Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I am sure the Taoiseach will agree that Brexit is particularly impactful on Northern Ireland and on the island of Ireland and demands an urgent response from all concerned. Some 63% of people in Northern Ireland voted and a majority of them opted to remain within the European Union. The prospect of Northern Ireland being taken out of the European Union without the consent of the people there is now a very live one.

In that context, the Taoiseach floated the idea of an all-Ireland forum on Brexit. His Ministers, including the Minister for Health, Deputy Simon Harris, spoke fulsomely about it on "The Week in Politics" programme on Sunday. I am surprised, however, because many people would have thought that if Ministers are speaking so liberally about it, work would have gone on behind the scenes to prepare the ground for such an eventuality. It was therefore with great surprise that one heard Northern Ireland's First Minister, Arlene Foster, say that she had not been approached in advance. She said: "It wasn't discussed with me over the weekend or indeed before, and it wasn't discussed at the NSMC [North South Ministerial Council] today." In essence, that conveyed a perception of something of a shambles, of an incoherent all-island response to Brexit which constitutes such a severe threat to trade and to the economic well-being of the people of this island.

Can the Taoiseach explain why no attempt was made to speak to Arlene Foster and others prior to the North-South Ministerial Council and prior to the idea of a forum being floated by him and his Ministers without any advance warning, notice or engagement, if indeed that was the case, with the First Minister and others?

We know that in not doing that he would be ensuring the idea never gets off the ground. The fate of Northern Ireland and the island of Ireland is central to the negotiations that have to take place over the coming months place between London, Dublin, Belfast and Brussels. The impact of this on the island of Ireland as a single market and as a economic area will be immense if it is not handled carefully, professionally and properly. It calls for a specialised and more focused approach.

Will the Taoiseach indicate, first, if he had any engagement with the First Minister prior to the idea of an all-island forum on Brexit being floated and, second, what he proposes to do in relation to this particular idea of forum or to ensure a proper response to Brexit in the context of Northern Ireland and the island of Ireland?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I spoke to the First Minister last week by telephone. I also spoke to the Deputy First Minister, the First Minister of the Scottish Parliament and to the British Prime Minister, who had engagements at the European Council with many Leaders. This is unprecedented in the sense of a decision like this not having been made before. People said that it was inconceivable that Britain would leave the European Union; now they know. People said many other things about politics that might not happen. In that sense, one can never dictate the outcome of referenda. What we did agree at the North-South Ministerial Council yesterday was a ten-point plan to follow through on the engagements that are going on. I had no intention of setting up a statutory authority that would run for a period of years.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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Sorry?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I had no intention of putting forward a view that a statutory-based forum or a statutory-based institution be set up. Ministers currently meet on a regular basis through the North-South Ministerial Council. We also have other North-South bodies and State agencies, including the British-Irish Council, the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly and so on. From that point of view, I was struck by the impact of the economic discussion we had down here in preparation for budgets 2016 and 2017, whereby all of the main players were brought together in one location to offer their views on how, in that case, the budgets should be framed, the issues for prioritisation and so on. That is what was in my mind but I said publicly it could not work if all the parties did not buy in to it. There was no discussion with First Minister Foster or any other leader in Northern Ireland and there was no discussion about the setting up of, as titled, "a forum" or an institution.

This question was raised during a debate in the House last week. When one considers all of the entities that are in contact with each other my thought subsequently was that it would be beneficial for everybody if a conversation were enabled to take place about the priorities that everybody collectively saw arising from the Brexit decision, nothing more that. Therefore, there was no discussion with the Alliance, the SDLP, Sinn Féin, the UUP or the DUP. It is not going to work; it is not going to happen. I still extend an open invitation to everybody who might be interested in having that kind of conversation. As I said, it is not something that would be put on a statutory basis. We need to be clear where the horizon is now. Clearly, nothing is going to happen until the British Conservative Party elects a new Prime Minister and sets out its strategy and intent. I hear different comments about European Union citizens living in Britain, when Article 50 might be triggered and so on. Let me be clear that we will seek to protect the interests of our people and of all other people living on this island, dealing with the economy and trade, Northern Ireland and British-Irish relations, the common travel area, an open Border and the European Union. These are all areas that are of intense interest now to people. While they might not have had an issue about politics before, they know now that it can impact on them.

