Dáil debates

Tuesday, 30 June 2015

9:50 pm

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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I am pleased to be in the House to discuss the forthcoming White Paper on defence prior to its finalisation and submission to Government. I hope this will happen in two weeks' time. First, I wish to congratulate Rear Admiral Mark Mellett, whose name was approved by Cabinet today to go for approval to the President to be the next Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces from the end of September. I thank Lieutenant General Conor O'Boyle for his singularly positive work as Chief of Staff in recent years.

Security is the bedrock on which a society's cultural, social and economic achievements are built. In a modern state defence is conceived as the ultimate guarantor of freedom. Members of the Defence Forces are called upon to undertake difficult missions and we remember those who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the service of the State, including on overseas peace support operations in support of the United Nations.

Defence policy encompasses defence of the State from armed aggression, contributions to domestic security and international peace and security. In addition, a broad range of non-security supports are provided to Departments and agencies. As such, there is a significant cross-cutting policy dimension to the White Paper on defence, and defence policy should be viewed in these broader terms. Defence policy should be afforded the appropriate level of debate and I have sought this session explicitly to outline key issues and the associated implications for defence provision in the new White Paper. It is the final part of a lengthy and comprehensive consultative process. I recognise the involvement of some colleagues opposite in that process.

As Members are aware, the White Paper on Defence 2000 was the first such White Paper in the history of the State and it has stood the test of time, providing a flexible policy framework within which defence provision has evolved in light of a dynamic security environment. It is fair to say that this policy framework has also proved sufficiently durable during successive governments. In this context I firmly believe that defence policy is an aspect of public policy where cross-party support should be sought and, if possible, achieved and I am before the House this evening in that spirit. Although I am aware that we will have differences of opinion I have no doubt that we all have the best interest of the State at heart and an interest in ensuring that the Defence Forces are fully supported in discharging the roles assigned by the Government at home and abroad.

The Green Paper on Defence, published in July 2013 by the then Minister, Deputy Alan Shatter, initiated a broad public consultation process that has contributed to the development of the draft White Paper. A total of 122 written submissions were received as part of that consultation process. There was a particular focus in many of the submissions on the State's maritime domain and the issues raised were fully considered. I thank those from Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin and the parties for making individual submissions in that process. As a follow-up to those submissions, civil and military personnel from the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces met a range of individuals and organisations to further explore their proposals. In addition to the public consultation process, officials from the Department of Defence liaised extensively with a broad range of Departments and agencies which have a common interest in security or which avail of the services of the Department, the Defence Forces and Civil Defence. There was also consultation with international organisations, with a particular focus on international peace and security-related peace support and crisis management operations. These included the United Nations, the European External Action Service, the European Defence Agency and NATO Partnership for Peace.

An interdepartmental group undertook a detailed security assessment which provided a basis for determining future policy requirements. The group was comprised of representatives from the Department of An Taoiseach, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Department of Defence, including the Director of Military Intelligence, the Department of Justice and Equality and An Garda Síochána. As part of the preparations I set up an external advisory group to assist in assessing the various opportunities and challenges for defence. The advisory group is chaired by John Minihan and includes Frank Lynch, Karl Croke and Marie Cross. All four have extensive experience in foreign affairs and military and defence issues. They have played an important role in recent weeks as we have worked to finalise the White Paper.

I propose to provide a broad overview of the key issues that have arisen and to get the views of Members on these key issues. As I have already said, the White Paper has not been brought to Government yet, although I hope to arrange that in the next two weeks. In that context I emphasise that I cannot definitively state what will be in the White Paper. Ultimately, that will be a decision for Government. I note Deputy Ó Fearghaíl is smirking at that comment.

The White Paper will assess the future security environment. It will set out a policy response to security challenges and other requirements for defence, including non-security related supports to other Departments and agencies. It will consider the roles assigned to the Defence Forces and update these in light of a changed environment and changing future requirements. It will consider the implications of these requirements on defence capabilities and set out priorities in this area, including those relating to command and control, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance issues and required equipment. Given the importance of human resources to defence capability there will be a full chapter devoted to this subject. There will also be individual chapters dealing with the future development of the Reserve Defence Force and the Civil Defence respectively. The final chapter will deal with implementation.

Consideration of the security environment and challenges that may emerge in future will be a key component of the White Paper. As I have previously outlined, a contemporary and forward-looking assessment of the domestic, regional and global situation has been prepared by an interdepartmental group. This forms the basis of the policy response requirements.

