Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I pay tribute to the Health Information and Quality Authority, HIQA, for its hard-hitting and uncompromising report on Tusla, the Child and Family Agency, set up by the Government four years ago. Its conclusions, which follow the investigation which was necessitated by the false allegations pertaining to Maurice McCabe, are serious and damning and call for a fundamental review of the agency and whether it is fit for purpose. The report is alarming in that it says that, as a State, we are not dealing with current child sex abuse allegations properly or with the necessary level of capacity. Despite all of the inquiries into child sexual abuse in the past and all of the huge outrage in terms of what happened, it is extraordinary that in this day and age the Government and its agencies are simply not in a position to deal with sex abuse allegations. In fact, the report states that the systems failures within Tusla had the potential to put children at risk, which is a very worrying conclusion.

There is a list of issues. Some 165 sex abuse allegations await assessment. In the course of its review, HIQA escalated 65 cases to regional managers at Tusla where it was concerned about a potential risk to a child. The investigating team found cases which were inappropriately closed, inadequate managerial oversight, a gap between Tusla's national policies and what is happening on the ground, a lack of timeliness in responding to referrals and poor record keeping. It found actual cases of systems failures that, as I said, placed children at risk. Alarmingly, it found no standardised approach to direct and guide staff in the management of retrospective allegations.

There are the huge deficiencies in the working arrangements between Tusla and the Garda Síochána. There are no electronic transfer mechanisms. There is no electronic data transfer system between them and, instead, notifications of child sexual abuse are notified between the two agencies by fax or by phone. In this day and age it is extraordinary that both agencies do not have the capacity to notify each other electronically of suspected child abuse.

Does the Taoiseach have confidence in the Tusla agency, its board and its management? Does he accept it has a systemic problem which is putting children at risk? How does he account for the lack of any proper relationship between An Garda Síochána and Tusla at a formal level? Does the Government accept its failings in this regard and the need for a comprehensive reassessment of Tusla? It was set up in great haste and with great fanfare but it seems that huge deficiencies are still evident.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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First, I thank Deputy Martin for raising this very important issue. I also join him in thanking HIQA for doing this very thorough statutory investigation and doing it in just over a year, which is reasonably timely for a statutory investigation. I also want to commend the Minister, Deputy Zappone, for taking the initiative of commissioning this report in the first place.

The Government accepts the report. The Department of Children and Youth Affairs accepts the report. Tusla accepts the report. It will be implemented in full and, in fact, Tusla will be accounting for it before the Oireachtas joint committee today. I do have confidence in Tusla to implement the report but we will be monitoring that very closely and we will be taking independent advice on the monitoring of the implementation of that report. I also point out that while the report is very critical and very hard-hitting, it does not say that Tusla needs the kind of overhaul the Deputy is suggesting.

I am very conscious of the serious nature of the findings. We are determined, as a Government, that the focus now is on speeding up the pace of existing reforms and implementing all of HIQA's recommendations for the benefit and safety of children who may be at risk. The Minister has been in touch with the chairman of Tusla's board, emphasising the urgency of action on the recommendations. She intends to meet the board shortly to discuss the implications of the report and the next steps. An immediate and systematic improvement is needed and it is intended to implement the recommendations in full as soon as is practicable.

Officials from the Department of Children and Youth Affairs met this morning with Dr. Moling Ryan, who will chair the quality assurance group which will drive the implementation and recommendations made by HIQA to assure us they are being implemented. The Minister, Deputy Zappone, is taking full responsibility and will publish regular updates on the group's work to keep the public informed of progress. The Minister is also working with Government colleagues on the cross-cutting issues, and there are many cross-cutting issues. For example, she is working with the Minister for Justice and Equality on a new approach to deal with historical allegations of child sexual abuse and is engaging with the Minister for Education and Skills on a new formal career path for social work. She will also work with HIQA to identify how a review of best practice in the regulation of children's social services can inform the development of a regulatory framework.