From our perspective, what we agreed yesterday at the North-South Ministerial Council with all of the parties will be followed through diligently and rigorously. We must also understand our connections with the UK and the EU. Nobody wants to see a hard border. Nobody wants to see customs and checkpoints every mile of the road on the way into or out of Northern Ireland. These are issues that concern all the parties in Northern Ireland. The Deputy is well aware that all of the parties, with the exception of the DUP, favoured the "Remain" vote and the issue was clear from that perspective. We want to look after the interests of our people and our relationships with Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the EU. There is a great deal of work and there are challenges ahead, many of them as yet unknown.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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To be frank, I find it incredible that there was no discussion with the First Minister in advance of the North-South Ministerial Council meeting about the idea of a forum. It seems incredible that it would have been floated without due consultation and engagement and the sounding out of all the political leaders in Northern Ireland, particularly the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, and the Executive. That would have brought clarity, which was in short supply yesterday in terms of the idea that had been floated and spoken about by the Minister for Health. For example, the Minister said that the forum would see groups North and South work on issues of mutual interest in light of the Brexit vote. Listening to the Minister on Sunday, one would have thought it was a done deal, a fait accompli, and was going to happen. Lo and behold, we learned that nobody was consulted about it.

It is a great pity because there was merit in the idea. There is merit in the idea of a focused and specialised all-island response to Brexit because Brexit constitutes perhaps the most severe threat to the all-island economy we have witnessed for a long time - certainly since the Good Friday Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement established the idea of consent and the will of the people of Northern Ireland and, very clearly, the will of the people of Northern Ireland will be subverted by the English nationalistic approach in terms of its future within the EU. To be frank, Brexiteers have very little time for Northern Ireland and, unfortunately, Northern Ireland will not be central to their engagement with Europe in terms of what will unfold, so we need an all-island response. However, it needs a bit of work in advance before people start floating ideas just for the sake of spin over substance. We have had too much of that over the past number of years and we had too much of it again over the weekend. The issues are far too serious for somebody to just get a notion, send it up into the atmosphere and hope everybody will agree with it the following day. It cannot work like that. We need more thoroughness and professionalism in terms of approaching what is a very serious issue. I put it to the Taoiseach that we need additional capacity in our Departments in respect of Northern Ireland, including its position vis-à-visBrexit. Likewise, we should be pressing the Northern Ireland Executive to recruit additional personnel and put a special team together to work on an all-island basis in respect of the implications of Brexit and the negotiations that will undoubtedly follow in the coming months.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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It was and remains a good idea. I keep an invitation open to everybody if they want to follow through on this. There is nothing in this other than the capacity for everybody who wants to have a say and who has a point of view or a proposal to be able to state it cogently and clearly. All of the bodies are talking to each other. From assessing all of that, my idea was that it would be worthwhile having an island conversation. One cannot have it if people do not want to buy into it, and that is their right and opportunity. The idea still stands and it is still a good idea.

If the Deputy looks at the cross-Border agencies that deal with investment in infrastructure, one can see that this takes in initiatives such as the Narrow Water Bridge, the A5 and the Ulster Canal. If the money is to be given up front by the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform but the Commission decides that, with the UK leaving, INTERREG and the infrastructural funds will no longer continue, we cannot plan in advance. We cannot say that we are going to have project X or Y and expect the taxpayer here to contribute to something that will be backed up by funding-----

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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We had INTERREG funding for the Narrow Water Bridge. You blew it.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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That is true, but the assessments and estimates were all wrong; they were €20 million or more out of line. We cannot expect to plan properly if at the end of the process the European Commission will not have anything further to do with Northern Ireland. We need clarity. The first thing is that the British Prime Minister will have to state his view. The process of triggering Article 50 then takes place. I hear different views about that. The European Council will monitor political control over this process. While they say nothing can happen until the exit process is concluded by Britain, I hope that the European Union, having received notification from Britain, will have a parallel system; otherwise, two years of planning, strategy and coherence about what they should do will be lost.