The probability of a conventional military attack on Ireland's territory is assessed as low. However, this does not mean we can be complacent. Recent events have highlighted that the security environment can be volatile and unpredictable. New and serious conflicts have erupted on the periphery of the EU. This has challenged perceptions about the stability of the broader European region. The nature of conflict is also evolving and will continue to present new challenges as time passes.

Domestically, the Good Friday Agreement has delivered a stable peace process that commands overwhelming cross-community support. None the less, there is a real and persistent threat from groups prepared to use violence to oppose democracy and peace. While the threat from these groups to this State remains low, it is still classed as severe in Northern Ireland.

As a small state with a dependence on global trade for our economic well-being, Ireland is vulnerable to the broadening range of security threats that affect the world today. The security threats to social and economic well-being are interconnected, more diverse and less predictable than ever before. Transnational organised crime, international terrorism, drugs trafficking, people smuggling, piracy, cyber attacks and the effects of climate change do not respect national borders. The complexity and transnational nature of many of today's threats mean that no one country acting alone can adequately respond to them. In addition, the comprehensive range of policy instruments that are necessary to deal with these threats require considerable thought and consideration.

The future is uncertain and there is always scope for genuine surprises and strategic shocks. The retention of flexible and adaptable military capabilities provides a means to respond, when required, and is a practical approach to dealing with uncertainty. The deployment of explosive ordnance disposal teams to deal with improvised explosive devices at home, the deployment of troops to robust and difficult UN Chapter VII missions and the recent deployment of a Naval Service vessel to rescue migrants in the Mediterranean Sea highlight the range of tasks that can be required of the Defence Forces and lend weight to the rationale for the continued retention and development of flexible and adaptable military capabilities. A wide range of Departments and State agencies are responsible for leading and planning for the response to the threats identified in the security assessment. Membership of and engagement with national and international organisations are central to responding to the threats identified.

The publication of The Global Island: Ireland's Foreign Policy for a Changing World has confirmed that participation in overseas peacekeeping missions remains a key element of Ireland's foreign policy. It is an important dimension in meeting Ireland's international obligations as a member of the United Nations and the European Union. It is also a key factor in advancing Ireland's influence and credibility in the international arena and foreign policy interests. This will be pursued within Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality. Deployment of Defence Forces' personnel on peace support missions will continue to be in accordance with relevant legislation which contains the requirement for Government, Dáil and UN approval, known as the triple lock.

Ireland has a long and proud tradition of participation in UN-mandated missions and peace support operations. The deployment of the Defence Forces on overseas peace support operations continues to provide an active and very tangible demonstration of Ireland's commitment to supporting the maintenance of international peace and security. This has enhanced Ireland's reputation as a peacemaker throughout the world. Building on this reputation, there is scope to develop a new International institute for peace support and leadership at the Defence Forces training centre at the Curragh. The focus of such an institute would be to address national and international needs in security education and region building in a manner that generates a comprehensive approach to conflict resolution, with a specific focus on areas where Ireland has accepted expertise.

The Defence Forces will continue to be a key constituent of the State's security architecture. They will continue to deliver a broad range of security services, including EOD responses and, on request, armed support to An Garda Síochána. The Naval Service provides unique sea-going capability for the State. It will continue to undertake a range of security and support tasks, including fishery protection in conjunction with the Air Corps. The Air Corps will also continue to provide a broad range of supports. Options to enhance co-operation among those Departments and agencies with responsibilities in the maritime domain will be explored. The defence contribution to cyber-security in support of the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources’ new cyber-security strategy will also be set out.

Unlike in many other states, defence capabilities and resources are used to provide support for other State bodies in a variety of scenarios. This has significant benefits for the State in maximising the utility of resources and reducing the risk of duplication in service delivery. While the primary focus will be the retention and development of defence capabilities for security purposes, the Defence Forces will continue to provide support for Departments and State agencies across a broad range of non-security related roles. This includes both in-crisis responses to emergency matters and routine undertakings agreed between the respective Departments.

In addition to continuing to undertake the roles assigned by the Government, there will be proposals for a number of new initiatives to support economic and social development. The defence organisation, through its commitment to continuous training and education, possesses a wealth of innovative personnel who can contribute to the development of ideas, technology and processes.

There is scope for the Defence Forces to contribute further to Ireland's economic recovery through further engagement with Irish enterprise, research and education sectors. This has mutual benefits in that it provides support for Defence Forces' capability development in crisis management, while also leveraging the opportunities that may arise to support innovation, growth and jobs in Irish-based industries. A good example is evident in Haulbowline.