The response from Tusla and the openness of senior management yesterday to respond to questions are welcome. As I said, they will be appearing before the Oireachtas joint committee later today, where they will give further account. I expect there will be a robust and good engagement at that.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I could believe what the Taoiseach has just said if it were not for the record over recent years. Unfortunately, this is not the first we have heard of this issue. For example, HIQA conducted 12 inspections of Tusla child protection and welfare services between 2014 and 2016 and exactly the same issues arose in those reports, so much so that HIQA in 2015 reviewed the governance arrangements within Tusla because it was so concerned. Nine months ago, in October 2017, HIQA organised a meeting with the Minister and Tusla to apprise them of the fact that children were at risk because of systemic failures within Tusla. We have also had the Garda Síochána Inspectorate report on child sex abuse allegations with very damning conclusions.

This needs more than what the Taoiseach is suggesting. The response from Government is not urgent nor comprehensive enough and has been partially responsible over the last two to three years. This is despite all of the reports, for example, those from Geoffrey Shannon and the Ombudsman for Children. They are all saying the same thing but very little is happening on the ground in reality in terms of giving capacity and introducing proper change to make sure children are not at risk because of the systemic failures of our national child welfare agency.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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It is important to stress the report is very clear that appropriate and timely action was taken where children were identified as being at risk of harm but, due to various failures in the way systems are managed, children at potential risk may have been missed, which is a very serious finding. It is also important to acknowledge that the report comments positively on the strategic direction and it comments that there is abundant evidence of considerable financial investment by Government and evidence to show better and more focused staff training has occurred. We should acknowledge that and acknowledge the front-line social workers who do such a good job in difficult circumstances.

The Deputy is right to talk about the record, and we have had many problems in setting up this agency and getting it up and running. We should not forget where we have come from. This was not a greenfield site. It was a question of taking Tusla out of the HSE and taking the Department of Children and Youth Affairs out of the Department of Health. It was not a greenfield site and it is very much an ongoing process of improvement. We are in a very different place than we were ten or 15 years ago when child protection was just an afterthought, an appendage to the Department of Health and to the HSE. We know that HSE boards, for example, regularly did not even discuss child protection at their board meetings. What have we done? We have totally changed from that old policy of the past, established a dedicated Department of Children and Youth Affairs, established Tusla as a dedicated agency, taking it out of the HSE, put children's rights in our Constitution and legislated to give effect to that.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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The time is up.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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We have increased resources for Tusla by €40 million-----

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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It is not working.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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-----and also brought in mandatory reporting of child abuse, which had been promised for so long. Why would we ever want to go back to what was there before?

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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Yesterday the Minister for Finance, Deputy Donohoe, published the Government's summer economic statement. It clearly points to a budget in October that will have serious consequences for ordinary people. By taking a decision not to invest the €1.4 billion that is available to the Government in the upcoming budget under the fiscal rules, it is deliberately choosing once again not to address the social crises that we have in this State, crises that have been created as a result of a decade of underinvestment by this Government and previous Fianna Fáil-led Governments.

That lack of investment has resulted in hospital waiting lists of more than 700,000 people. It has resulted in 100,000 people on hospital trolleys last year alone. It has resulted in more than 4,000 children waking up this morning in emergency accommodation. Along with the crippling crisis the State faces in health and housing, we have the highest childcare costs in the European Union while our third level institutions are falling down the international ranking. Basic telecommunications remains a pipe dream for many in rural Ireland. Many struggle in fear of an extra financial burden such as a car breakdown or an unexpected trip to the doctor. It is reckless of the Government to decide that even though the money is available, it will not invest it to meet the challenges we face as a society. Instead, it is attempting to normalise lacklustre public services, which is socially and economically irresponsible.