All Members of the House have to work together on this in respect of our interests - the common travel area, trade with Britain, access to the free market, the free movement of people and an open border with Northern Ireland with no customs or checkpoints similar to those we had 30 years ago. This will require a great deal of work from everybody. It is time now, instead of trying to score points on this, to have a particular jersey that we should wear in the interest of our country.

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Ar dtús, ba mhaith liom mo chomhbhrón a dhéanamh le pobal Bhagdad agus go háirithe le na daoine a bhfuair bás de bharr an phléascáin mhóir ansin. I extend, on my own behalf and on behalf of Sinn Féin, condolences and solidarity to the families of the 200 people killed in a bomb explosion in Baghdad.

The Brexit vote, as the Taoiseach has acknowledged, is probably the most serious political and economic crisis to face this island in many years. The decision is bad for the island of Ireland, North and south. Yesterday, two ministers for health - the Minister for Health, Deputy Simon Harris, and the Northern health minister, Michelle O'Neill - jointly announced a £42 million investment in an all-Ireland children's heart service at the opening of a new cardiac unit in Dublin. It is good for Ireland, North and south. Cuirim fáilte go mórmhór roimh an fhorbairt seo.

There is a real risk in the time ahead that the Brexit result will have an impact on these areas of co-operation between the two parts of our island. It also represents a significant threat to the underlying principles and infrastructure of the Good Friday Agreement. Last week, I wrote to the Taoiseach, the First Minister, Arlene Foster, and other political leaders, including the leader of Fianna Fáil. The only one who answered me was the leader of the Labour Party. I proposed that the Government work with the Executive and all parties on the island to establish a national forum. I heard Ministers over the weekend expounding this as a good idea. The objective, which I outlined in the letter, would be to discuss how the Remain vote of the clear majority of the citizens of the North will be respected and defended. It could also help shape the collective challenges and our responses to these challenges as we face into the consequences that will arise. The DUP's rejection of this idea should not be allowed to stand in the way of the establishment of such a body. The Remain vote, like the referendum on the Good Friday Agreement, uniquely brought together in the North unionists, nationalists, republicans and others in common cause. There will be enormous goodwill for a forum that seeks to defend the North's vote and to protect the peace process, the Good Friday Agreement, its institutions and the two economies on this island. The Deputy First Minister, Martin McGuinness, said yesterday, and I have no doubt, that representatives of civic Unionism and civil society in general will attend along with representatives from our agricultural sector, including agrifood, and the business, community and voluntary sector and many others who are very concerned about what faces us in the time ahead. I spent the weekend in Belfast.

Does the Taoiseach agree that there is a responsibility on all of us who are worried by Brexit to work together in the time ahead? The Government is an equal co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. Will the Taoiseach acknowledge the particular onus on the Irish Government to defend that agreement and its institutions? Will he establish this forum, similar in format to the New Ireland Forum and the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, with the clear objective that I pointed out? Will he tell us now when he will bring this forum together?

When the Taoiseach gets a chance, will he answer my letter?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I will.

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Maith an fear.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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Deputy Adams did mention to me last week here in the House that he had written to me.

