winter 2023-24 in terms of further storage and necessities across Europe. It is by no means certain but it is good news so far in terms of what is happening.

Europe is focusing on stabilising the spikes in prices we witnessed over the past eight months. If we could stabilise the market, it would give us greater certainty to plan.

Catherine Murphy (Kildare North, Social Democrats)
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It will only be good news if that is passed on. That was the key point in the questions I asked the Taoiseach. The market looks more like a cartel arrangement. There is now only a minuscule benefit to switching provider. Will the Taoiseach address the issue of standing charges? Has the regulator the power to deal with that?

The Taoiseach might also address the following point. It was reported in an EU publication that 15 member states, including France, Italy, Poland and Spain, supported a price cap while other countries, including Ireland, Germany and the Netherlands, opposed it. There is no unity on a Europe-wide price cap. Why is Ireland taking that approach? I ask the Taoiseach to address, in particular, the issues as to how any price decrease can be passed on to consumers. What mechanisms are available to do that?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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The regulator has powers in respect of these issues. This is the worst energy crisis we have had. It surpasses even that of the 1970s. By definition, it is feeding into the price in the market and that is why the Government has taken unprecedented moves in the recent budget to provide substantial payments across the social protection system between now and the end of the year. The energy credit and a whole range of other reduction of costs initiatives have been undertaken to try to enable people to get through the winter. I hope this trend will continue beyond the winter. That would be great news all round.

At European Union level, different member states have different energy mixes. Gas has been the determining factor in electricity prices. Some countries have up to a 70% dependence on gas for electricity while other countries' dependence is as low as 20%. The Iberian Peninsula has a different energy mix than most of Europe, with a very strong performance on renewables. It has carved out a particular model and the European Commission is examining that to see could it have a wider application.

In short, we are all coming at it from a different perspective. The Irish perspective puts security of supply first. Our relationship with the UK is key. We do not want any unilateral decisions to impact security of supply from the UK to Ireland.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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I will bring the Taoiseach back to 29 November 1989. The Taoiseach had been recently elected and was supporting a Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government, led by former Deputy Charles Haughey. The Dáil was debating the Building Control Act, which introduced a regime of self-certification, allowing builders effectively to sign off on projects themselves. Former Deputy Eamon Gilmore, then of the Workers' Party, said:

The principle being enshrined in this section is very dangerous. It will expose people who are buying homes to buying products which are sub-standard against which they will have no comeback.

What was the response of the Fianna Fáil Minister, former Deputy Pádraig Flynn? He said: "If Deputy Gilmore buys a building without having put in place some checks and without having carried out checks, then he is the one who is being negligent in protecting his own investment." That is incredible. The Minister was blaming the residents and not the builders. Fianna Fáil opened the door for the kind of defective building we have seen.

Here we are, 33 years on and the fruits of that policy are becoming crystal clear. According to the report commissioned by the Government and released in July, up to 100,000 apartments and houses around the State are likely affected by defects, mostly fire defects. That includes Hunterswood, Park West Crescent, Carrickmines Green, a recent development in Inchicore and many others, the owners of which do not yet want their developments named yet. That is only the tip of the iceberg. Most people who are affected do not yet know it yet. There are probably significant defects in any apartment or duplex built between 1991 and 2013. Those homeowners will have a very unwelcome surprise coming in the form of a bill of an average of €25,000. For many, it will be much more than that. It is money that people simply do not have. Contrary to what the then Minister, Pádraig Flynn, was suggesting, that is not their fault. They did everything right when they bought their property. It is why residents have come together to launch a campaign called Not Our Fault. They are calling a major public conference open to all affected in a few weeks' time.

The Government has had the expert group report from which these figures come since July. A month ago, the Government set up another group, an interdepartmental and agency group, to look into the issue. The people who are living with the fruits of Fianna Fáil policy know what the answer is. It is extremely simple. A 100% redress scheme is the only just solution. It is also the only workable solution. The scheme should be retrospective and the State should then pursue the builders responsible.

Last week, residents in Park West Crescent voted not to pay the €68,500 they were being asked to in order to address fire defects. Residents in Hunterswood did the same a few months ago. Nobody is going to hand over enormous amounts of money now when the Government has not indicated that the scheme will be retrospective. I ask the Government to stop kicking the can down the road. Will the Taoiseach agree to a 100% redress scheme that is retrospective?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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No one has been more proactive than the Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, in dealing with issues in respect of defective blocks and apartments. He has commissioned the largest and most significant survey of apartment defects in this country. He has the results of that report. He has indicated repeatedly to the House that he will be bringing forward a scheme by the end of this year in respect of apartment defects. He has already introduced a most comprehensive scheme in respect of mica. A previous Government brought in a scheme in respect of pyrite. In the first instance, those in construction, including builders and in the case of mica, quarries that supplied defective blocks, are responsible. The Government has taken the view that the residents facing such a situation should be looked after. It is not the residents' fault. That has been the clear position of the Government. Responsibility is on the builders, insurers and all the rest, and there should be mechanisms, including bonds, to protect people from defects.