The coming budget should be about building economic stability for all. It should be about providing access to proper public services and meaningful investment to stabilise public and personal finances. Putting a few quid in a rainy day fund is the wrong decision at the wrong time. While everyone appreciates the idea of putting a few bob aside for unprecedented events in the case of emergency, we have emergencies right here and now. They will not fix themselves. They need investment and they will not vanish overnight. Despite Fianna Fáil's constant promises to fund everything under the sun, it seems to be on board with the Government's strategy. The long and the short of it, however, is that these services will continue to be in a state of crisis unless the Government invests to fix them. The Government knows it and Fianna Fáil knows it. That is the crux of the matter. The choices to be made in the upcoming budget in October are very simple. We can choose to continue to allow these crises to prevail and deepen or we can tackle them head on. Does the Taoiseach accept that under his plans, the message to those in emergency accommodation and to the hundreds of thousands on hospital waiting lists or on trolleys is to suck it up and get on with it?

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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The Minister for Finance published the summer economic statement yesterday but I am not sure the Deputy really understands it. Perhaps I can explain.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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That is patronising.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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The summer economic statement, which presages the budget, provides for an increase in public spending next year of €3.4 billion. That is one of the largest increases in public spending in a very long time. Of that, we have already committed €2.5 billion. We have committed to a €1.5 billion increase in investment in public infrastructure, which includes housing, health care, schools, broadband and climate change mitigation measures. We have also pre-committed to increasing pay for our public servants, including doctors, teachers and nurses. We will see pay restoration continued during the next year. We have also set aside additional money for demographics, recognising that there will be more pensioners next year as well as more patients and students in our schools. We are also taking account of the fact that some of the improvements introduced in the course of this year, including subsidised childcare and increased welfare payments, will cost more in 2019 because of the full year effect. As such, the summer economic statement provides that next year we will increase public spending by €3.4 billion, which is a very large amount of money.

Health spending in Ireland is already at a record high. On a per capita basis, it is among the highest in the world. It has been running ahead of the international OECD average for 20 years now, including during the recession. If Sinn Féin does not understand that our problems in healthcare are about much more than funding, it has no solutions to offer Irish people or those patients who are suffering and waiting. The Sinn Féin policy is to spend money which is not available and would have to be borrowed. What we say in the summer economic statement is that we are aiming for a deficit next year. It is still a deficit and we will still borrow money next year. We are aiming for a deficit of 0.1% of GDP next year, which is close to but still not a balanced budget. The Sinn Féin policy is to borrow another billion or two next year. Now is not the time in the economic cycle to increase our debt. Now is the time for us to balance the books and pay down our debt because we cannot assume the economy will always grow this quickly or that unemployment will always be falling. The Sinn Féin policy is actually worse than the Fianna Fáil policy of the past. Fianna Fáil's policy was "When I have it, I spend it". At least it had it, whereas Sinn Féin is proposing to borrow it. Increasing borrowing and debt now might work for a year or two but after those two or three years are up, Sinn Féin will plunge us into a financial crisis yet again.

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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It is clear that the Taoiseach and his Cabinet are making economic decisions from their ivory tower. Let us deal with the reality here. The State faces major social crises. As we speak, there are hundreds of people on hospital trolleys. This morning, more than 4,000 children woke up in emergency accommodation. Despite the fact that we have very strict fiscal rules, we can spend an additional €1.4 billion to deal with these crises, yet the Government in its ivory tower has decided not to do so. Its message is clearly "Suck it up and wait". That is the wrong decision. It is socially irresponsible. It is economically irresponsible to fail to invest following a lost decade of underinvestment. We have had the lowest capital spending in Europe. While there is an increase in capital spending now, it is not reaching the European average, never mind dealing with the fact that we have had a decade of underinvestment.

What does the Taoiseach say to the young child this morning who left hotel accommodation to get two buses to his or her primary school? What does he say when that child asks why the Government cannot build the homes people need even though €1.4 billion is available under the fiscal rules? What does the Taoiseach say to a child who has been waiting for two years for an assessment because the Government will not provide the resources? What does he say to the 19 people in my constituency who are lying on trolleys today while a ward with 19 beds remains closed and management seeks €1.8 million to open it to allow these people to be treated with dignity and the professionals in the hospital to work in a proper environment?