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Níl mé ach ag magadh.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I am not taking anything from Deputy Adams. I am not sure whether the Deputy was talking about a statutory forum that would be put in place like any of the other institutions. Deputy Adams's idea certainly has merit and value and I share his view that it is necessary that everybody works together in the common interest of all the people of the island. I also share Deputy Adams' view - it is our responsibility as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, as I have said to the First Minister and Deputy First Minister - that we have a duty to understand the common challenges that we face, in the Republic and in Northern Ireland, in the context of the UK vote and the subsequent relationships, in whatever form, that will apply in terms of the European Union. Obviously, there is a great deal of confusion among many, but it is important to note that until the exist process is completed, Britain does not leave the European Union, it retains its full rights and membership, it must make its payments to the European Union and it must meet every other regulation of the Union. Until that time, Britain remains a full member. Deputy Adams will have noted the comments from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, originally in respect of being able to bring in a surplus by 2020 and then a proposition to reduce the corporate tax rate to below 15%, which would be directly in competition with both here and the intention of the Northern Ireland Executive to reduce its corporate tax rate under devolved authority given to it. These are all issues that need to be considered.

We agreed yesterday in the ten-point programme to work through all the existing institutions - the cross-Border bodies, the British-Irish Council and the North-South Ministerial Council. We encouraged Ministers, many of whom were new at the meeting yesterday, to engage with their counterparts to set out the programmes they intend to work on towards implementation.

Deputy Adams is correct that the Minister for Health, Deputy Harris, and the Northern Ireland Minister for Health, Ms Michelle O'Neill MLA, attended the children's hospital in Crumlin. That will be a unique situation whereby children from the island of Ireland with particular specialist problems will be able to attend that multi-million euro facility where the care and attention they will get will be world class.

Deputy Adams should be clear on it. From my point of view, as Head of Government, I will work closely with our European colleagues at the European Council many of whom have very different views about the kind of Europe that we can or might have over the next few years. Our intention is to protect our interests, the interests of all the people of this island, North and South, such as the common travel area, the open Border, the peace process, and the opportunity to continue to grow trade and prosperity in a peaceful situation. Clearly, there are many challenges ahead. As I said to Deputy Martin, it requires everybody in the House, irrespective of their political background, to work in the greater interests of the country.

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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What we need is a date for this forum. The Taoiseach will recall I asked him in my letter to bring together the leaders in the Oireachtas to discuss this. If we cannot get a date now for the forum, we should at least get a date for that meeting to discuss how we put it in place.

I remind the Taoiseach that the DUP opposed the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 and no one stood back. Neither the international community, the Governments nor the people of the island allowed that opposition to block progress, and the Good Friday Agreement referendum received the clear support of the people. It must be remembered that the DUP lost this vote also and many of its supporters will not be of the same mind as their leadership.

As the Taoiseach has said, we need to maximise and co-ordinate our response to the crisis that has been created. Last week, the Taoiseach and the Fianna Fáil leader championed the cause of Scotland. I was in south Armagh last night and many people mentioned this to me, and I welcome very much the statement from the Fianna Fáil leader now upholding the Northern vote. There is an opportunity in all these difficulties to redesign the future of the island of Ireland and of the European Union. Let us redesign the future of the island of Ireland first. As I have said, the way to do that is to put together the forum.

I ask the Taoiseach to indicate a date for that now. In the absence of that, I ask for a clear commitment that he will meet the rest of us, as a matter of urgency, to discuss the issue and put this in place as quickly as possible.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The Deputy makes the point that I share, which is that everybody must work together here. If I proceed to set up a forum that has no participation from other parties, it will become divisive, which is not in the interest of the island of Ireland and its people, North and South. The Deputy's proposition might be slightly different from mine but there is a welcome opportunity for people from all over the island of Ireland to give their views together on how they see the impact of Brexit and the consequences for them, businesses and people, etc. I will not give a date for a forum that will not have buy-in from the political parties. This idea has merit, as I stated to the Deputy, and I noted the national conversation regarding preparation for the budget for next year and this year was very well worthwhile. People who might not normally be associated with political bodies have had the opportunity to say, as citizens, how it might impact on them and their business.