We are also considering a new employment support scheme with the direct involvement of the Defence Forces. The proposed scheme will be aimed at a specific group among those aged between 18 and 24 years. In particular, it is proposed to target individuals who might otherwise struggle to break out of cycles of disadvantage in which they live and who are likely to benefit from the particular programmed regime in the Defence Forces structure. It is intended to provide a highly programmed training intervention over a number of months drawing on Defence Forces' skills, capacities and facilities. I regard this as an appropriate corporate social responsibility initiative using Defence Forces' knowledge and personnel.

Having regard to all of these requirements, the White Paper will set out revised roles for the Defence Forces. It will also include roles for the Defence Forces Reserve. The White Paper will also consider future capability requirements having regard to the types of operation the Defence Forces may be required to undertake in the coming years. It will consider issues such as the ability of the different elements of the Defence Forces to operate together, known as "jointness", and issues such as high level command and control.

There are no proposals to change the existing two-brigade Army structure. The objective of the reorganisation of the Permanent Defence Force in 2012 was to design a viable organisational structure that prioritised the operational capacity of the Permanent Defence Force within a strength level of 9,500 personnel. The proposals for the reorganisation were developed by senior civil and military personnel and the recommendations for the territorial areas of responsibility and the location of brigade headquarters were assessed with due regard to operational requirements. I am satisfied that the current structures optimise the operational capacity of the Permanent Defence Force and have enabled the Defence Forces to deliver the required operational outputs, within their current strength.

On the equipment front, the immediate requirement is to ensure the Defence Forces can continue to undertake the tasks required of them. This will require the replacement of significant equipment platforms over the lifetime of the White Paper, with the replacement of a further three ships, the replacement of aircraft and decisions to be made on the armoured personnel carrier fleet. This will require significant investment over the lifetime of the White Paper. The White Paper will also set out priorities for further investment should additional funding beyond that required to maintain existing capabilities become available. There is a very detailed section in the White Paper on finance which the Members will see when it is published.

Human resources are a key component of capability and the White Paper sets out an ambitious programme in order to ensure the defence organisation can continue to meet the challenges of a changing world. Within this programme a key goal is to allow for personnel and staff across the entire Defence Forces to develop to their full potential and be recognised for this with qualifications.

The White Paper seeks to deal in an ambitious way with the challenge of gender in the Defence Forces both at home and abroad. The issue of gender is a key priority for me in terms of specialised peacekeeping work and the need for the increased participation of women across the Defence Forces generally.

I am particularly conscious of the unique nature of military service. In that context, I have specifically included a section dealing with veterans and the support the veterans organisations will receive from the Department and the Defence Forces. I also believe there is scope to reappraise the current approach to litigation in the case of those members of the Defence Forces who suffer a catastrophic injury during the course of their service. The objective will be to make the process far less adversarial than it is.

The Defence Forces Reserve has undergone significant changes in recent years and I know that many Deputies have been concerned about its continued viability. I have listened carefully to the views expressed and the White Paper will set out a range of initiatives intended to strengthen the Defence Forces Reserve. The possibility of tapping into the professional expertise within it was a recurrent theme and is one I am anxious to develop. In addition, the opportunity for members of the Defence Forces Reserve to acquire operational experience at home and perhaps overseas is another issue the White Paper will consider. The proposals, if approved, will be welcomed by all.

Civil Defence is an organisation that has delivered time and again when required to do so. It contributes to local communities throughout the country and has been a strong support in times of adversity, including during severe weather and searches for missing persons. The White Paper will seek to maintain and develop Civil Defence capabilities into the future. This will include supporting the development of new capabilities such as the remotely piloted aircraft systems recently acquired for search operations and drawing on the technical expertise available in the Defence Forces.

The defence organisation has a very proud track record of reform and innovation.

Implementation of the White Paper will require a fully collaborative approach across Government. As Members are aware, the potential security problems and threats of varying degrees of probability for which defence capabilities are required often do not appear as urgent matters in current terms. In addition, the long lead time in acquiring capabilities means that a "just-in-time" approach is simply not viable. In this context, I am bringing some innovative proposals to Government which are intended to ensure the necessary arrangements are in place, consistent with standing Exchequer budgetary processes, to provide optimal financial resources to respond to emergent challenges in the security environment and to assure foresight, flexibility, poise and overall preparedness.

I thank three individuals from my Department: Des Dowling in particular but also Robert Mooney and Stephen Hall. They have done a huge amount of work in getting this project to where it is and, it is hoped, getting Government approval having heard what people have to say and, one hopes, taking on board some of the suggestions Members may have before we finalise the document and take it to Government in probably two weeks time.

