Dáil debates

Wednesday, 25 January 2017

2:25 pm

Photo of Enda KennyEnda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to say a few words on the outcome of the December European Council meeting. The agenda included the current migration situation, security and defence, a range of economic and social development issues, including on youth and external relations, specifically the situation in Syria, and the Dutch ratification of the EU association agreement with Ukraine. We discussed a number of additional topics, including Russia, Cyprus, energy union, the Single Market and the digital Single Market. I also had an exchange with Mario Draghi about the European economy.

2 o’clock

The digital Single Market is a priority for Ireland and, in advance of the European Council meeting, I wrote a letter to President Tusk, which was co-signed by 15 other EU leaders, calling for greater ambition in the period ahead.

I have asked the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, to address the question on Russia, the Ukraine ratification point and the economic issues in his closing remarks.

Following the December European Council meeting, there was a short meeting of the 27 EU Heads of State and Government focusing on how the Brexit negotiations will be managed from an EU perspective. We agreed that the European Council will conclude guidelines for the negotiations once Article 50 is triggered. The Commission, with Michel Barnier as its chief negotiator, will lead those technical negotiations. The General Affairs Council, the European Parliament, the Committee of Permanent Representatives and official-level working groups will also play important roles in the process. As set out in the statement after the meeting, the 27 Heads of State and Government will remain permanently apprised of and involved in the negotiations and will update the guidelines as necessary.

At our meeting we also reconfirmed the principles that there can be no negotiation without notification, that the Single Market and the four freedoms are indivisible and that until the withdrawal negotiations are concluded, the UK remains a full member of the EU. There was no detailed discussion about the future of Europe. This will be the focus of a separate summit in Malta on 3 February before that process concludes in March coinciding with the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome.

I used the opportunity to engage with my EU counterparts at both meetings to emphasise again Ireland's particular concerns around Brexit, including in respect of Northern Ireland, the peace process, the Border issues, the common travel area and our deeply entwined economic and trade links.

I am aware of Deputy Adams's remarks over the weekend on the dangers of Brexit for Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement. I welcome the British Government's restatement of its commitment to the implementation of the agreements and its determination that there will be no return to "borders of the past". These are matters on which the Prime Minister and I are agreed.

As far back as my address to the British-Irish Association in Oxford last September, I set out our concerns and approach, including in respect of Northern Ireland. We want to maintain the common travel area, avoid any return to a hard Border, sustain EU support for the peace process and continue to facilitate North-South business and trade, both in its own right and in the context of maintaining trade more generally across these islands.

I have emphasised these points in all my meetings with EU leaders as part of a broader Government programme of engagement with all member states and with the EU institutions in which we are constantly emphasising our specific Brexit-related concerns and issues. That programme is now being intensified as we move towards the triggering of Article 50. For my own part, I travelled to Spain for discussions with Prime Minister Rajoy earlier this month and I will continue to engage with other leaders in the weeks ahead.

In my statement to the House last week, I assured Members of our ongoing deep commitment to the Good Friday Agreement. As co-guarantor of that Agreement, the Irish Government worked assiduously, together with the British Government and the political parties, to advance political stability, reconciliation and economic prosperity in Northern Ireland.

The scale and complexity of the challenges presented by Brexit underline the importance of the existing institutions as mechanisms for working together.

It is deeply regrettable that the dissolution of the Northern Ireland Executive leaves the people of Northern Ireland without political leadership at this key moment. The Government has made it clear that Northern Ireland and the peace process are among our top priorities for the coming negotiations. The last thing we want to see is further instability.

As the UK's date for triggering Article 50 moves closer, the greater the need for us to work together on issues of major concern, particularly where they have a North-South dimension. That is why we sought to use the North-South Ministerial Council to forge a common approach to Brexit-related issues. Given the current political uncertainty, it remains to be seen whether the progress made so far via the North-South Ministerial Council can be sustained.

I welcome the greater clarity provided in Prime Minister May's speech last week on the proposed approach of the British Government to the negotiations. While the speech has been interpreted by many as a hard exit, the analysis across this Government has covered all possible models for the future UK relationship with the EU.

Through the Cabinet committee on Brexit, which I chair and which will meet again tomorrow, the Government has ensured that we have a clear and comprehensive Brexit plan in place. That plan covers a deep analysis of all the issues across Government, extensive consultation and engagement, pursuit of our key priorities in our consultations with our EU partners and the EU institutions, including the Barnier task force. The plan covers identifying risks and potential measures to address them, as well as pursuit of the opportunities arising from the UK decision. All of this work is being driven by a complex co-ordination process, beginning with the Cabinet committees which I chair, including an extensive range of official working groups, and mobilising Ministers, diplomats and officials right across our system.

These preparations will stand to us as we move closer to the triggering of Article 50. A key part of this is the Government's initiative on the All-Island Civic Dialogue which began on 2 November. The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, and I will host a second plenary session of the civic dialogue on Friday, 17 February, by which time 14 civic dialogue sectoral events will also have taken place. This will be a further important element of our engagement and consultation on the challenges of Brexit.

Nobody should be under any doubt that Brexit is the top priority across Government and a competent and comprehensive plan is in place and is being executed.

In the Government statement of last Tuesday, it was made clear that the critical negotiation priorities have been identified, the programme of dialogue will continue, vigilance and engagement on economic risks and challenges will be maintained, economic opportunities for Ireland will be pursued, engagement with other member states and EU institutions will intensify, Ireland will negotiate as one of the 27 member states firmly in, and committed to, the European Union and Ireland will participate fully in the discussions on the future direction of the EU.

Returning to the December European Council meeting, this began with the outgoing President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, attending for the last time in that role. Slovakia's Prime Minister Fico made a presentation on the implementation of European Council decisions and the President of Cyprus provided an update on developments in the ongoing reunification talks.

The European Council heard a moving presentation from the president of the local council of eastern Aleppo who set out some of the appalling atrocities which have been visited upon the citizens of that city. The excessive, disproportionate and indiscriminate use of military force by the regime, supported by its allies, constitutes a clear violation of international law. The European Council was unequivocal in its conclusions, noting that those responsible for breaches of international law, some of which may well amount to war crimes, must be held accountable for their actions.

The European Council also considered the migration and refugee situation. The Commission gave an update on progress on relocation and resettlement and on the EU-Turkey statement. A particular emphasis was placed on member states fulfilling their commitments to relocation and to the European Asylum Support Office. We had a discussion around the proposals for reforming the common European asylum system. It is hoped that consensus on how to reform EU asylum policy can be reached during the Maltese Presidency although this will be dependent on changes in member states' positions.

The Commission briefed on the migration compacts which are being developed with third countries. These aim to ensure coherence between migration, external and development policies. We welcome the development of the migration compacts, as well as making swift progress on the European Fund for Sustainable Development and on the European Investment Bank, EIB, external lending mandate.

Ireland is working to fulfil our pledge to up to 4,000 people. In 2016, 519 people were taken in under the resettlement commitment. On relocation - taking migrants from Greece and Italy - progress has been slower, but 241 people came to Ireland from Greece last year. The plan is to receive up to 1,100 people by September this year.

We provided more than €67 million in response to the Syrian crisis since 2012 and our Naval Service vessels rescued 15,621 migrants in the Mediterranean in the past two years.

Under security, the discussion dealt with the Commission communication on a European defence action plan, implementation of the EU global strategy and follow up to the July EU-NATO joint declaration.

It is important to emphasise that the EU common security and defence policy, CSDP, and co-operation with other organisations in this area is grounded within the EU treaties and the Lisbon protocol. These protect Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality. Our approach to security and defence is constructive and realistic. We are strong supporters of initiatives, through CSDP, which improve the capacity of the EU to contribute to international peace and security, particularly in support of the UN.

EU-NATO co-operation is framed by the joint declaration agreed last July. This stipulates that co-operation will not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of any country, including Ireland, and will fully respect the decision-making autonomy of both organisations. I assure the House that co-operation between the two organisations is very consistent with Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality.

We also considered the implementation of the EU global strategy in the area of security and defence. This strategy commits to promoting peace, democracy and the rule of law. It has a positive focus on disarmament, the UN, the Middle East peace process and multilateralism. It also recognises the need to further invest in conflict resolution, tackle the root causes of instability and support international peace and economic development.

Under this heading, the European Commission communication on a European defence action plan looks at the capabilities required for EU peacekeeping and crisis management activities. The European Council stressed the importance of fully involving member states in the proposals that will be brought forward and Ireland will consider these carefully.