Yesterday, we agreed a ten-point programme and we will follow that through diligently and rigorously, with every Minister and cross-Border bodies. We must work with Europe to ensure that major infrastructure projects that are to be implemented will not be stranded because of a lack of funding. The Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform is already very much aware of this. We do not want a halt being called to very necessary infrastructure because of either confusion or an inability to work together, which is the central point of the Deputy's comments. I would like to think we can process the bigger and smaller infrastructure pieces, including, as the Deputy has said, the €3 billion on the table between here and 2020 for the peace process, INTERREG and so on. It was negotiated during our own term as holder of the Presidency back at the start of 2013.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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As we have heard, yesterday the Taoiseach joined the Northern Ireland First Minister, Ms Arlene Foster, to answer media questions on the unprecedented challenges now being faced by the people North and South as a result of the UK Brexit vote. In recent days the Taoiseach had floated the idea of an all-island forum so we could have a consensus on the island on how to deal with this. As others have said, this idea was floated many times over the weekend by a number of the Taoiseach's Ministers. However, at yesterday's press conference, it became clear the Taoiseach had failed to prepare the ground with the Northern Ireland First Minister; the result was the proposal was rejected by her publicly in a very humiliating way. Yesterday's exchange was reminiscent of a previous Fine Gael Taoiseach who in 1984 faced the media to answer questions about the future of North-South relations. In both instances, the authority of the office of the Taoiseach and, more importantly, the interests of Ireland, were damaged.

The Taoiseach's authority has also been damaged on the domestic front. We see the spectacle this week of the Head of Government being faced down by members of his own Cabinet over a Private Members' Bill on fatal foetal abnormalities. The Attorney General has consistently been of the view that this legislation is unconstitutional. We now see a position where some Ministers, including some sitting at the Cabinet table, are taking an àla carteapproach to the advice of the Attorney General. This advice is not, as one member of the Government stated, merely "a legal opinion". It is the considered view of the chief law officer of the State, whose constitutional functions are clearly laid out in Bunreacht na hÉireann. The Independent Alliance Ministers do not seem to accept that, or if they do, they do not seem to be too bothered by it. The Minister of State, Deputy John Halligan, has stated he does not care if the Bill is unconstitutional.

What is even more extraordinary is that this has not caused the Taoiseach to bat an eyelid.

There were noises last week to the effect that the Taoiseach would reassert the primacy of the Constitution and would require Ministers to accept the doctrine, dating from the foundation of the State, of collective Cabinet responsibility and to abide by decisions of the Cabinet. What does the Taoiseach intend to do now to reassert the rule of law and the primacy of the Constitution in this Government? Is he indifferent to Ministers ignoring long-established constitutional rules, or is it simply the case now, in this new political paradigm, that no rules apply as long as the Government continues?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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Deputy Howlin mentioned a previous situation in which a Fine Gael Taoiseach had a view rejected. I point out to him that within 12 months of that, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed. I think the opportunity is still there for everybody to participate in an island conversation about the common challenges that we face here. That invitation remains open.

In respect of the Deputy's second question, the fact of the matter is that this is a partnership Government. This party does not have a majority and therefore cannot act as a majority. I have already reminded Ministers of their responsibilities. While my own party would have a very clear view in respect of a Private Members' Bill being put forward by an independent Member, I am concerned, I have to say, at the clarity from the medical profession in terms of how inadequate the particular Bill is. Those who operate at the highest level of integrity in the medical profession have made it perfectly clear that the Bill in question is a bad Bill for women. It does nothing for them. I have a conscience about that and would not vote for something that would not be in their interest.