Because of the need for people to live in their primary residence and to have a roof over their head, the Government is going to come forward a with very comprehensive scheme to deal with this, just as we have in respect of mica and other areas as well. Many of these have occurred in more recent times in respect of the apartment defects, but this does not lessen the need to do something about it. I know the Minister met with the Construction Defects Alliance last week and also met with the apartment owner group and network. He is very proactive on this issue and the scheme will be brought forward and published before the end of the year. Deputies will have an opportunity to have an input into that in respect of its precise nature. I have no doubt Deputies will bring forward amendments and make suggestions to the Minister.

We took on many additional recommendations in respect of the mica scheme when we met with representatives of residents, and that is in comparison with the previous scheme that was introduced some years back. The Minister will publish the scheme before the end of the year and we will engage with Members of the House in respect of it.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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Stop kicking the can down the road. The Government has the report from July. It is very simple and it sets out the problems and the potential solutions. At the very least, the residents are looking for a commitment from the Taoiseach today that any scheme that will be introduced will be retrospective. Will the Taoiseach answer that question and give a commitment that, regardless of the details of the scheme that is introduced, it will be retrospective? If the Taoiseach does not do that, nothing is going to happen on this issue. Nobody is going to vote to pay €25,000, €30,000, €50,000 or €70,000 to fix defects that are not their fault and when they do not have this money. Give a commitment that the scheme that will be introduced will be retrospective.

Second, give a commitment that this will be a scheme for 100% redress because that is not the scheme that was introduced for the people affected by mica. These people are the victims of cowboy builders. Fianna Fáil, with its regime of self-certification, opened the door for cowboy builders to jump through. Give a guarantee that the State will be funding these costs so that these works actually can be done, because they will not be done if the Government leaves any portion of them up to ordinary people, because they cannot afford it, and then to go on to pursue the builders responsible.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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Fianna Fáil did not open the door to anybody-----

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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It did.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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-----and the Deputy should not absolve people who have their own responsibilities, namely, those who build. There is always responsibility-----

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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You were warned very clearly-----

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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That is just classic politicking-----

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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No, it is in the Dáil record.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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-----by the Deputy and political spin. I am more interested in getting this issue resolved for the residents.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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Then do it.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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The bottom line is, as the Deputy knows, the Minister brought a memorandum to Government in September and informed us of the content of the report he had published in July, outlining the scale of the issue, where 100,000 apartments have been impacted with a potential cost of approximately €1.56 billion to €2.5 billion - within that range. The Minister will bring proposals on this scheme to the Cabinet before the end of the year and all of the issues the Deputy has referred to are under examination. I am not going to pre-empt what the Minister is going to bring to the Cabinet.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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Will the Taoiseach at least commit to the scheme being retrospective?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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We are now well into October and it is not too long until the end of the year. No one is kicking any can down the road. This is a very significant issue. We have already allocated up to €2.8 billion for the mica scheme and a further €1 billion for pyrite. These issues have to be taken seriously. They involve a great deal of expenditure on behalf of the taxpayer. We take our responsibilities seriously and go through it in a proper and serious-minded way.

Peter Fitzpatrick (Louth, Independent)
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I am sure the Taoiseach is aware that there are great concerns in respect of housing. The housing crisis is felt in every part of the country. Not a day goes by where people call to my constituency office looking for a home or somewhere to stay. There is a severe housing shortage, spiralling rental costs, and in Louth alone, rents have gone up by 8%. This is hitting everybody and all walks of life.

I invite the Taoiseach today, together with the Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage, Deputy O’Brien, seated beside him, to come to my home town of Dundalk to visit three areas. At present there are about 30 unoccupied council houses in Dundalk. I appreciate the Department of Housing, Local Government and Heritage is paying €11,000 to local authorities to get these houses back on the market. It is taking approximately between six and seven months, if not longer, to get this done. These are called void reports. There are 30 families in Dundalk alone, not Drogheda or Ardee, who could walk into these homes tomorrow morning.

The second issue is that I want the Taoiseach to come to visit a site on the outskirts of Dundalk. This developer has planning permission for 500 houses and is willing to put in 150 to 200 modular homes. These modular homes are fully serviced, are close to schools and shops, and the developer, as I have said, is willing to go ahead with these. These are family homes for people who are in a very bad situation at the moment and who could be on the waiting list of Louth County Council for as long as ten years. I have asked all my constituents if they would be willing to go into modular homes and they would be delighted to have a roof over their heads. As homelessness is at record heights at the moment, this would be a win-win situation for all.

I would then like to take the Taoiseach and the Minister to a factory about ten miles from Dundalk which manufactures modular homes. These are three- and four-bedroom, top-class and fully fitted modular homes. They take between four and five weeks to put them together. The company is willing to put a team together to facilitate these 150 to 200 homes. I have seen these houses myself. They are high-spec family homes and, again, I believe it is a win-win for everybody.