As I stated, the Minister of State will address the other external relations and economic points in his wrap-up remarks. I apologise for going a little over the allocated speaking time.

2:45 pm

Photo of Micheál MartinMicheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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This is a defining moment in both European and international affairs. Every day we see more and more evidence of deep threats to social, economic and political progress. The cause of active, law-bound co-operation between states is being actively undermined, and regressive efforts are under way to try to return the world to a failed model of competition which brought so much poverty and conflict in the past.

The narrow majority in last year's Brexit referendum means Ireland finds itself at the very epicentre of the impact of these narrow, nationalist and populist forces. There is no possible positive scenario for Ireland from Brexit. The most we can achieve is to mitigate its impact as far as possible. To achieve this, we need an unprecedented scale and urgency of activity by our Government. As the Taoiseach knows, Fianna Fáil has from the first moment after the referendum been actively engaged and constructive regarding Ireland's response to Brexit. We followed a more general response with two very detailed statements delivered in Belfast and Dublin last year.

This is not an area for politics as usual. It is simply too important. However, we feel there is no way of avoiding criticism of a response which is simply not good enough. There is no doubt that there is a lot of activity under way. We acknowledge this and the work of those involved, but equally there is every reason to doubt that this activity is anywhere near the level we need. For example, it is unacceptable that we are about to enter into the active stage of negotiations at which we need the widest possible understanding and support, yet the Taoiseach, as he said here yesterday, has personally met only six of the 27 Heads of Government who will be involved. Now is a time to build coalitions, but the time is being wasted. Equally, there has been no detailed statement of objectives and, as far as we have been informed, no detailed proposals for handling many of the most important issues.

Prime Minister May's speech last week and yesterday's events in London have confirmed yet again that the United Kingdom Government is pursuing an approach that will cause lasting damage to this island. As far as anyone can tell, it has ruled out any special status arrangement for Northern Ireland. Yesterday, the Brexit Secretary of State, David Davis, went as far as to say his priority is to protect the UK single market rather than to ensure that Scotland and Northern Ireland can access the European Union Single Market. The same goes for the customs union. Every single official and independent review of the economic impact of the end of the Single Market and customs union on this island has forecast major and permanent damage. There is already damage from the impact of sterling's fall, but the conclusion of this hard Brexit will be seen in closed businesses, lower employment and weaker public budgets.

The avoidance of queues at the Border is something we must aim for, but this is a smaller part of the wider issue. Any final exit treaty will have to come before the Dáil for ratification. We believe that before the commencement of formal negotiations at the end of March or the start of April, a formal national negotiating mandate should be adopted. The Government's failure to move from banal generalities to hard specifics cannot be allowed to continue. This mandate should reflect a consensus between pro-European Union parties and the feedback from the consultative forums under way. To be clear on this, parties which have spent decades attacking the European Union and which paint it as a dark conspiracy against the public must not be allowed to distract the pro-European Union majority from promoting Ireland's strategic interests as a country which will remain a full, active and permanent member of the European Union. No one is fooled by those who opposed membership and every single European Union treaty but are now screaming about how important maintaining membership is.

As far as Fianna Fáil is concerned, there are a series of specific elements which should be in an acceptable deal. First, it must protect fully the rights of Northern Ireland citizens to EU citizenship through their rights to Irish citizenship, as enshrined in Bunreacht na hÉireann and the Good Friday Agreement. They must fully retain their rights to travel and live anywhere in the European Union and the other rights contained in the European Union treaties. Second, we must not accept any changes to the 1998 settlement which alters in any way the core protections and safeguards outlined before the peace referendums. Central to this is the inclusion of the European Convention on Human Rights on a statutory basis in Northern Ireland's fundamental law and the ability of courts to enforce its operation on the United Kingdom Government and the Northern institutions. It should be noted that in the House of Commons yesterday, three Ministers refused to commit to the convention's continued enforceability in Northern Ireland post-Brexit. It is important to repeat to the Taoiseach that we will vote against any treaty, be it the Brexit treaty or a new bilateral treaty, which reduces the European Union's citizenship rights of Irish citizens or which reduces the enforceability of European human rights law in Northern Ireland. Regarding the role of European Union law in the Northern Ireland Act 1998, we will oppose any change which has not been developed through negotiations.

As we have said before, we believe that the unique situation of Ireland requires that Northern Ireland be given some form of special status. Yesterday the Taoiseach seemed to imply that no one has any idea what this might mean in practice. In this he is wrong. I detailed some of this in my speech in Queen's University, Belfast last November, but to be more practical, special status might mean allowing some form of reduced or removed tariffs on trade conducted solely within the island. This would be a major departure and would involve substantial monitoring but it may be the only thing to prevent the collapse of cross-Border trade and the damage that would come with that. Given that the United Kingdom Government appears uninterested in special status, our Government has a responsibility at the very least to table formal proposals. No matter what, there will be ongoing dislocation for Irish business. We must demand that Europe shows solidarity and flexibility in helping us. Therefore, we believe state aid rules should be eased for a transitional period and that a special fund should be put in place to allow for the development of replacement markets and diversification.

As I said, we believe the Government's response is far from adequate. It has been significant but is nowhere near what is required. There is no evidence that the personnel resources are in place to manage what should be an emergency level of response. There was shock last week when it was revealed that the Department of Finance had four officials dealing with Brexit. This took many people by surprise. Equally, diplomatic activity at the very highest level must be stepped up. We would support any reasonable proposal for supplementary funding, but these proposals can only come from Government.

The format for this debate does not allow for the level of detail in which we should engage. A further detailed debate on this matter should be scheduled in the coming weeks. We are essentially making ten-minute interventions, and other spokespeople cannot contribute.

Regarding the other matters discussed at the summit, the only reasonable way of looking at the agenda is how disappointing and complacent it was. It is particularly unfortunate that there is no active engagement with the continuing economic turmoil in Greece. Debt restructuring is desperately needed. The Greek people have shown an ability to respond, and the Greek Government has long since abandoned its arrogant demand that it be funded by others with no accountability. This cannot be allowed to drag on until there is another crisis. We welcome the commitment to speed up implementation of the banking union and hope there are some proposals to achieve this.

Regarding the matter of refugees, particularly from the savage actions of Russia and Syria, I note that the Taoiseach in his statement talked about the attacks "visited" upon the people of Aleppo, as if it were some anonymous intervention. Absent from his speech was any naming of Russia as a core participant in the slaughter in Aleppo along with the Syrian regime. Sometimes diplomatic language can be too diplomatic in how speeches are framed. The attempt by a few countries to oppose the principle of solidarity is at best unfortunate. If these people cannot be classified as refugees, deserving of our support, then no one can. It is frankly shocking that in the light of the continued aggression against a European state, including an invasion and participation in the criminal attack on the civilians of Aleppo, there are countries demanding a lifting of sanctions against Russia. There has been a lot of talk about defending Western values against radical terrorism. How can we defend these values if we ignore the aggression being shown by a strong nation against basic principles, including democracy and freedom?

2:55 pm

Photo of Gerry AdamsGerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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During statements in advance of the meeting of the European Council on 15 December, I raised with the Taoiseach a number of important issues, not least Brexit. Since then there have been several developments, including the British Prime Minister, Theresa May's speech last Tuesday and a ruling by the British Supreme Court yesterday morning. In her speech last week the British Prime Minister laid out her stall and her vision for a post-Brexit Britain. Her vision, if we could call it that, shows she is intent on ignoring the views of the people of the North who, we should not forget, voted to remain in the European Union. Far from voting with their eyes open to leave the European Union, as Ms May claims, the mandate from citizens there was clear: no to a little Englander approach and no to a hard Border.

Yesterday's Supreme Court ruling was entirely predictable. It has implications for the role of the Administrations in the North, Scotland and Wales, and Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland's First Minister, was scathing about this yesterday. Despite the Supreme Court's ruling, however, no court or government can overrule the democratically expressed wishes of the people of the North to remain within the EU, particularly this Parliament and the parties in this Dáil. The British Government may be intent on ignoring it, but the Taoiseach and his Government cannot. He will sit at the negotiating table and he must put the case, as I have put it to him many times, for a special designated status for the North within the European Union. He asked me yesterday to spell out what I mean when I speak of designated special status but today he tells me that he understands our proposal fully, which is proof that a day is a long time in politics. His newly discovered knowledge of the Sinn Féin position makes his failure to argue this even more reprehensible.

