Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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1. To ask the Taoiseach when the last meeting of the Cabinet Committee on European Affairs was held; and when the next meeting is scheduled. [15227/17]

Joan Burton (Dublin West, Labour)
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2. To ask the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance at the European Council in Rome on 26 March 2017. [15509/17]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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3. To ask the Taoiseach if he will report on the commemoration ceremony for the Treaty of Rome; if he held any bilaterals at same; and the items that were discussed. [16399/17]

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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4. To ask the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on European Affairs last met; and when it will next meet. [16423/17]

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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5. To ask the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance and meetings at the event to mark the 60th Anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome. [16729/17]

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 5, inclusive, together.

The Cabinet Committee on EU Affairs last met on Wednesday 8 March, the day before the European Council meeting in Brussels. The date of the next meeting of the Cabinet committee has not yet been confirmed.

I attended the Rome Summit on 25 March, as well as an audience with Pope Francis in the Vatican the previous evening. On the morning of 25 March, the 27 EU Heads of State and Government met without the UK in the room where the Treaty of Rome had been signed in 1957. The event included speeches by the Italian hosts, the Maltese EU Presidency, and the presidents of the three EU Institutions. There were no interventions from other Heads of State or Government. We agreed to adopt and then formally signed the "Rome Declaration". This short document highlights the important achievements of the EU over the past 60 years, the continuing importance of our shared values, and our commitment to addressing our future in a united and coherent way.

In discussions leading up to the event in Rome, and during informal conversations in the margins, I stressed that the EU, founded on the rule of law, democracy and human rights, has delivered peace and prosperity across the continent, and that this is best preserved and promoted through the Union.

I am pleased that, despite some differences, there was a strong sense of unity among EU leaders in Rome. I also highlighted the need to focus on our core values, and to co-operate in areas where we agree, and where Europe can add value such as completing the Single Market and supporting jobs through trade. 

I had no scheduled bilateral meetings in Rome. However, I used the opportunity of the summit to engage with my EU counterparts and to reiterate Ireland's concerns arising from Brexit, specifically around Northern Ireland and the peace process, the common travel area, and our interwoven economies. The UK triggered Article 50 on Wednesday 29 March. Draft negotiating guidelines have since been circulated to member states, and I am pleased that these reflect Ireland's particular concerns, as, indeed, did Prime Minister May's letter to the European Council. The draft guidelines will be further discussed at senior official and ministerial level over the next few weeks, with a view to agreeing them at a meeting of the European Council on 29 April. We will continue our process of intensive engagement with member states and EU institutions during this period.

I have not met bilaterally with Chancellor Merkel since Article 50 was triggered. However, I will travel to Germany later this week, and am due to have a bilateral meeting with the Chancellor in Berlin on Thursday.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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The EU Council guidelines published last Friday reveal what I believe to have been a failure by the Government to stand up for Irish interests. Article 11 deals with the island of Ireland, the peace process and the North, and it is vague and conditional. It contracts starkly with Article 22, which deals with Spain and Gibraltar and gives a determining say to Spain on whether any trade deal beyond Brexit will apply to Gibraltar. After Britain leaves the EU, any future trade deal that cannot be agreed until after Brexit will need the agreement of all members states but Spain is positioning itself by suggesting that the trade deal might only apply to Gibraltar in a situation of joint sovereignty between it and the British. This has resulted in an outpouring of English jingoism not witnessed since the Brexit referendum campaign last summer. Last weekend, former Tory leader, Michael Howard, evoked the memory of Mrs. Thatcher and the possibility of war with Spain. The Daily Telegraphwent so far as to rush off to analyse which state had the better navy. It would be almost funny if it were not so serious.

The Government must now act on the Dáil motion passed in February which calls for the North to be afforded special designated status within the EU. When will the Government publish its response to the EU guidelines? The Taoiseach has said that he will publish a White Paper or a consolidated paper outlining the Government's negotiating position before the end of the month. Can he be more definitive on when this paper will be published? Will he ensure that the House has the opportunity to fully debate the Government's position before the EU Council meeting on 29 April?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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As has been the norm for many years, we always have an opportunity to discuss the agenda for Council meetings before they are held and for Deputies to make comments on them. The Government will published a more detailed document before 29 April. I do not have the exact date now but I will come back to the Deputy with it.