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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It is curious and interesting that Sinn Féin now agrees with the fiscal rules when that party campaigned only a few years ago against the fiscal treaty, just as it campaigned against the Single Market and just as it campaigned against Ireland joining the European Union in the first place. I do not know whether it is just that one cannot believe Sinn Féin or whether it has really changed its spots.

Michael Creed (Cork North West, Fine Gael)
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It has not.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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All of a sudden, it is a pro-European party committed to fiscal rectitude and the fiscal rules, even though it opposed the nine referendums which brought them about. I do not know whether one simply cannot believe them or whether we should believe them and accept that the party is very good at admitting when it is wrong, which is most of the time.

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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What does the Taoiseach say to those families?

Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Answer the question that was asked.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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What I say to those families is that they should be very afraid of Sinn Féin.

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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Because we will build the houses.

Timmy Dooley (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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They built Priory Hall.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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Sinn Féin's policy, at the worst possible time in the economic cycle, is to borrow more and increase debt, which will lead to a new financial crisis and a further economic downturn. The people who suffer the most during a downturn are the very people the Deputy is talking about.

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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Fine Gael should go back to its ivory tower.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Order. I call Deputy Howlin.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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In my first Leaders' Questions as party leader, I read out some of the shocking statistics from the 2015 Women's Aid report. The latest version of that report records that there were 19,385 disclosures of domestic abuse against women and children, including 607 cases of sexual abuse. According to Garda statistics last year, 2,947 sexual offences were committed in Ireland, of which 655 were cases of rape. Sadly, there are probably many more victims behind these numbers who did not come forward. Sadly, again, very few rape trials end in conviction. The National Women's Council of Ireland has called for reform of data collection in relation to sexual assault, in particular rape. It has asked for a number of State agencies, including An Garda Síochána, the Courts Service, Tusla and others, to work together to ensure the best possible data are available to policymakers. Current gaps in the data are preventing the bringing to justice of perpetrators. The recent HIQA report on the failings of Tusla in the handling of sexual offence allegations is yet another example of that.

Last weekend, it was my honour to present at the Labour Youth conference the annual Jim Kemmy "Thirst for Justice" award to the Rape Crisis Network Ireland.

The Rape Crisis Network plays a vital role in working with survivors of rape and, in particular, co-ordinating and supporting local rape crisis centres. However, as the Taoiseach will be aware, funding for the network has been cut and the organisation is struggling to continue with its vital work. Curiously, its funding has been placed under Tusla even though adult victims of rape and sexual abuse are outside the legal remit of Tusla. The network is unlikely to receive the priority it deserves in that context.

The new #MeToo movement is spreading around the world as people recognise the victims of sexual assault and rape and encourage them to come forward. As part of the #MeToo phenomenon, a great many women across the world, and men too, have shown tremendous courage by sharing publicly their experiences. This is helping to break down some of the barriers to victims receiving justice.

It is urgent for us to ensure the State is providing sufficient funding to these vital services to support victims of sexual violence and rape and ensure there is a safe space to enable victims to come forward. Will funding be fully restored to the Rape Crisis Network? Does the Taoiseach consider Tusla to be the appropriate funding body for this network? Does he agree that a more appropriate State agency or Department of State should be found?

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Howlin for raising the important issue of sexual violence. Although he did not mention it, we are all aware of a recent conviction in the courts and the unspeakable crimes that were committed in the case in question, which highlights the devastating impact of sexual violence. I express my admiration for the victims in reporting the offences to the Garda because many men and women do not report sexual violence and rape. We need to ensure we put in place a supportive environment for them to do so.

I will definitely look into the issue the Deputy raises regarding funding cuts to the Rape Crisis Network. I will seek a note on that today. I do not understand why it has occurred. The budget for Tusla increased by €40 million this year. I am not sure whether these cuts happened this year or under the previous Government but I will certainly check that out.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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Who was in the previous Government?