We want a status for the North with its unique constitutional status based on the vote of the people there. What could be simpler, more straightforward and democratic than that? That means protecting the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement's constitutional and institutional arrangements. It means unfettered access for the entire island of Ireland to the benefits of the European Single Market and the customs union. It means remaining part of the common travel area with no Border controls or EU frontier on the island of Ireland, maintaining all EU funding streams, protecting EU access to employment, social security, health care, workers' rights and conditions, including health and safety - these are all things that will go - working hours, maternity and paternity leave, contracts, access to pensions and so on. It also means ensuring Irish citizens in the North, who will continue to be citizens of the EU, continue to enjoy all the rights of such citizenship. There is a precedent for these unique arrangements, and if there is the political will that has been lacking so far in our Government, it can be achieved. The Irish Government has a moral and legal duty to stand up for the rights of all citizens in the North. I once again urge the Taoiseach to adopt that position of seeking a designated special status for the North and to pursue it vigorously in the upcoming negotiations with the other EU member states and with Britain.

As part of this, an all-island vision is crucial and the commitment to Irish unity by the Government and all parties here is fundamental. We have all signed up to change the status of the North, if that is what the people decide, and the reality of the all-island and all-Ireland nature of the Good Friday Agreement are clear evidence of the unique nature of the Northern statelet. Proof that the North, contrary to protestations from the Labour Party and the Taoiseach, is a disputed territory is also clear from that part of the Good Friday Agreement which obliges the two Governments to legislate for Irish unity if that is what the people vote for. Before this the British had made an absolute and totally illegitimate claim to that part of our island. Before partition they claimed the entire island equally illegitimately. I am very proud of the fact that Sinn Féin got rid of that when we got agreement from Mr. Blair to end the Government of Ireland Act 1920. The British claim to the North is now highly conditional. Our efforts in this Dáil, even as we deal with the consequences of Brexit, must be to create the conditions where the people will opt for unity. We have to work at that. That is a big challenge but it is well within our ability if we have the will to work for this necessary objective and to set aside party political rivalries to do so. That means all of us should be persuaders for unity.

In the meantime, we should stop ignoring the vote of the people in the North and uphold their democratic right to remain in the European Union with a special designated status. I welcome what I think I understand to be the Fianna Fáil position on that. I want the Taoiseach to take up the same position.

Photo of Seán CroweSeán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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Sinn Féin completely opposes the EU-Turkey migration agreement, as I have said on several occasions in the House. I have raised this on any platform I could, for example, at last week's meeting of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Union Affairs, at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade and in this Chamber. I cannot understand how under any criteria the European Commission can designate Turkey as a safe country. How can a country that regularly violates the civil and human rights of its own citizens and others as well as having a complete breakdown in the rule of law be considered safe?

A recently leaked letter from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, UNHCR, showed that it has been kept from visiting asylum seekers after they were deported from Greece to Turkey. At the time the Commission stated that the UNHCR would be a key actor in the resettlement process of the EU-Turkey deal, yet now it appears it is refused access to refugee camps in Turkey. This is a very serious development. Was the Taoiseach aware of this? Did he speak out against it? Did he raise any concerns or unease at this clear violation of human rights oversight when the issue was discussed at the European Council meeting? Maybe he was not aware of this leaked document. Will he and the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, raise it at the next meeting? This is a very serious development. This was one of the arguments that was put forward at the time.

More worrying is the Commission's plan to copy this type of model and negotiate similar agreements, some with failed states such as Libya and Mali. Bizarrely, this European Council meeting welcomed the progress made in implementing these agreements. Are people not aware of what is happening in Libya and Mali? They welcome as some sort of barrier the fact that we will send people who are fleeing into Europe for protection back to these states. It is a stain on the EU's record that it is negotiating agreements that will violate international law and human rights in the midst of the worst refugee crisis since the Second World War.

The Taoiseach said the Irish naval personnel rescued 15,621 people. That is positive work. More than 5,000 people drowned in the Mediterranean while trying to reach sanctuary in Europe last year. It is literally a graveyard. The EU in its wisdom is now putting them on boats and sending them back supposedly to where they came from or stopped off, where they might have been exploited, robbed or even raped. There does not seem to be anything in the conclusions from this meeting concerning the desperate conditions that refugees are experiencing in Greece and the Balkans during this freezing cold weather. Are the leaders not aware of what is happening? We have only to turn on our televisions to see exactly what is going on.

I wanted to talk about the Canada-EU Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, but I do not have enough time.

Like others, I am concerned that civil society groups have expressed fears about the weak protections in CETA in respect of the environment, workers' rights, public health, food safety, public procurement and the impact on investment. Those groups are also worried about CETA regulations being rushed through without any proper scrutiny.

I am appalled by how the European Commission and the European Council have continually forced CETA through and overstepped the democratic process, particularly through the provisional application of the agreement, before member states' parliaments have ratified it.

3:05 pm

Photo of Brendan HowlinBrendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Reading through the conclusions of the European Council meeting in December, it is odd to see leaders of the 28 member states managing to avoid any reference to Brexit. I will return to that point at the end of my remarks.

As the Taoiseach has said, some discussion on this topic happened at the informal meeting of the EU 27. The first matter discussed at the European Council was migration. I would like to refer specifically to the perilous situation facing many unaccompanied minors. We have talked about that many times in this House. Indeed, we passed a cross-party motion focusing on the situation then obtaining in Calais in November. On 14 December, the Minister for Children and Youth Affairs, Deputy Zappone, informed the House that she was bringing a memorandum to Government before Christmas on the issue of unaccompanied minors to establish a project office within Tusla to ensure that the commitment made by the House in the cross-party motion would be properly met.

I have seen media reports from earlier this month suggesting that the Cabinet did discuss this matter on 10 January. The House should now receive an update on exactly what progress the Government has made on the matter.

Photo of Enda KennyEnda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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Does the Deputy mean in respect of the commitment regarding Calais?

Photo of Brendan HowlinBrendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Yes, the cross-party decision we made and the debate we had on the cross-party motion last November.

The European Council's conclusions stated that member states should further intensify their efforts to accelerate the relocation of unaccompanied minors in particular. As a signatory to that statement, it is important for the Taoiseach to work to ensure that Ireland leads in this area. That is the will of the people of Ireland and certainly the will as expressed in this House.

I do not propose to dwell on this issue but I note the agreement at the European Council to revise the Schengen borders code. While Ireland clearly remains outside Schengen - which is likely to remain the case for the foreseeable future - it would be useful, in the context of the ongoing Brexit debate, if the Taoiseach could keep us briefed on developments regarding Schengen.

In dealing with security matters, the Council also invited the European Commission to make proposals for the establishment of a European defence fund. This is an area in respect of Ireland needs to be alert. First and foremost, as the Taoiseach indicated, the neutrality of our nation should not be brought into question. I hope that the long-established Irish policy on neutrality will be constantly reinforced as has been the case up to now.

Second, a debate around defence spending affords Ireland an opportunity to argue for greater investment in infrastructure. That was something we did previously. The Taoiseach will recall that when eastern countries were anxious for defence spending to be excluded from the terms of the evaluation of commitments under the Stability and Growth Pact, Ireland and a number of other member states argued that vital infrastructure should be treated in a similar fashion. In that way, when we have the capacity and money is cheap, we can invest in the roads, schools, hospitals and broadband that are vital for our economic development. On foot of a proposal I put forward, the Party of European Socialists has established a network of economic experts to propose such changes to the Stability and Growth Pact. My colleague, Deputy Sherlock, raised this issue with Commissioner Moscovici yesterday. However, there is also a need for the Taoiseach to raise it at European Council level. The desire of central European countries to increase defence spending is understandable at the moment, particularly in light of the peculiarly aggressive stance being taken by Russia. From Ireland's perspective, however, it also gives us the opportunity to put forward our views on infrastructural spending.

The conclusions on youth issues are easily the most disappointing aspect of the published conclusions. It would be useful if the Taoiseach could inform the House as to whether the discussion was in any way more detailed than the conclusions infer. The conclusions simply state that work relating to young people should continue. Naturally, such work should continue but that does not indicate any ambition. Ireland and its EU partners have a requirement to deal with issues such as apprenticeships, employment, access to third-level education and combating youth unemployment. The Council does not seem to see any need for work to be stepped up on this, but that is not the Taoiseach's view or that of the House.

Finally, the Council discussed Syria. It appears that advocates for peace have now been reduced to crying out when atrocities occur. The European Council did so again. More than 300,000 people have been killed since the uprising began in March 2011. During the intervening period, 11 million people - twice the population of this island - have been displaced and left homeless. In many instances, they now find themselves many miles from home. I visited Syrian refugee camps on border between Syrian and Jordan. I saw people who previously had a standard of living exactly like ours suddenly reduced to nothing. They fled for their lives with nothing, which is pitiable. Talks have taken place in recent days in Astana, but very little seems to have come from them.