I have set out a position that we put into the programme for Government, namely, that we would set up a citizens' assembly which would reflect on the eighth amendment to the Constitution, which also deals with the question of the substance of the Bill. I have set out the process by which that will be followed. We have had two Government decisions on it already. It will be up and running by October. This will be the first issue that the citizens' assembly will reflect on. When it comes back with its recommendations, whatever they might be, it will be a matter for the committee of the Dáil, having access to legal, constitutional and medical advice, and so on, to make its recommendations to this House. Then everybody can vote freely in accordance with their conscience. It is a Private Member's Bill that is in question here. I have reminded Cabinet members very clearly of the responsibility they carry in collective Cabinet responsibility. While I am not in a position, as the leader of my own party, to dictate to others who are not members of the party and in that sense are not subject to an agreement we would have internally within our party, those who sit at the Cabinet table, as I have reminded Ministers, have a duty in terms of the defence of the Constitution and collective Cabinet responsibility.

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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Article 30 of the Constitution states that the Attorney General "shall be the adviser of the Government in matters of law and legal opinion". He or she "shall be the adviser". The members of the Government now believe it is simply an advice, to be taken, rejected or weighed against others. What is the view of the Taoiseach? Does he accept that under Article 30 there is one authoritative legal adviser to the Government and that members of his Government will be bound by that constitutional precept?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The answer to that question is "Yes, I do." I believe the Attorney General is the legal adviser to the Government under Article 30 of Bunreacht na hÉireann and I accept the advice of the Attorney General. The Supreme Court eventually determines constitutionality-----

Brendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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What is the Taoiseach going to do about Ministers who reject it?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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Deputy Howlin asked me a question: do I accept that the Attorney General is the legal adviser to the Government? The answer to that question is "Yes." Second, do I accept the advice given by the Attorney General? The answer to that question is "Yes, absolutely, 100%."

Alan Kelly (Tipperary, Labour)
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What about the Ministers who are rejecting this?

Willie O'Dea (Limerick City, Fianna Fail)
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Does the Deputy want an election?

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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There has been considerable controversy in the past few days about the appointment of Mr. Joe O'Toole to the water commission. However, I thank Joe O'Toole for shining a light on the real objectives of the commission. His honesty in telling it like it is has been very useful to those of us who marched against and opposed water charges, as it is for the people who voted for a majority of Deputies in this House to oppose water charges. Joe O'Toole has already declared that central taxation is not enough to pay for water and that Revenue should be used to collect the levies, something of which people should take note. He says it is a political exercise, a democratic exercise - he said that people have voted in a certain way and we now have to find enough sugar to make the medicine go down. He has unpicked what this commission is all about.

What method was used to appoint the other members of the commission? Peter Peacock is the chair of the customer forum of Scottish Water and favours charges. He boasts that customer forums can help to lower prices but water and wastewater charges in Scotland stand at a handsome £417 per annum. Bill Emery is a former director of Ofwat, the British energy regulator which presided over a privatised water system. He is an associate of a company that helps public agencies deal with big business and lists 22 water companies among his clients. Xavier Leflaive of the OECD steers water policy in selected countries - such as Brazil - in South America. Thames Water, one of the biggest globalised water companies, states that Brazil has one of the largest concentrations in the world of water and wastewater privatisation opportunities. Despite two decades of water charging and privatisation in South America, more than 130 million people still have no access to safe, clean drinking water and only one in six enjoys safe and adequate sanitation. Based on this selection, the commission will be a complete sham. There is not a single representative from the largest social movement in the history of the State or the trade union movement. The commission's remit excludes any social implication of funding water services in the short, medium or long term and that includes water poverty, future privatisation and potential shut-offs. All of these things have plagued Detroit and the people of that city have been landed with terrible debt and a scarcity of water.