With home ownership declining, and no further homes to buy, it is very important we do this. The present cost to rent a property in Dundalk and the Louth area is €1,420, and that is the cheapest.

I ask the Taoiseach to give assurances on the issues I have raised and that he and the Minister will come to Dundalk. This is just one area and, as I have said, there are many other areas such as Drogheda and Ardee. The Taoiseach is always asking for solutions. To me this is a win-win for all. People at the moment are only talking about modular homes for Ukrainians. I have no problem with that but I have people coming to my constituency office asking me, where there is a house for rent, to please contact them or the auctioneer. I could have possibly 20 to 30 such people calling in a day. This is a win-win for all. Will the Taoiseach and the Minister, Deputy O’Brien, come to Dundalk to have a look?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Deputy for raising this issue and for the constructive manner in which he has approached it. From what the Deputy has outlined, I have suggested to the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, that he should go up to County Louth for the weekend, where the Deputy could take him around to a few more sites. The Deputy's points are well made.

Housing is the biggest issue facing us as a society and we have to facilitate all construction types. We have to reduce and stop objecting left, right and centre to various projects that are coming forward because the scale of the housing need is such that we have to get progress on planning permissions and on housing projects that are well designed. There have been too many objections over recent years - there is no point in saying otherwise - and these are objections which do not match the crisis. Everybody needs a mindset change in respect of the enormousness of the challenge facing us in housing, the war on Ukraine, on migration generally, and on those accessing emergency accommodation. The scale of this is quite enormous.

The Deputy's point on voids is well made. Approximately 7,000 voids have been brought back into use in the two years since the Government came into office. The Minister has given particular attention to ensuring houses are not left idle for any unreasonable length of time and that local authorities get in there - we have provided the funding - and get those houses back into use. Given the current crisis, it is not good enough that any house would be left void for any period of time.

Modular or rapid-build housing, which is the term I prefer, because these are good, high quality houses with a significant cost per unit, will have to form part of the wider housing building programme we have into the future. The companies the Deputy is talking about require certainty over a reasonable period of time in terms of the volumes that need to be constructed. In addition to our conventionally built houses, we need more rapid-build and more timber-framed homes also. We as a country are unusually low in percentage terms in timber-framed homes compared with other countries like Scotland. We are therefore developing plans to get additional rapid-build homes over and above the 700 we have already identified in respect of the Ukrainian situation and so that these type homes would be used more broadly. Again, the capacity exists in the country to do what the Deputy is proposing in respect of rapid-build homes. Other countries are also doing that and it is something we can do.

If we get the first projects off the ground, people will develop more confidence in this form of housing. That is why I am anxious, if I can, to get up to see the company and the areas Deputy Fitzpatrick has identified. If I cannot, the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, will certainly do so. If there is a person who can provide 500 houses on a particular site, we should facilitate him or her and enable that project to be accelerated as quickly as possible because there is great need out there.

Peter Fitzpatrick (Louth, Independent)
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I said earlier on that there had been no objections to this project, which would comprise 150 to 200 modular homes. This developer is willing to help with the current housing crisis. These houses are family homes with a front and back garden. The people who come to me do not want to rear their children in apartments. They want them to have a normal life in a very safe environment. I will again use the term "shovel-ready". The electricity, sewage and gas infrastructure is ready. There are schools, shops and everything else in the vicinity. The Government is talking about putting billions aside. This is just one area. Will the Taoiseach and the Minister please give a commitment to come and look at this project?

The second thing I mentioned was unoccupied council houses. There are 30 such houses in Dundalk. Louth County Council should be run as a business. If I had a business, I would have a thing called a float, which covers normal day-to-day running costs. I ask the Taoiseach to give Louth County Council a float of €100,000 so that, as unoccupied council houses come up, they can be dealt with straight away rather than waiting five, six, seven or eight months. These houses are being handed back to the council in perfect condition. If they are left lying idle for that length of time, they will get damp and everything else. Let us allow local authorities to operate as businesses do.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I do not know what is holding back development on the particular site the Deputy is talking about. If it is shovel-ready, has planning permission and so on, it should go ahead. I ask the Deputy to give the details of those voids to the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien. We want to address voids as quickly as possible. There is no limit on funding for councils to get voids back into use. There is no limit in that regard.

Maurice Quinlivan (Limerick City, Sinn Fein)
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There is.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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There is.

Peter Fitzpatrick (Louth, Independent)
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There is a problem.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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We have made it very clear that we want the councils to move very quickly on voids and to get them back into use as quickly as possible. Some 7,000 have been brought back into use since this Government was formed. We will retain a relentless focus on that aspect of housing because the Deputy is correct; if a house is idle because someone has left it for any reason, the local authority should move quickly to get somebody else in there.