Thankfully, a nationwide ceasefire has been in effect since the end of last year. From media reports, however, it appears that ceasefire is under stress. Air strikes and clashes have been reported on several battlefronts, particularly in the Wadi Barada region to the north west of Damascus. Of course, Islamic State and other groups are not part of any ceasefire arrangement. Any respite is welcome, but we need to find ways to ensure that the Council's conclusion that hostilities in Syria must cease immediately becomes not simply an aspiration but a reality.

In addressing foreign affairs matters, it would be remiss of me not to ask the Taoiseach to make some direct comment about the situation facing Ibrahim Halawa. As the Taoiseach is aware, a cross-party group travelled to Egypt two weeks ago to meet Ibrahim and step up our national efforts to secure his release. We came home with expectations that progress could be hoped for but his trial, although formally commenced, is making very slow progress. I invite the Taoiseach to advise us on whether he believes that some intervention by him at European Council level might advance Mr. Halawa's cause.

At the outset, I noted how strange it was to read the conclusions of the European Council meeting and discover that Brexit was not mentioned at the formal meeting of the EU 28. At the informal meeting of the EU 27, at least some discussion happened in the absence of the United Kingdom. I am concerned that the conclusions of the informal meeting make no reference whatsoever to Ireland. I will continue to press the Taoiseach on this matter in order to provide the sort of updates I have sought. I welcome the initiative announced by the Taoiseach. I hope that when there are more substantial issues, as was requested, we will not simply be having ten-minute statements. We should have a meaty debate on it with questions and answers. That would be really important.

The annexe which defines the procedural arrangements for the negotiations around Article 50 makes clear that a dedicated working party with a permanent chair will oversee the negotiations between meetings of the European Council, and will provide guidance with Michel Barnier and his team.

The Taoiseach might confirm whether Ireland has secured membership of this working party; as the most affected country, we really need to be on it. If possible, we might seek to chair it. I do not want to mention any names but we can think of very distinguished former European officials at the highest level who would be seen as acceptable for the role across the European Union. It is something we should advocate.

We might hope the very hard Brexit now being advocated by the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom could have some of its corners rounded off in the Parliament, although that may be an optimistic view. Unfortunately, the court has decided the devolved assemblies should not be involved in a direct mandate of the negotiating position in the United Kingdom. In that context, it becomes all the more important for the unique circumstances facing all of the people of this island to be explicitly acknowledged in the position to be adopted by the European Union and for us to have clear inroads into ensuring the unique position of the people on this island will be properly represented in the position of the 27 EU member states.

3:15 pm

Photo of Mick BarryMick Barry (Cork North Central, Anti-Austerity Alliance)
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I begin by alluding to the most significant political event in recent months, which, bizarrely, did not feature much at the meeting of the European Council but which on a number of levels is already having a direct impact on political events in this continent. The outcome of the US presidential election has brought into sharp focus the scale of the political crisis facing the capitalist establishment internationally. Trump is clearly a racist, misogynist, multi-billionaire bigot but he is not trusted or supported by large sections of the ruling class in the US, including important sections of the Republican Party in the recent election. Such opposition flows from the economic policies Trump has advocated. His sexism and disgusting attacks on migrants and other minorities were a factor in helping to galvanise support for his candidacy but it was ultimately his opposition to policies of globalisation in the form of the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, along with his promise to "make America great again" that ensured he was able to gain support in the so-called rust belt of the United States. These states are made up of de-industrialised communities in places like Michigan, Ohio etc., whose manufacturing jobs have been destroyed by globalisation and neoliberal capitalism over the past four decades. The Minister of State might want to pay attention to some of these points. By cynically posing as an anti-establishment candidate opposed to the economic orthodoxy that has brought so much misery to working-class people, Mr. Trump was able to tap into the anger and hatred that exists towards the political establishment in the United States, epitomised by Ms Hillary Clinton.

How do the factors that led to his election relate to Europe and the phenomenon of right-wing populism on this side of the Atlantic? Trump's election has given confidence and an impetus to the forces of racist and right-wing populism here in Europe, in countries such as France, the Netherlands and Germany, where elections will take place later this year. Last December, the far-right Freedom Party in Austria was able to gain 46% of the vote in the re-run of that country's presidential election. According to the commentariat of the capitalist media and press, these developments are illustrative of a shift to the right within society. This superficial analysis fails to understand the economic and political circumstances that have given rise to this right-wing populism. Like Trump, right wing and far-right populist forces such as Marine Le Pen and the National Front in France, Geert Wilders in the Netherlands and the Alternative for Germany party have gained from the decline or collapse in support for the so-called political centre.

The latter is comprised of the traditional parties of the capitalist class in Europe, which occupy a similar position to Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, along with the former social democratic parties, such as the SPD in Germany, PASOK in Greece, PSOE in Spain, the Dutch Social Democrats and the so-called socialist parties of Portugal and France, which are sister organisations of Ireland's Labour Party. Many of these parties have been in power since 2008, when the economic crisis of capitalism came to fruition. They all uniformly accept and helped to implement the logic of neoliberal capitalism, the driving down of wages and conditions, de-industrialisation and the dismantling of the welfare state so the profits of big business and banks could be maximised. They are keen supporters of the increasingly discredited EU project. It is also noteworthy that some of them have sought, through their actions and words, to stir up anti-refugee and anti-migrant sentiment that has played into the hands of the far right.

The far-right groups have put forward a populist message of railing against the European Union and globalisation, as well as scapegoating refugees and migrants for the problems confronting working and middle-class people. Le Pen, who is expected to go through to the second round of the French presidential election, has gained support in areas of France that suffered de-industrialisation and which, in turn, face high levels of unemployment.

There is nothing inevitable about the rise of the Trumps, the Le Pens, Geert Wilders and their ilk and there is massive potential to fill the gaping political vacuum with genuine left movements. For example, in the United States the support garnered by Mr. Bernie Sanders is indicative of this. His message of a political revolution against the billionaire class resonated with many of those who were ultimately to vote for Trump. Although the right poses a real threat to workers, young people, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transexual and queer people, as well as people of colour, the rise of the right can be met with enormous opposition in the months and years ahead. The magnificent women's protests we saw at the weekend are just an indication of what may be to come. That is our sincere hope.

This reaction to the politics of the far right can help to create the basis to build a political alternative that can ultimately defeat racism and the right. The building of a powerful socialist left is of urgent necessity if the growth and support for right-wing and populist parties is to be cut across. While taking a principled position in opposition to racism and racist immigration controls and in favour of the right of asylum, there is necessity to seize the wealth of the 1% and invest in decent jobs, homes and services for the 99%, migrant and non-migrant alike.

Photo of Pat GallagherPat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
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The next slot is for Independents 4 Change. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan is sharing time and I ask for self-discipline in watching the time.

Photo of Maureen O'SullivanMaureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent)
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I wish to make a couple of points in the short time available to me. There is a need for a different economic model of which the European Union could be the driver. Two recent reports from Oxfam have certainly highlighted tax injustices involving businesses, multinationals and corporations avoiding and evading tax. It is the developing countries that are most vulnerable to the negative effects of these tax policies. The more recent of the reports presents data on the distribution of global wealth, confirming that the poorest half of the global population has less wealth than was previously thought. Eight billionaires - they are all men - have the same wealth as half of the world or 3.6 billion people. This concentration in individual wealth drives poverty and inequality and the EU could play a vital role in such a different economic model by vigorously implementing measures to tackle tax avoidance.

The OECD with the base erosion and profit sharing project and the EU Commission country-by-country reporting is certainly the foundation of progress but there is a need to go further. We must accept the requirement for all multinational companies to publicly publish the country-by-country reports for each country in which they operate. Such publications would certainly send out a message on tax avoidance, shell companies and tax havens.

My second points relates to Palestine. Before Christmas, the UN Security Council passed a resolution calling for the building of settlements to stop. A 2003 resolution also called for a freeze on all settlement activity, but what we have seen since then is an increase. This week we learned that a further 2,500 buildings or homes are going to be constructed. All of this is being done with blatant disregard for international law, including international humanitarian law. It is futile to pass resolutions that are simply ignored. This matter is going off the agenda of the EU.