The outcome of the commission is predictable and I thank Joe O'Toole again for that. There will be charges, with sweeteners for those in receipt of social welfare or living in poverty, and there will be a company that will allow privatisation by the back door. People should note that we are holding a major protest in the city on 17 September to oppose this totally undemocratic measure and the bullying of the EU on the question of water.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Deputy for the notice about the protest. This is one of the most important developments in the country in a long period because of years and years of neglect during which the Irish water system and the Irish wastewater system have been woefully inadequate. The city in which the Deputy lives has been on a knife edge in terms of its capacity for clean water for many years.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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Tell me about it.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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That will not improve without Irish Water being able to invest seriously in improving capacity to supply clean water in huge volumes and to deal with the leakage that, in many cases, has been happening for 100 years. Irish Water has invested over €400 million since 2015, an increase of 37% on the estimated €300 million spent in 2013. Since January 2014, it has built 20 new and upgraded water treatment plants and 49 new and upgraded wastewater treatment plants. If people live in those areas and can see the improvement in the quality of life that has come about as a consequence, they will understand why Irish Water has done such work. The Cork lower harbour project, costing €90 million, is also under way.

As a public servant, Joe O'Toole did a great deal of work over the many years he was involved in public life. He has said he wants to be an impartial chairman and he knows, more than anybody else, there must be public and political confidence in the integrity of the process that has been set out. The people the Deputy mentioned - trade unionists, ordinary citizens and so on - of course have their opportunity, but the issue was to have an expert advisory group to advise in respect of how Irish Water should do its business, the standards that should be set and the trends it should follow in order to provide businesspeople and ordinary citizens with clean water and proper wastewater treatment plants while at the same time provide an opportunity for continued investment for jobs for people so that they can have a life to live and contribute to our society. The Deputy has a very different view from me in terms of Irish Water but in the while it has been in operation, despite the many difficulties in the beginning, it has made very significant improvements through town and country, and its programme of investment in the coming years will continue that kind of development.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I do not know if the Taoiseach is doing a Mary Poppins on this but he is certainly not answering my question. I asked him about the structure and formation of the commission and I am objecting, on behalf of many people, to those I listed who were appointed to it because they are not impartial but are in fact partial towards a little bit of privatisation and a lot of charges. My question is about the structure and the composition of the commission itself, including the non-partial Joe O'Toole, who is going in to chair it with his own set views on it.

I know of some citizens who applied to be considered for this commission, some of whom have considerable expertise in the environment, waste management and water management and they were not even given the respect or the decency of an explanation as to why their applications failed or that they would not be considered suitable. The commission is loaded with academics and people from outside the jurisdiction who are unelected and not representative of the people in this country who voted, marched, protested and boycotted en masseto have a different system of water services that is publicly funded through progressive central taxation and over which they have some decision making power. We are getting a commission that has already made up its mind that it will give us more of the same.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Thank you, Deputy.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I ask the Taoiseach how he decided the construct of such a commission, who gets to say that these doctors from outside the jurisdiction who are pro-privatisation can sit on this commission and that Joe O'Toole, who has made up his mind already, can be an impartial chairperson.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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These are people of particular abilities and experience who have a lot to offer in terms of the expert group that is being set up. Everybody has a view and everybody can have a proposition. Everybody can have their say about what should be done but what has to be done is to continue to invest in the capacity to deliver clean water for people, volumes of water for business and wastewater treatment plants around the country. We cannot continue beyond 2016 with 60 or 80 wastewater plants that are woefully inadequate and are putting raw sewage into lakes and rivers. The Deputy understands that, and she saw the television programme on north Dublin conducted by RTE some time ago.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I wish the Taoiseach would answer my question.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The people who are on this expert commission applied for it. Their expertise speaks for itself.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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Who chose them?

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The Minister brought those names before Cabinet. They are there to do a specific job and that is to advise on the workings of Irish Water and how it should go about its business in an efficient and professional manner to provide a proper service for the millions of people throughout the country who have not had it for years because of neglect and lack of investment.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Thank you, Taoiseach.

Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)
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The Deputy has a very different view of how Irish Water should be funded. The process the Minister has put in place with the suspension of charges for nine months will allow for all of these matters to be dealt with, and it will come back here eventually in terms of a decision being made by the House.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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It is anti-democratic and that is my objection to it.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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That concludes Leaders' Questions. I ask Members to be upstanding for one minute in silent memory of those who were slaughtered in Baghdad.