I disagree with the Deputy that the document circulated by the EU in respect of the draft guidelines is a failure. The guidelines are not a failure. They include a very strong acknowledgement of our unique circumstances and special case, the need to protect the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement and our intention to maintain bilateral arrangements with the UK such as in respect of the common travel area. The draft guidelines will be circulated among the 27 member states. The priorities which we have outlined for some time are also referred to specifically in the letter from Prime Minister May to President Tusk of the Council. They are also referenced specifically in the European Parliament paper. The Parliament has to give approval to the negotiated document at the end of the day. From that point of view, chief negotiator Barnier, President Tusk of the Council, President Juncker of the Commission, Prime Minister May and the European Parliament all recognise Ireland's particular, special and unique circumstances.

It is also fair to say that Gibraltar is a different case from Ireland. Ireland and Northern Ireland, the peace process and the common travel area are all guaranteed by the Irish and British Governments under the Good Friday Agreement and an internationally legally binding treaty registered with the United Nations. Gibraltar joined the EU with the UK and any change in the status of Gibraltar is a matter between the UK and the Kingdom of Spain. That is a clear position, which is different from what applies here where we have a peace process, a Border, an internationally legally binding agreement and where the priorities outlined by the Government are contained in the EU draft guidelines, the British Prime Minister's letter and the European Parliament paper. It has taken negotiation and contact on a regular basis to have people fully understand our special status, our unique circumstances and our particular problems.

Joan Burton (Dublin West, Labour)
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Is the Taoiseach disappointed over the outbreak of verbal hostilities in respect of Gibraltar? Everything he has been saying to us over the past number of months has been sweetly reassuring that he has managed to skate away from the difficulties of the UK leaving the EU after 44 years.

With respect to Mrs. May's letter triggering Article 50, was the Taoiseach disappointed that security issues were specifically tied into it? What implications does that have, in particular in the context of Northern Ireland and the fact that there is a significant British presence there?

The Taoiseach said that the response of the EU in the negotiating document is not a failure as regards Ireland. I can understand that what he has is a lot of soft assurances from different people and I am sure he feels a sense of achievement in gathering them but what will happen now? The Labour Party, Deputy Howlin and I have asked repeatedly whether there will be an all-island dimension to these negotiations because, as the Taoiseach well knows, there has been slippage in tourism, agriculture and agribusiness.

We face one of the most difficult historical challenges the island of Ireland and the Republic of Ireland have faced since they came into being.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The British Prime Minister wrote in her letter that the United Kingdom does not want to do anything to harm Ireland. It is not a soft assurance. It is written as part of a formal letter never written before in triggering Article 50.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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They might have voted differently so.

Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein)
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It is a bit late.