I have been critical of certain aspects of the foreign policy of the former US President, Mr. Obama, but he made progress with Cuba by restoring more normalised relations. His visit there helped to open up travel. Many European countries have diplomatic relations with Cuba but we do not hear a combined collective European voice on the devastating effects of the embargo and its continuation. The President, Mr. Higgins, is going there in February. That could be an opportunity for Ireland to send a trade mission to Cuba. We could see to what that might lead.

The situation in Turkey is critical. We have seen the complete undermining of democracy and the right to peaceful protest there. This is all part of an anti-Kurdish agenda. Turkey has signed the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Charter of Local Self-Government but it is blatantly flouting those laws.

3:25 pm

Photo of Clare DalyClare Daly (Dublin Fingal, Independent)
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I echo the points made by Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan in respect of the settlements in Palestine. The activities of the Israelis are absolutely reprehensible.

My main comment relates to the refugee issue. I welcome the fact that the last European Council agreed that member states had to increase their relocation pledges according to allocation and that from December the Council would seek to have a pledge on a monthly basis. I would welcome that arrangement and it is something we could monitor more closely. I was glad to hear Tusla had three social workers in France last week. They were there to try to activate the pledge made by this House to take 200 unaccompanied minors from the camps. Those minors had been displaced through the routing of the Calais camp and so on. Although I welcome the move, it is not clear whether sufficient resources are being made available to the social work teams in place to facilitate these unaccompanied minors who have been displaced in France as well as the more normal ones, for want of a better term.

Only 520 refugees arrived in Ireland last year under the resettlement programme. Moreover, only 240 refugees were relocated here from Greece and Italy under the relocation programme. Let us put that in perspective. In the first two weeks of this year, 219 refugees died while trying to cross the Mediterranean to get to Europe. They died because of Europe's deadly border policies. They died because of the walls being built in Slovenia, Greece, Bulgaria and Hungary. Those walls are being built to prevent people fleeing conflict from taking safer land routes to get to Europe. It is somewhat sickening to listen to the good European liberals cry bloody murder at Donald Trump's pledge to build a wall between the United States and Mexico, especially since the European Union has encircled itself with walls in the past four years. Let us not forget that. The newly beefed up European border and coast guard, Frontex, had its inauguration last October. It took place at a checkpoint in the middle of a border fence between Bulgaria and Turkey. The fence was made of metal and razor wire and many people have died at that spot. That event was reprehensible as well.

The points made about Turkey at the meeting are concerning. Of more concern is the shakiness of the rotten deal reached with Turkey in the first instance. The deteriorating situation in Turkey means that tens of thousands of refugees are now trapped on Greek islands in overcrowded and dangerous conditions.

The points made at the Council urging swift action to implement the EU-NATO joint declaration signed in December are also a matter of concern. The declaration amounts to a hawkish commitment to a more militarised EU. It would lead to more investment in arms and to the military working hand in glove with NATO, amplifying defence spending and so on. This is completely incompatible with our position on neutrality. We should be standing full square against it.

Photo of Mick WallaceMick Wallace (Wexford, Independent)
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I listened to the opening statement from the Taoiseach. He referred to war crimes in east Aleppo, and rightly so. It was disappointing that he did not refer to the war crimes on the other side, because they have been committed on both sides.

It is probably not his fault and it was not discussed at the last meeting, but it is striking how the EU has been so tolerant of what Israel is doing to Palestine. The purely symbolic UN Security Council Resolution 2334, passed at the end of December, is unenforceable. It was simply another parting gift from Obama to the world as he hurries to buy back his conscience following eight years of a blood-drenched US Presidency. In keeping with Obama's toothless stance on Israel, the US abstained from the vote. The 430,000 Jewish settlers currently living in the West Bank will stay there, as will the 200,000 in east Jerusalem. No one on the UN Security Council will do anything about them or the planned expansion of illegal Jewish settlements. On Sunday the Israeli Administration announced plans to build 566 new Jewish settler homes in east Jerusalem. Yesterday it announced the approval of 2,500 new settlement homes in the West Bank. It seems the increasingly ultra-racist and right-wing Israeli Administration is celebrating the departure of Obama and the arrival of Trump. This is saying something, since Obama has given more military aid to Israel than any US President before him. Furthermore, the USA was silent on the UN Security Council when the Israelis killed almost 600 children with US-made F-16 fighter jets and Apache helicopters using Hellfire missiles, in Gaza in 2014.

David Friedman, the new US ambassador to Israel, finances illegal settlements in the West Bank. He has openly argued for the Israeli annexation of the West Bank. Netanyahu's Administration is being increasingly populated by people even more hawkish than himself. Robert Fisk has said, "Netanyahu will soon be the most left-wing member of his increasingly racist government". The two-state solution is obviously dead. No one in the Israeli Government wants it. Given the continuing expansion of illegal settlements, one third of Palestinians do not even believe that it is possible anymore, according to a recent poll.

Last year, the US gave the Israelis $38 billion dollars' worth of military aid. It seems the US is about to drop all pretence of condemning Israeli colonisation and apartheid against Palestinians. It seems the Israeli Administration will continue the policy of human rights violations against and absolute rule over the Palestinian people. How long before the members of Hamas are provoked to defend themselves? How long before we see another cleansing like the one in 2014? That was an act of genocide.

It was interesting to read the column by Alan Shatter in the Irish Timestoday. He called for international encouragement and confidence-building measures between parties. People have been saying the same kind of things since the Oslo agreement over 20 years ago. During that time, the West Bank settler population has grown from 109,000 to almost 400,000. At this stage, 40% of adult male Palestinians and thousands of children there have seen the insides of Israeli jails and prisons. Many remain there without charge.

Ireland must stop selling arms to Israel under the dual-use banner. Ireland and the EU should openly and harshly condemn the illegal expansion of Israeli settlements on Palestinian lands as well as the ongoing human rights abuses against Palestinians. Ireland should take part directly in the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement. The time for encouragement is long past: the Israeli Government is the obstacle to peace.

Why does the Government not encourage and pressurise the EU to take a human rights position in respect of how Israel is behaving towards Palestine? I cannot for the life of me understand that. This is one of the most deplorable atrocities on the planet today. It is at the source of so many problems in the region. It beggars belief that this island, which sometimes pretends to be neutral, is totally ignoring what is going on because of our US connections. It is disgraceful.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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I, too, am delighted to get the opportunity to speak on this important issue. We have to deal with several areas. The first is the ongoing refugee and migrant crisis. I salute the brave work of the members of the Naval Service. Those involved are risking their lives in this great humanitarian mission. I salute all the NGOs, including Médecins Sans Frontières. I salute all those involved who are so concerned and anxious about what is happening there. I have seen it beamed on our television screens. I saw a documentary recently and I compliment those who made it.

3 o’clock

It is very important because one has to see it. A picture is worth a thousand words. In recent parliamentary questions, I have asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he raised at European Council level the issue of the genocide and persecution of Christians and other religious minorities in the Middle East. In that I include minority Muslim religions as well because they are being fiercely persecuted, as indeed are the Yazidi tribe. The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, assured me that Ireland has repeatedly addressed the question of the protection of Christians and other religious minorities in Syria and Iraq in particular in meetings and engagements at both the EU and the UN. I have no doubt that he has. I salute him for that and thank him.

The Minister also mentioned that Ireland has raised our concerns over the protection of minority populations, including Christians, at the UN Human Rights Council. I have no doubt that he has. However, I am appalled that the persecution and total wipeout of Christianity, and indeed any groups, no matter who they are, whether Christian, a Muslim minority, the Yazidi tribe, the Kurds previously or any other group, that do not agree with the very strong and powerful Muslim group, has been going on for so long now. I do not know why the international community has not taken some steps against this.

Deputy Wallace was critical of the US for different reasons. There were the invasions by the Americans and the other allies. They bombed the hell out of the place. Before that happened, under Saddam, Gaddafi and the other rulers, even in Syria, the Christians were allowed to practice. I have gone out to Lebanon and met refugees and the head of the Coptic Church. I spent three days there with Deputy Grealish and Senator Rónán Mullen. We visited the camps. They told us that while they did not have impunity, they did have total freedom to practise their religions, whatever beliefs they were, under those appalling regimes, as we knew they were and as they were in many other areas. Now, those groups are totally persecuted. Any protections they had have been diminished greatly and they are being obliterated.

