Brendan Smith (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail)
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The report of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland on the Loughinisland killings outlines clearly the damning and devastating truth that the police force was guilty of engaging in significant collusion in sectarian mass murder on the fateful night of 18 June 1994. The report contains details that are deeply disturbing and expose for all of us, once again, a dark chapter in Northern Ireland's history.

The families of those six men who were ruthlessly gunned down finally have the truth but they do not have justice. We learned from the report that police officers missed investigative opportunities and destroyed evidence. It concludes that there was collusion between some police officers and loyalist paramilitaries. This report reminds us once again of the desperate and unacceptable attitudes that prevailed within elements of policing and other state forces in Northern Ireland during that era. We now have the truth. Collusion was a factor in the murder of six innocent men in Loughinisland and in the maiming and attempted murder of others in The Heights bar.

Unfortunately, today there is no real evidence that the PSNI has been actively pursuing those identified by the ombudsman report. It is essential that the Northern Ireland Police Ombudsman report is referred to the Public Prosecution Service of Northern Ireland. A clear message must be sent by the Irish and British Governments and by the Northern Ireland Executive to the PSNI directing the service to pursue its investigations in the most rigorous manner possible to ensure that those who committed this heinous crime are brought to justice. The victims and survivors as well as their families and the wider community deserve justice.

There were many dark chapters in the history of Northern Ireland, including at Loughinisland. The depth and scale of collusion with violent gunmen is a damning indictment of the rotten culture that prevailed in parts of the security services. The establishment of the PSNI was an important step forward. Indeed, there is need for ongoing reform of the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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The report of the Northern Ireland Police Ombudsman found that special branch intelligence, paramilitary informants, were involved in a range of activities, including: command and control of loyalist paramilitaries; the procurement, importation and distribution of weapons; and murder and conspiracy to murder. They were not subject to any meaningful investigation. They were given a licence to kill and maim with no real likelihood of conviction.

In 1974 bombs exploded in Dublin and Monaghan killing 33 people, including an unborn child. The farm of James Mitchell, a member of the so-called Glenanne gang, was used to assemble and launch these attacks with the support, it is believed, of British intelligence services. Mitchell was in the RUC and other gang members were in the Ulster Defence Regiment. The gang is linked to over 120 deaths.

In 1988 weapons were imported from South Africa. Where did they end up? They ended up on James Mitchell's farm. Through their informants, the intelligence agencies knew where and when the weapons were arriving. Some were recovered but many more were allowed to go to loyalist death squads. One of these weapons was used in the Loughinisland massacre. At least one of those killers is suspected to be an agent. Six were killed and five were injured watching an Ireland football match, like the match many of us were watching last night. There were killed simply for being Catholics. We owe it to the victims of the Loughinisland massacre and their families, who have been waiting for 22 years, that time be set aside in the Dáil to discuss this report. I do not accept that speaking time of two or three minutes each is adequate.

Eugene Murphy (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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You are eating into your colleague's time. I am keen to keep moving.

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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The report by the Police ombudsman in the North into the murders of six men in Loughinisland has confirmed once again the use by the British state of administrative collusion between its security agencies, the RUC, the UDR and Unionist paramilitary organisations. The years of conflict were brutal and vicious. The Loughinisland report is one example of this. A total of 3,500 people died and many thousands more were injured or imprisoned as a consequence of the actions of combatant groups on all sides, including the British Government. The extensive legacy of injustice and suffering has never been properly addressed. A victim-centred truth and reconciliation process to help victims is urgently needed. London has had knowledge of the involvement of its agencies and operatives for decades. This is why the British Government has undermined the Haass proposals for dealing with legacy issues. Will the Minister of State indicate whether members of the Government have talked to their counterparts in London since this report? What discussions have the Government held with the British Government to put in place either the Haass proposals or alternative proposals?

Joe McHugh (Donegal, Fine Gael)
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Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh, as ucht seans a thabhairt dom labhairt ar an ábhar tábhachtach seo. The report by the Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland on the Loughinisland murders in 1994 is a source of deep concern to the Government and all parties in this House. Our thoughts are first and foremost with the families of the six murder victims of the terrible attack at Loughinisland, Adrian Rogan, Daniel McCreanor, Eamon Byrne, Patrick O'Hare, Barney Green and Malcolm Jenkinson. As we approach the 22nd anniversary of these sectarian murders, the report is a traumatic reminder of the loss and pain endured by their families and loved ones.

The findings of the ombudsman are deeply disturbing, in particular his determination that collusion is a significant feature of the Loughinisland murders. The report also evidences shocking failures on the part of the RUC in tackling loyalist groups active in County Down at the time, dealing with informants and conducting the original investigation into the Loughinisland killings. The ombudsman report vindicates the concerns the families have raised over many years and their continuing search for justice. The hurt caused by their loved ones being murdered in such vicious circumstances is compounded by the knowledge that elements of the British security forces colluded with such callous crimes. The ombudsman's findings must now be carefully examined with a view to the question of further investigations and possible prosecutions.

The PSNI Chief Constable, George Hamilton, has made clear the PSNI commitment to apprehending those responsible for these appalling sectarian murders. It is vital that the PSNI investigation and the work of the service is given full support by all relevant authorities in order that all possible efforts can be made to bring to justice those who ordered and carried out the Loughinisland murders and those implicated by the ombudsman's finding of collusion.

The Government will be unstinting in ensuring that the Loughinisland case remains a priority on the political agenda in our engagement with the British Government and the Northern Ireland Executive. Therefore, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade will be raising the cause at his next meeting with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.