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I have an open mind as to whether the Rape Crisis Network should be funded by Tusla. I would be interested to find out from the network which body it would prefer to receive funding from and the reasons for its preference. The Deputy raises valid points and I will certainly look into them.

I should point out the some of the actions the Government is taking with regard to sexual violence to change attitudes and ensure perpetrators are punished. The second national strategy on domestic, sexual and gender-based violence runs from 2016 to 2021. We are nearing completion on the actions necessary for Ireland to ratify the Council of Europe convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention. The Domestic Violence Act, which was enacted at long last on 8 May, significantly enhances the legal protections available to victims of domestic violence. In addition, we published the general scheme of the Sex Offenders (Amendment) Bill, which contains valuable provisions to assist in the management of serious sexual offenders upon release, including tagging and a better sex offender register.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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I thank the Taoiseach for his response. The Rape Crisis Network Ireland is the co-ordinating body of rape crisis centres and provides valuable support to them. It was surprised to be placed under the remit of Tusla. While this was an organisational matter, there is an understanding that the network is not being given the priority it merits in the context of the many different pressures placed on Tusla, some of which were rehearsed in a previous question. I ask the Taoiseach to review this matter.

With regard to the Istanbul Convention, it is important that Ireland ratifies the convention as a matter of priority.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I will conclude by mentioning two other points. I will look into the issues the Deputy raises, both in terms of the quantum of funding and the most appropriate body to fund the rape crisis centres.

The Minister for Health, Deputy Harris, recently announced a full review of the sexual assault and treatment units around the country. These units provide support for victims of sexual violence and do significant work supporting men and women after sexual violence. However, we need to ensure we have a national plan in place and greater geographic equity because we do not have that at present.

The expert group led by Professor Dorothy Watson is nearing the completion of its work. We established the group in response to demands that we have a second Sexual Assault and Violence in Ireland or SAVI report. We should be in a position to announce in the near future a new detailed survey of sexual violence and domestic violence because one needs to know the facts to drive evidence based policy and one cannot improve matters if one does not measure them. We are keen to get a second SAVI survey up and running in the next couple of months. The survey may not be exactly the same as the SAVI survey done ten or 15 years ago. That should not be the case given that much has changed since but we need to have the data.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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In a report in today's Irish Independent, the journalist, Katherine Donnelly, provides a detailed and disturbing analysis of a new study by Dr. Rosaleen McElvaney of the school of nursing and human sciences at Dublin City University. The analysis was funded by St. Patrick's mental health services. Dr. McElvaney found that primary schools are engaging with children, some as young as four years of age, who are experiencing serious mental health difficulties, including self-harming and suicidal thoughts. The study notes that one quarter of all school principals believe they are ill-equipped to respond to the complexity of these children's needs. It is estimated that one third of schools are providing on-site counselling on an ad hocbasis. This demonstrates the way in which the absolute chaos in our mental health services is interacting with the crisis facing teaching principals around release times. This is generating a perfect storm, which is having a debilitating impact across the educational and mental health spectrum.

In the past week alone, almost a dozen schools in County Tipperary contacted me to raise the issue of exhaustion and the excessive workload affecting teaching principals as they try to manage the unmanageable administrative burdens being placed on them. The principals of the Deanery school in Cashel, Mount Bruis national school, Upper Newtown national school, St. Michael's national school, the Christian Brothers school in Tipperary town and the national schools in Tankardstown, Lisronagh, Lattin and Ballydrehid, as well as many other schools from outside my constituency, all expressed the view that the education system is under threat. They are burnt out and disillusioned and they argue that fantastic educational leaders are being lost every month due to ill health and stress.

As I stated, all of this is creating serious, systemic problems for children and a mental health crisis. Teaching principals are being mentally worn down in their search for adequate and appropriate child services. The position is the same at all levels of education, including in secondary schools. This morning, I and many other Deputies met student union representatives who also raised major issues. For instance, some students have to wait a full term to see a counsellor. The service is wholly inadequate when students must wait for eight to ten weeks for an appointment.