I spent three days during each of the last three summers in Rome at an international conference with colleagues from the Oireachtas. When we met the Holy Father and presented our position paper to him, he appealed to us to go back to our parliaments and raise this issue. It is a massive issue that he has been desperately concerned about. We did not even have a meaningful debate about it in this Parliament, despite my trying to raise it numerous times with the Taoiseach and the Ministers of the previous and current Governments. Deputy Grealish and I are forced at this stage to submit a Topical Issue matter about the persecution of Christians as this is the only way I can get a debate on it in the House. I am certainly not diminishing the persecution of the other groups as well. I am extremely concerned at the lethargy and the blind eye being turned to what is going on. It is going to destabilise the whole world. They have been there for centuries and they are now being slaughtered, tortured and wiped out. If they do not convert to Islam within 24 hours or leave, they are mercilessly executed. The people I met in the camps were only old grannies, women or young children under the age of ten, in many cases. It is sad that all the rest of the men and young women were either murdered or gone to fight in the war. That is not a good situation.

We should be doing much more in the EU. I saluted the Naval Service and that, but that is only intervening at the very last moment. The refugees are so desperate to escape the persecution, they will get on to those dinghies and other makeshift boats knowing the dangers of it. I have asked them why they would ever contemplate doing that, as it is such a risk. They said that it would be far easier an option to drown in the sea than to be slaughtered, persecuted and tortured. For people with intelligence to be driven to going on those overcrowded boats, with the extortion, the money racket, the smuggling and the many children and babies that have been lost, it is just horrific. The torture at home is just too much for them. An bhfuil am agam fós?

3:35 pm

Photo of Pat GallagherPat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
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Tá cúpla bomaite agat go fóill.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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I appeal to the Minister of State to ensure this issue is raised at every EU Council meeting. How can the Taoiseach deal with it? I ask him to give it the high level priority it should have.

The Taoiseach also mentioned that Ireland has raised our concerns over the protection of minority populations, including Christians, at the UN Human Rights Council. I put it to the Taoiseach, however, that this has effectively proved itself to be quite useless. All we seem to get are lectures from the UN and from UN commissions on this, that and other issues, while at the same time, there is this glaring thing going on under the watch of the UN and it hardly says a word about it. It lectures us about some issues in Ireland that we are not observing human rights, this right, that right and the other right. Despite this, there is the most glaring and savage act of continuing persecution that has gone on for a decade or more and the UN is simply standing idly by. Will the Taoiseach agree that we need to do far more to escalate action around this serious issue? I ask the Minister of State to pass that on to the Taoiseach and to the Minister, Deputy Flanagan.

On another matter entirely, I would like to raise the issue of Brexit and the effect and impact it will have on Irish agriculture. It will be devastating. After Prime Minister May's speech last week, we were told this and that. Will the Taoiseach indicate what support we are receiving from our so-called European partners on this matter? We are in a very awkward situation with the land Border between Northern Ireland and ourselves and how we are placed geographically beside our nearest traders, Great Britain. If it pulls out, we will surely have a special position. We must surely have that recognised. God knows we have been good enough Europeans and good enough lapdogs to go over to Ms Merkel. She says, "Jump", and we say, "How high?"

We saw what happened with the banking crisis when the Europeans shovelled in the money when are our banks were bust. The bondholders and everyone else got off scot free. It is surely payback time now. We have had many hours of need, but this is one. It is a total imponderable. We do not know what the impact will be. We have a fair idea of the impact because of the figures from the trade we do with England. Prime Minister May has refused to address any Deputies or take questions from them. I suppose she is dead right, she is a sovereign leader. Britain is going to look after itself. We are going to be the poor relation off the coast of Europe that is left behind unless we stand up, act up, man and woman up and challenge the EU that we have a right to a place.

We have been good Europeans since 1973. I campaigned at that time as a young boy with my family. So much has changed. We have seen the cause of Brexit. It is because there is so much regulation and such an uncaring attitude from the powerful nations in Europe. We are kind of seen as the poor relation. This is going to prove it. The EU has the chance and opportunity now to give us special status and to try to soften the hard Brexit. The thought of a hard Border is awful. I travelled during the summer between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia. A motorway was built between them. I saw the hard border there. There were lines of traffic and queues. The bus driver resorted to bribery to get through quickly. All 52 passports on the bus were looked for before we were let through. Are we going to face that land Border in Newry, Aughnacloy and many more places like that? That cannot happen. We cannot go back to that. It is too awful to go back to it. We saw what happened the other night in Belfast and what can happen. We saw how near to that we are.

We have a very special relationship within the EU. We have a special relationship with our nearest neighbours in England and in Northern Ireland. One day, I hope it will all be the one country. I am surprised at the way some of the people voted, but that is how they did vote. We need special treatment for this. We are not going to get it unless we ask for it, shout about it and go over and demand it. We cannot be saying it softly, softly, as we have been, because the EU is not listening. They are not good listeners anyway. They have to listen to us now, or we will have to look at other options.

Photo of Eamon RyanEamon Ryan (Dublin Bay South, Green Party)
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I welcome the opportunity, on foot of reviewing the European Council meeting in December, to discuss some of the wider and bigger issues that are happening in our world, particularly the issues of security, migration, and the accession of new countries into the EU, which I understand was one of the main items up for discussion at the meeting. Many of my thoughts in this regard are informed by our own recent Oireachtas visit to Cairo. As well as raising the case of Mr. Ibrahim Halawa and the need for his return home to Dublin, the whole experience gave us the opportunity to gain a wider understanding of what is happening in the Middle East and near the south and south-east borders of the EU.

More than anything else I was drawn to the meeting we had with the Secretary General of the Arab League. It was a two-hour discussion that was hugely informative and interesting. It backs up some of the analysis that this Parliament has had with regard to what has happened in the Middle East over the last number of decades and, picking up on the points made by Deputies Clare Daly and Wallace, the issue of Palestine was centre stage. It was a reflection of the Irish position and the Secretary General at the time said that Ireland was different. He said that we had taken a position over the years in support of the Palestinian people that is recognised and important. At that critical time in south Lebanon when local populations were threatened by militias following an Israeli invasion he recalled the fact that the Irish UN soldiers held the line. The soldiers had said "Stop, you shall not go further". The Secretary General compared that to what had happened at Srebrenica and other locations where the UN had not held the line. Ireland has a very proud and a very important record with our troops still in Lebanon, the Golan Heights and elsewhere. It copperfastened in my own mind - the Secretary General of the Arab League set it out in very clear terms - the roles of some other European countries. The invasion of Iraq left a country destroyed without any institutions and with a vacuum that was filled by the likes of ISIS. In Libya in recent years, French, British and American bombing had left the country similarly completely destabilised without any institutions. All the 25 year olds there now have Kalashnikovs in their hands and 600,000 people are waiting to use that place in a vacuum as a jumping-off point to Europe. The point was reiterated that Ireland should continue with a really strong position of neutrality and should not go down the road of an aggressive European intervention - as done by some countries - in our neighbouring areas because it does not work. Our approach of supporting United Nations missions and maintaining a neutrality is hugely important and it was copperfastened from that visit.

Following that visit to Cairo I was very fortunate to be able to proceed on to visit Turkey. I was with some NGOs visiting refugee camps on the Turkey-Syria border. We went right up to the border town of Reyhanli and Antakya, which is a city near the Syrian border. That visit also informs me with regard to the main item on the European Council on what are the dealings and relationships with Turkey and where is the accession process going. The Green Party condemned the clampdown in Turkey last year with the imprisonment of some 40,000 people following the coup and the imprisonment of people who work in the media, which we must stand up against. If, however, we simply demonise Turkey and see ourselves retreating back to Christendom with a hard border with any of the neighbours to the east and south, I do not believe that would work for the EU, Turkey or the whole wider region. If one looks at the history of Turkey's attempt at accession to the European Union - stretching back to 1987 - and especially the actions of countries such as Austria and France when it came to the crunch in the middle of the last decade, we basically welched on any deals and stepped back. The EU said that it would not progress the process. That, more than anything else, may have undermined the development of democratic and other systems that were advancing within Turkey. We should be very careful in going towards a divided world, particularly where the EU develops these hard borders with Turkey and other countries. The EU should, through influence and diplomatic relations, be looking to try to address whatever human rights or other issues arise in neighbouring countries but should do so with a view to long-term co-operation. In this world, we cannot manage migration or security just by going back to a fortress Europe approach.

From personal experience in visiting the camps and speaking with NGOs in these areas, we should be slightly careful about depicting as brilliant our treatment of migrants and refugees. I believe those refugees on the Greek islands, in the port town of Piraeus, in Scaramanga outside Athens and in Thessaloniki are, in many cases, in much worse conditions than the 2.7 million people who have been assimilated into Turkey after coming out of the Syrian crisis. It is not ideal; there are incredibly difficult circumstances and one would like to see better services and provisions. I am not too sure, however, that we in Europe can say how poorly Turkey has managed the situation when it has taken in 2.7 million, while we are leaving some 50,000 people stranded in the Greek islands and refugee camps. They are living under nothing but a basic tent in one of the coldest winters in that region in a long time.