Despite its disturbing findings, the report is an important reminder of the central importance of the Northern Ireland Police Ombudsman in supporting public confidence in the new policing arrangements in Northern Ireland, as envisaged in the Patten report. It is important that the achievement of substantial progress on the Patten vision of a transformed policing service in Northern Ireland is recognised and continues to be supported by all sides. The Police ombudsman's report on the Loughinisland attacks is also a stark reminder of the need to agree dedicated mechanisms for dealing with the painful legacy of the past in Northern Ireland, as is the current inquest into the Kingsmill massacre of 1976 and the establishment of a new policing investigation into the so-called Stakeknife allegations.

All of these controversial cases are manifestations of the toxic legacy of the past which, if not addressed in a comprehensive way, has the capacity to destabilise the politics of the present and overwhelm the policing and justice system. The establishment of such dedicated mechanisms is a priority for the Government and is reflected in the programme for Government. The need to maintain victims and their survivors is at the core of our approach.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade is actively engaged to seek and support an agreement on the establishment of the legacy institutions envisaged under the Stormont House Agreement. The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, and I believe that substantial progress can and must be achieved on this crucial issue over the coming months. Making progress on this issue would, in some measure at least, help to honour the memory of those six men who were indiscriminately murdered while watching a World Cup match in Loughinisland on 18 June 1994.

Eugene Murphy (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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Under the new rules I am supposed to give you only two minutes, but this is a most serious issue so I will give you one minute each to say a few words.

Brendan Smith (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State for his response. I do not know if it is possible for the families to find some sense of closure with the truth of how their loved ones were murdered. Again, I emphasise that the killers must be brought to justice and that there has to be answers for this mass murder.

Through parliamentary questions and various debates in this House over the years, I have highlighted the issue of collusion and the needless loss of life that resulted from such collusion. I again emphasise the need for the British Government to co-operate with investigations into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and also into bombings in my constituency, including Belturbet, where innocent decent people lost their lives. Two young teenagers died in the bombing in Belturbet.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Ms Theresa Villiers, must state clearly that she accepts the findings of the Loughinisland report. She should also apologise and retract her statement of February where she referenced the RUC not pulling the trigger in Loughinisland.

I have asked successive Ministers for Justice and Equality, and Foreign Affairs and Trade, to pursue relentlessly with the British Government the need for it to honour its international commitments and provide full and proper co-operation with all investigations into these horrific crimes.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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Will the Government set aside time to discuss the report in the Dáil? The Ombudsman believes there was collusion and I think he is right. Following this finding, what will the Government do? The Minister of State has said the issue is a priority for Government but what can we actually do?

The families of those killed in Loughinisland have waited for 22 years. The families of those killed in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings have waited for 42 years. Are they waiting for the families of the victims to die as well? When will the British release their files on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings? Does the Government have a strategy to get the British Government to release the files on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings? Does the Government have any plan to get the British Government to agree to a recovery mechanism?

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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All victims and their families and communities deserve truth and justice. That includes the families of those killed in Loughinisland. The British Government and its agencies armed, directed and then covered up the killings at Loughinisland. That is a fact and there can be no dispute about that.

Over the years, I have met many families of victims of the conflict. They include victims of the IRA, and British forces and their lethal allies within unionism. Members of my family have been killed and injured. The grief and trauma suffered by everyone is the same. The resolve of all political leaders must be to ensure no other family is bereaved. That means us working together.

The Government does not have a consistent strategic approach to dealing with legacy issues. It is not enough that the Loughinisland injustice is reduced to a Topical Issue. Will the Government encourage a joined-up, inclusive and thoughtful discussion aimed at unshackling-----

Eugene Murphy (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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Thank you, Deputy.

Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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Will the Government allow time in the Dáil for this and other matters relating to the North to be debated?

Joe McHugh (Donegal, Fine Gael)
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I thank the three Deputies for raising this matter. I know from our engagement on the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, which included Deputies Crowe and Smith, we tackled all legacy issues and I think we all know the complexities involved. I am certainly aware that time skips by and time is not a commodity that is of any use to people seeking justice. As Deputy Smith pointed out, they have the truth but they do not have the justice. We have to keep focus on that.

The fresh start agreement and the Stormont House agreement make a commitment to include an historical investigations unit. Independence has to be paramount to take forward investigations into Troubles-related deaths and we need an independent commission on information retrieval to enable victims and survivors to seek and privately receive information about Troubles-related deaths.

During our work on the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement we met all the groups. Different groups seek different things but, ultimately, it is the quest for justice and to find out as much truth as possible. It will not change things for them in terms of bringing loved ones back but with the Saville inquiry, we saw the very positive impact that truth recovery can bring.

Deputy Adams asked if the Minister would meet the Secretary for State for Northern Ireland, Ms Theresa Villiers. He will do that in the short term. Obviously, this will be a priority.

The Deputies asked if this would be debated in the Dáil. I think there is a need to debate wider legacy issues and I will certainly ask my Whip to raise it at the Whips' meeting. It is important to provide an opportunity to debate the wider issues of the past and legacy issues that so critically need to be the focus.

Different parts of the world from Afghanistan to the Knesset look to the Northern Ireland peace model, including the east-west and North-South elements. However, as legislators, we are all aware that the process is not finished. As a Donegal man and a politician, I work very closely with my colleagues across the Border. It is a process and the truth and legacy issues of the past are very much part of that. I will certainly do my best to try to convey the need for having an open and wider debate. There may be things we could look at differently.

This may be an important juncture. It is 40 years since the Kingsmills massacre and we are also discussing the Loughinisland tragedy, the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the Pat Finucane murder. So many relatives are affected and we have to do justice to them.

Eugene Murphy (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State and the three Deputies for their co-operation. I also thank all Deputies who took part in the Topical Issue debate. It is much appreciated by the Chair.