Is it any wonder this is happening when there is not a single residential child and adolescent mental health services, CAMHS, bed or adult psychiatric bed in Tipperary, a county with a population of 160,000? Recently, when I raised with the Taoiseach the resignation of an eminent psychiatrist, Dr. John Hillery, he dismissed it as a pre-election stunt on Dr. Hillery's part. I found that disgraceful. Unfortunately for the Taoiseach, the same cannot be said about Dr. Rosaleen McElvaney, the author of the study to which I referred. Will he accept there is a deep and prolonged crisis in mental health that is actively threatening the stability of the primary education system? Will he give a commitment to engage urgently with teaching principals to address their concerns for the sake of all the pupils, staff and families involved?

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I am afraid Deputy Mattie McGrath has me at a disadvantage once again. I have not seen the news report to which he refers-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Where is the Taoiseach living? Is he living at home?

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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-----nor have I read the study to which it refers. However, I can perhaps comment on some more general matters. In terms of mental health, I am sure the Deputy will be aware that we spend approximately €900 million per annum on mental health. This is a considerable amount of money, which is well spent, and is an increase of €200 million since 2012. There is, therefore, significant investment in mental health, an area in which services are changing. However, we are running into various recruitment difficulties, as is almost every country, in finding appropriately qualified staff to service our mental health infrastructure.

In terms of school principals, we are fortunate in Ireland to have such truly excellent school principals who do such an excellent job in managing and leading their schools.

We are doing more and more every year now that we can afford to do so. There is, of course, always more work to do but it is relevant to mention what has been done. This year the total spend on education will be €10 billion, the highest ever. What does that mean in practice? Some 5,000 new teachers have been employed in the last two years on foot of the confidence and supply agreement with Fianna Fáil; the restoration of guidance counsellors in a lot of schools; new subjects being introduced like computer science and physical education; 15,000 special needs assistants in our schools now - more than we have gardaí even though Garda numbers are increasing as well; renewed investment in our institutes of technology and universities; and new school buildings all over the country. We are seeing a considerable investment in education.

The Deputy might not be aware, so perhaps I have an advantage over him on this, that the Minister for Education and Skills, Deputy Bruton, made an announcement this morning which is all about improving school leadership and management and that involves additional promotional posts in primary schools, for example, more assistant principals to support principals, improved continuing professional development and training for teachers to help them deal with the changing environment that children now face.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Unfortunately I do not think the Taoiseach gets it. We can quote all these numbers and statistics but right in front of his face is the pressure that is on principals and the mental health problems that are there at such a young age are frightening all of us or at least anyone that wants to listen and acknowledge it. I feel the Taoiseach does not appreciate the scale of the crisis facing teaching principals. Some 80% of teaching principals have had their health compromised by their positions and 84% have considered stepping down. The Taoiseach can talk about all the new posts but we cannot keep the trained, excellent leaders that we have: we are losing them. Teaching principals are also paid less than their administrative principal counterparts who are also extremely overworked but who do have 900 hours release time a year on average more than the others. Teaching principals work without the added responsibility, so that 900 hours is very badly needed. The teaching principals forum has stated that the primary education system currently is like a house of cards, something like the Taoiseach's Government, and he is going to stand by while it collapses around us.

With regard to mental health, three nurses resigned from mental health posts in Waterford Regional Hospital only this week. There is nobody there at the moment. The Taoiseach can close his eyes to this, deny it and say he does not know what I am talking about but he should know and it is his duty to know. He is not living on Mars: he is living in Dublin.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I am not sure if there was a supplementary question there-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Of course there was.

Leo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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-----but what I can add to my previous reply is that the Minister of State, Deputy Jim Daly, met with the management team of the Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services, CAMHS, covering County Tipperary yesterday and is due to meet them again in two weeks time to see what can be done to improve those mental health services in the south east. Also, the National Educational Psychological Service is delivering mental health services to schools in the region and indeed all regions.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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We do not have them.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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That concludes Leaders' Questions.