I know this situation is far distant from us. It is as far from our borders as could be but in our engagement there is a responsibility on us, and on the particular voice Ireland has in Europe, which is one that stands up for a neutral non-militaristic solution or approach to these divisions in the world. We should be using that voice to try to create an environment of co-operation rather than the division that is increasingly happening in this time.

I read the Council's conclusions and the Taoiseach's speech with interest. It seems that Ireland has not taken a particularly strong position on the issue of the shutting down of the accession talks for Turkey at the present time. I believe Ireland should be willing to be international if we are aiming to take a place on the UN Security Council in the early part of the next decade. If we are to garner support for that role it behoves us to be internationalist in our thinking. Ireland benefits hugely as part of a globalised trading system. Most of the large international companies with offices based in Ireland set up their Europe, Middle East and Africa offices here. It behoves us to take the benefits of that - as we are doing - but to apply it in a responsible foreign policy that sees us taking a slightly different tack to some of our nearest neighbours, especially as Brexit occurs and as Britain takes a completely different stance and does not align with whatever the European Union is doing. That is all the more reason for us to put our resources into that.

One recommendation from the Secretary General of the Arab League was that we should be visiting those countries on a much more regular basis if we do aim to try to take that role in the UN Security Council. While it is not easy - and I know all of our time is very short and there is a whole range of different pressing issues - I believe Ireland should be looking to send further parliamentary delegations to visit Turkey or other countries in the Middle East, which is currently on fire. That allocation of resources, while it is a long-term investment, would be significant and important for the State. By visiting, talking and listening and by adapting that neutral, non-aligned, diplomatic approach, Ireland has a particular and specific role to play in Palestine and in Syria. It is ridiculous that we have a Syrian peace process that is now being managed by Russia, Turkey and Iran and that the European Union seems to have abdicated its position, other than supporting the occasional drone strike from the US and others. This is the wrong approach. We will not solve the threat of ISIS, no matter what President Trump thinks, by bombing people from a distance in a way that is just as terrifying as the bombing attacks that occur in our areas. We in the EU have a responsibility to expand the whole philosophy of peaceful, democratic collaboration, human rights and rule of law. This is done by talking with people and working with people; not by setting up further barriers or creating further tensions by the construction of walls, the use of drone strikes and other military means. That is not our way and we should stand up for the alternative approach.

3:45 pm

Photo of Pat GallagherPat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
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There will be an opportunity for questions and answers, after which the Minister of State will have five minutes to wrap up.

Photo of Seán HaugheySeán Haughey (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail)
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In the last few days we have seen the importance that the Parliament in Britain will have in the Brexit process and in the triggering of Article 50. Deputy Micheál Martin, in his contribution, called for a formal, national, negotiating mandate to be brought before the Dáil in and around the time Article 50 is triggered by the UK Government and Parliament.

I hope the Minister of State and the Taoiseach take that on board and give it further consideration.

Last December, the European Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development, Mr. Phil Hogan, in an address to the Association of European Journalists in Dublin, made several comments on Brexit. According to newspaper reports, Ireland is not, Mr. Hogan said, prepared for the Brexit challenge. He questioned whether Ireland is doing enough in the face of the mammoth challenge facing us. Ireland, the Commissioner stated, should be allocating more resources to Brussels ahead of the triggering of Article 50 and there must be a greater urgency in Dublin to reflect the fact that once the British trigger that article, the centre of power and influence will move from London to Brussels. The deal will be done in Brussels and that is where Ireland's strategic focus must be. Will the Minister of State give an assurance that we are dealing with that crucial aspect of the problem? It has been revealed that the Taoiseach has met only six of the 27 EU Heads of Government. Deputy Micheál Martin mentioned the need to build coalitions. I am aware the Minister of State is particularly active on the Brussels and Strasbourg scene, as is the Minister, Deputy Flanagan. However, we should heed what Commissioner Hogan said in December.

3:55 pm

Photo of Dara MurphyDara Murphy (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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As the Deputy knows, a delegation from the committee of which he is a member will accompany me to Brussels the week after next to meet many of the key decision makers on Brexit. I absolutely assure the Deputy that we are completely aware of the importance of Brussels in these discussions. We are in daily contact with our permanent representative to the EU, Mr. Declan Kelleher, who requested and was given additional resources to ensure Ireland's key strategic interests with regard to Brexit are addressed. No country in the Union has given the level of attention to the issues pertaining to and arising out of Brexit that Ireland has given. That includes the United Kingdom. Our engagement on the matter commenced in advance of the referendum when a strategic unit was put in place in the Department of the Taoiseach to monitor the campaign and see how we could engage in a limited way, as a separate sovereign nation, and make known the potential implications for our country of the departure of the UK from the Union. We are not happy with the result of the referendum but we respect the decision of the people of the UK. Our engagement has very much been ramped up in many different formats, especially through our permanent representative in Brussels but also here in Dublin.

The issue of Brexit is not on the agenda of Departments; it is at the top of the agenda of most of them. In the case of the critically important Departments, such as the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the most senior personnel are engaged on issues relating to Brexit. The same is the case in the Departments of Finance, Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation and Agriculture, Food and the Marine. That work is co-ordinated by the Department of the Taoiseach to ensure a whole-of-government approach. We all in this House have a role to play through our different groupings within the European Parliament to ensure a co-ordinated view of the issues that are important to our country is heeded in a European context. There are two separate challenges facing us in this regard. We have been very successful in addressing the first challenge, which is the need to identify the peace process and the common travel area as unique elements of the Brexit process that pertain only to the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom. In that context, we welcomed the commitment given by the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May, in her statement last week. We have succeeded in making the point that those two issues relate only to our islands and are working to come up with a separate and unique solution to both of them.

The second challenge we are facing relates to trade, which is something that affects all 27 of the member states remaining in the Union. We will, of course, be more affected by Brexit than many other member states, but we are not uniquely affected. That is why we must, on the one hand, build strong alliances with countries broadly in the north west of Europe, albeit on the other side of Britain, while remaining aware that when it comes to trade, other countries are competing with us for trade into the UK market.

Photo of Seán CroweSeán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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Ibrahim Halawa's case was referred to by several speakers. Last week, his trial was postponed for the 18th time. Did the Taoiseach raise the situation of this EU citizen at the last meeting of the European Council and will he raise it again at the next one? Did he seek the support of other European Heads of State to address Mr. Halawa's situation?

The President of Cyprus recently made a presentation to the European Council about the reunification negotiations. We wish the Cypriot Government and people well in those difficult discussions. Did the Taoiseach have a discussion with the Cypriot President on the matter? What is Ireland's position on those ongoing negotiations?

I have referred to the concerns regarding Turkey's status as a country of safe origin. I understand the importance of not closing anyone off, but the criteria being used are open to question and the leaked document indicating that UNHCR personnel are being refused access to refugee camps is of particular concern. Were those matters discussed at the Council meeting and are there plans to take action in that regard? I have expressed concern on several occasions in regard to Libya, which is clearly a failed state. Mali is moving in the same direction. There are huge problems in Turkey and we seem to be replicating the same model for other countries.

The Syrian situation was discussed at the European Council meeting. Yesterday the EU envoy to Syria said a final declaration was close to being achieved at the indirect talks between Syrian rebels and the Syrian Government in Kazakhstan. Does the Government support those face-to-face negotiations between the Syrian Administration and the armed opposition? The point has been made that the EU seems to be pulling back from the negotiations, notwithstanding the very positive spin we are hearing about the progress being made. Is it a missed opportunity that Europe is not involved in that process?

Militarisation in Europe is happening through the so-called permanent structured co-operation system and the proposal to establish a European defence fund. Will Ireland be playing a full part in those projects?

Did the Taoiseach raise any concerns around any of this or is it Government policy to support the further militarisation of the EU and the creation of an EU army?

4:05 pm

Photo of Dara MurphyDara Murphy (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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On the issue of the UNHCR commentary and access to the camps, if it is in order, I will provide Deputy Crowe a separate note on the specific response to that.