Joan Burton (Dublin West, Labour)
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The road to hell is paved with good intentions.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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So long as it is Britain first.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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She also makes points in respect of the Border, the peace process, the common travel area and priorities that have been identified between the Irish and British Government - between Dublin and Downing Street - for quite some time. These are not soft assurances at all. They are written, specific intentions from the British Prime Minister's point of view. That is correlated on the other side by the very clear statement from the European Council. The third element of that is the very clear statements from the European Parliament. The European Parliament should not be forgotten here because it has to give its consent to the outcome of the negotiations. Deputy Burton spoke of an all-Ireland dimension. Deputy Howlin, the leader of Deputy Burton's party, spoke at both civic forums on an all-island basis and made a valuable contribution, as did many of the other party leaders. There is no Executive at the moment in Northern Ireland. I hope that can come together very quickly so that common objectives and the voice of the North can be heard at these discussions. The opportunity for all-island solutions in respect of water, energy and animal health are all possible. We have a specific set of unique circumstances that apply in the case of Ireland. Deputy Burton also talked about slippage. Unemployment today is at 6.4%, which is down from 15.2% when Deputy Burton and the former Minister, Deputy Howlin, took up duty in the previous Government. It is an extraordinary change in a few short years. There have never been more opportunities in so many ways for creating employment. Brexit is a challenge. It contains uncertainties but these are all matters for us to negotiate hard on. As I have often said, we have prepared assiduously in so many ways with long-term low interest, by hedging forward and with extra trade missions and support for small companies exporting out of here. We will treat this as a very serious matter in respect of the protection of our economy and our citizens' jobs.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I am conscious there is a further debate on Brexit later today and tomorrow during which we can address in more detail the events of the past ten days. Some of the points raised during the Treaty of Rome commemorations deserve comment. In both the United Kingdom's notification and the draft negotiating position, it is fair to say that certain of Ireland's concerns are addressed. It is welcome that no one appears to be in favour of a hard Border but everything else is up for negotiation. We have not really had a definition or fleshing out of what people mean by a hard Border versus any other kind of border. One major point of concern is the failure of the United Kingdom Government to propose any provisions which might be specific to devolved governments. Not only is special status for Northern Ireland not proposed, it appears to be explicitly ruled out. It is looking at a pan-British approach to the relationship with the European Union. Crucially it omits to mention that 1.8 million people in Northern Ireland will retain the right to European Union citizenship irrespective of the settlement. There are a series of issues that we would like to see addressed in more detail in the European Union's negotiating document. The most important is that it must acknowledge the unique position of Northern Ireland and its citizens. Will the Taoiseach commit to seeking an acknowledgement of the EU citizenship of residents of Northern Ireland post-2019 in the EU's negotiating document? It is a simple question. I would appreciate a direct answer to it.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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When people voted for this in 1998, they voted on the basis of an expectation of the continuation of European Union rights. That applies from the referendum North and South. It is something we want to protect and which will be protected. I want to see in the negotiated outcome the language of the portion of the Good Friday Agreement relevant to the future opportunity that may present itself in Northern Ireland. As the visionaries of the Good Friday Agreement foresaw, there may be a time when the people vote to have a united Ireland. The language of the Good Friday Agreement that allows for that should be included as part of the negotiated outcome so in that eventuality, Northern Ireland would not then be asked to trigger Article 49 to rejoin the European Union. It would be allowed to do so in a seamless transition in the same way as East Germany was able to form the federal republic with West Germany when the Berlin Wall came down. It is important. For those who drafted the Good Friday Agreement, it was quite a visionary thing to put in because that time may come. It will be important that the negotiations include that language as the continuation of the vision and foresight of those who drafted the Good Friday Agreement in the first place.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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By way of clarification, the Taoiseach said the Government will publish a detailed list of actions. Will that be a Government White Paper on Brexit? By when will it be published?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I said before 29 April. I will give the Deputy the date.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Will it be a White Paper?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I am not sure what colour it will be but it will be a far more detailed document than anything we have published to date.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Did the Taoiseach have sight in advance of the document that was published by President Tusk? Does the Taoiseach agree with the Spanish position on Gibraltar that Spain will not agree to a free trade agreement with the UK that covers Gibraltar? Has the Taoiseach discussed that with Prime Minister Rajoy or with the Chief Minister of Gibraltar? Does the Taoiseach see that conditionality having any implications for Ireland?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I did not see the drafting of the document from the Tusk point of view but we had quite a deal of discussion about it at COREPER diplomatic level, senior official level and so on. Ireland had a direct input into the section of the Tusk paper that refers to our priorities in respect of Northern Ireland and the special and unique circumstances that apply there. When I was in Spain last November and had a meeting with Prime Minister Rajoy, we discussed the difference that applies in the case of Northern Ireland versus Catalonia and Gibraltar. Northern Ireland is a special case with particular circumstances and a unique situation governed by an internationally legally binding agreement. Last week when I was in Malta, I had a meeting with Prime Minister Rajoy. We agreed that any change in the status of Gibraltar would be a matter for the Spanish Government, the Kingdom of Spain and the United Kingdom. It is a separate matter from the-----

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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What about the active Spanish veto over trade agreements?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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We did not discuss any veto. I understand and accept that any change in the status of Gibraltar is a matter for bilateral discussion between the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Spain. If the Spanish Government goes beyond that in its views, it is a matter for the Government. Any change in the status, from our point of view, is a matter bilaterally between Spain and the United Kingdom. That differentiates just how unique the particular circumstances are that apply here in the case of Northern Ireland, the peace process, the common travel area and so on. The Spanish understand that very clearly. We have a very clear understanding of the position in so far as Gibraltar is concerned.