I note the Ceann Comhairle and a cross-party group visited Ibrahim Halawa. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Flanagan, is just joining me. This has been the issue most raised by the Minister over recent years. While we welcome that the trial is ongoing, Deputy Crowe's initial question was asked when the Taoiseach was present and the Taoiseach asked me to inform the Deputy that he has twice raised the matter directly with the Egyptian premier. Given the attendance of the Ceann Comhairle and representatives of the Dáil, it is an area where we have shared concerns. As I say, the court case is ongoing.

With respect to Deputy Crowe's question on the unification of Cyprus, I have been present at meetings involving both Turkish and, more particularly, Cypriot representatives. We must really wish them the very best. Their discussions are proceeding in a positive light. It is clearly a matter for dialogue and discussion between Cyprus and Turkey. We are all aware that this has been an issue for many decades. The position of the Irish Government is to be extremely supportive of the process that seems to be progressing very well.

With respect to Syria and the UN envoy, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, of course, we support the ongoing work that the envoy is doing there. The envoy has an extremely difficult and challenging task.

With respect to Deputy Crowe's question on Turkey, the Irish Government position is in line with the position as articulated by Deputy Ryan. It is, of course, accurate to state that there are issues which give cause for significant concern for the European Union and for the democratic values we hold, especially with respect to the rule of law, the freedom of opposition and the freedom of the press. The European Parliament has taken a different position from the one taken by the European Council. The European Council's position, which is supported by the Irish Government, is that we must continue to allow a pathway towards the European Union to countries in our neighbourhood because that pathway will encourage - to be blunt, force - these countries to adopt the fundamental principles of democracy, freedom of expression and the rule of law that we hold dear. I agree that for us to close off that option would not be in the best interests of the opposition in Turkey or the people of Turkey generally.

There are no plans for a European Union army. We do not support it, but that issue was off the table and is accepted as such by all member states.

Photo of Eamon RyanEamon Ryan (Dublin Bay South, Green Party)
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The Minister might be able to give me this information by way of a note rather than an immediate response. In the visit to Cairo by the delegation representing this Parliament, when meeting the European delegation we made a strong case that the European Union representatives in Cairo should take a particular role in monitoring the ongoing case of Ibrahim Halawa. They do not directly monitor it at present. I noted from our discussions that there are different views within the 28 in terms of the adoption of a certain approach and I understand that following our visit, at the same time as the last hearing was taking place, there was a meeting of European Union representatives in Cairo to consider that issue. It would be informative if the Department could provide us with background details, merely in terms of the outcome of that meeting, whether there will be European Union monitoring of Ibrahim Halawa's further case visits.

With regard to the monitoring of refugees within Syria, I note Deputy Crowe referred to the UNHCR. Is there a European Union monitoring process and is there feedback or updates from that can be shared by way of note with me and other Members of the Parliament in order that we can get an assessment of the European Union's assessment of the refugee situation in Turkey, particularly of those Syrian refugees? That would be much appreciated.

Photo of Pat GallagherPat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
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As the Minister of State may be able to use his other minutes, I will take a question from Deputy Darragh O'Brien as well.

Photo of Darragh O'BrienDarragh O'Brien (Dublin Fingal, Fianna Fail)
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On the point Deputy Ryan raised, following our visit to Cairo and our meeting with the European Union representatives in their office in Cairo, it struck us that because Ibrahim is the only EU citizen on trial, they were direct with us in the sense that they stated not all of our European partners agreed with the European Union office or a representative monitoring the trial. Deputy Ryan was trenchant in the view, with which I agree, that we should know which of our European partners would not agree that one of our citizens should have his trial monitored. Ibrahim is an EU citizen.

I merely wish to reinforce what Deputy Ryan stated. It was a useful visit. I certainly thank the European Union office as it was frank and open with us on that. It really has a role to play there and it would be useful if the Minister of State, with the senior Minister, Deputy Flanagan, relayed that message from Deputy Ryan, me and others.

While we are on that topic, it was clear from our time in Cairo the amount of work that is being done by the embassy and consular service, through the Minister, and by the ambassador and his staff in this trial. I put on the record of the House my appreciation of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the work the ambassador and his staff are doing through the Minister here. The European Union issue is something the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, could take up directly with the European Union office in Cairo on our behalf.

Photo of Pat GallagherPat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
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The Minister of State has two minutes but he might want to combine it with his other five minutes too.

Photo of Dara MurphyDara Murphy (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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I just spoke to the Minister, Deputy Flanagan. He has raised this issue on two occasions with Ms Federica Mogherini, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. He is satisfied with her engagement, but also with that of the chairman of the European Parliament Committee on Foreign Affairs, Mr. Elmar Brok MEP. We would be interested to hear specifically if there is a sense that there is not the fullest possible support from the European Union office on the ground.

Photo of Darragh O'BrienDarragh O'Brien (Dublin Fingal, Fianna Fail)
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It was not the office nor the staff on the ground. They were very open. It was more that they stated some of our European partners do not want them to take up the role of observers to the trial. I am not referring to the staff on the ground in Cairo.

Photo of Dara MurphyDara Murphy (Cork North Central, Fine Gael)
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We will follow through. As I say, the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, has made it clear and tells me he is satisfied with the response from Ms Federica Mogherini and from the committee of the Parliament.

I will answer some other questions before I get to my remarks. With respect to trade and the importance of the UK market vis-à-vismarkets globally, I want to give some statistics about Irish goods exports. The Republic of Ireland exports 11% of its goods to the United Kingdom, but we export 40% of our goods to the rest of the European Union. We export 49% of our goods to the rest of the world, with which we trade on the basis of our membership of the European Union. Essentially, there is an 89% trading relationship on the basis of our European relationship as against 11% with the United Kingdom. Our United Kingdom relationship is clearly important but significantly less, at approximately 11% of the total. With respect to services, our dependence on the UK market is greater. Nineteen per cent of our services exports go into the United Kingdom, but 35% go the rest of the European Union and a further 46% go to the rest of the world.

Again, there is an 81% dependence on the rest of the world, so it is vital to be clear that while the trade negotiations with respect to our relationship with the United Kingdom will be critically important to this island, our relationship with the European Union and the rest of the world is of significantly greater importance to us.

A question was asked about Schengen and ongoing developments. We will provide a briefing on that.

The issue of Irish neutrality is not up for debate. Obviously, through the Lisbon treaty our long-known position on neutrality is robust.

Deputy Howlin asked about the project office for unaccompanied minors from Calais. This has been established within the last month in Tusla and the assessment process for Calais has commenced. The Deputy also referred to a working group within the Council. I will clarify this because his definition of it was not quite right. There will be a working group of officials from all member states. It will be the officials who are based in Brussels and they will report to our ambassador through COREPER. It will be chaired by an official and the Commission will also report to it regularly. The most important point to emphasise is that the oversight and the mandate for negotiations will come from the European Council.

I will address the issue of Ukraine and the Netherlands. The agreement was finalised in 2014 but was not ratified by member states. Members will be aware that a referendum took place in the Netherlands which rejected the agreement, so a protocol was sought by the Dutch Government. The European Council reached a decision at the December Council meeting that will be binding on all 28 member states. It addresses the concerns of the Dutch Government and we understand that the Dutch Government will now proceed to ratify the agreement.

Russia was again discussed at the European Council. The French and Germans provided an update on the Minsk peace agreements relating to Ukraine. Given the lack of progress in implementing the Minsk accords, it was rightly agreed that sanctions on Russia should be renewed for a further six months.

Regarding economic and social development and youth, the Prime Ministers noted the decision by the Ministers for Finance to extend the European Fund for Strategic Investments, EFSI. The Council also noted the modernisation of trade defence instruments and discussed energy union, the Youth Guarantee, the youth employment initiative, the European Solidarity Corps and, of significant importance from an Irish point of view, the digital Single Market in the context of the Single Market. The European Council welcomed the agreement of Finance Ministers to strengthen and extend the European Fund for Strategic Investments, with an ambition to have this agreed with the European Parliament this year. It is fair to say that the impact of the EFSI in Ireland remains modest, but we support further development of what is a key block of the European investment plan. We welcome that the new office for the European Investment Bank has been opened in Dublin. This should provide further complementary support for project development in this country. The role of an enhanced EFSI in mobilising a stronger pipeline for SME business, in particular, is crucial. I should mention in the context of the digital Single Market that Ireland has identified issues with data localisation and the bottlenecks to the development of trade.

Finally, the European Council met with the President of the European Central Bank, Mr. Draghi, and had a good exchange on the European economy. Mr. Draghi pointed out that while there is an improved economic situation there is a requirement to continue reform.

I apologise for not having time to say more. I am available to answer any other comments and questions by e-mail if Members feel I did not adequately reply to them.