10:10 pm

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Fianna Fail)
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Like the Minister, I begin by welcoming the appointment of Rear Admiral Mark Mellett. I am sure he will give distinguished service to the force and I wish him well as he undertakes his pretty onerous responsibilities. At the same time, I acknowledge the fact General Conor O'Boyle has done the State some considerable service and wish him well in his retirement.

It would be remiss of me at the outset if I did not acknowledge that in approaching the challenge of the White Paper, the Minister has been very responsible. His approach has been innovative. The symposium at Farmleigh was interesting and worthwhile and the Minister's appointment of the external advisory committee, members of which are in the Public Gallery, under the chairmanship of John Minihan was a worthwhile initiative. I must express some disappointment, however, at what we are doing here this evening. There are shades of a box-ticking exercise about it. We only found out about this after we had agreed business for the week last week. I put it to the Minister that we would have the opportunity to have a far more detailed exchange of views on the issues before us in a committee. That the Minister was unable to complete his speech within the time allotted is indicative of the difficulties we face.

Fianna Fáil believes the Defence Forces are of critical importance to our State and society. The Irish people take great pride in the work of the Defence Forces and in their achievements at home and abroad. We welcome the proposed publication of a new White Paper on defence to succeed that which we brought forward in government in 2000. It is disappointing, however, that we are only about to see the White Paper almost two years after the publication of the Green Paper. The White Paper of 2000 was a milestone in Irish defence policy as it was the first such statement in the history of the State. The Fianna Fáil Government elected in 1997 committed itself in the Action Programme for the Millennium to the publication of a White Paper on defence. The production of any White Paper, but especially the first of its kind was a significant undertaking, and it is to the credit of the Department of Defence that it was achieved within the timeframe. It set out a strategy to the year 2010 to modernise and develop the Defence Forces to ensure they were capable of fulfilling the roles laid down by Government and to maintain an effective defence capability. It can reasonably be stated that the 2000 White Paper achieved its objectives and it afforded a significant degree of certainty to the Defence Forces in the decade that followed. While Fianna Fáil welcomes the publication of a White Paper, we none the less express serious concern that fundamental reorganisation of the Defence Forces took place under the auspices of the former Minister, Deputy Shatter, prior to publication.

Fianna Fáil values the work of our Defence Forces and takes pride in their achievements at home and abroad. Our continuing participation in UN-mandated peace support operations enhances our international reputation and reaffirms our national commitment to the United Nations. Fianna Fáil believes our Defence Forces are critical to both State and society. Sadly, it has not always been clear that the Government values our defence organisation sufficiently. The decision in March 2011 to assign the Defence portfolio as a subsidiary role to the Minister for Justice and Equality indicated an essential lack of respect for the position. While it was not unreasonable to assign it with another Cabinet portfolio, assigning it to Justice and Equality, which is one of the busiest Departments, was a retrograde step. It is also almost without parallel among democratic countries for the Minister with political responsibility for policing also to be in charge of the military. Only tiny Luxembourg follows this policy. In the words of one former army officer: "All the security forces come under one Minister, and that means all the lawful lethal force of the State." Fianna Fáil consistently raised this issue between 2011 and 2014 and we welcome that the current Minister for Defence is not also responsible for the Justice and Equality portfolio. We believe, however, that we must go further and commit ourselves to the restoration of Defence as a lead portfolio in Cabinet as a clear affirmation of the value we as a State must place on our Defence Forces.

There is growing view among current and former members of the Defence Forces that a critical level has now been reached in respect of the overall numbers and geographical layout of the forces. The 2012 PDFORRA conference, which took place in the wake of the announcement of the reorganisation of the Defence Forces, heard claims that they are not fit for purpose, that morale is suffering and that certain elements of Government and the Civil Service are constantly trying to bring about the total destruction of the Defence Forces by stealth. I think this is probably not the case but, none the less, it is a genuine fear among some of the ranks. Fianna Fáil believes that any further reduction in numbers and equipment is inadvisable. Over the ten years from 1997 to 2007, the defence organisation was a model of public sector reform. It was an example of how public sector reform could be achieved in partnership and co-operation. While the numbers in both the Defence Forces and the Department of Defence dropped, productivity rose. Payroll savings were invested in better training and equipment for our troops. Defence expenditure was halved as a share of GDP. Significant and lasting economies were achieved in this time. In this regard and subject to stable public finances, the Permanent Defence Force should be increased at a minimum to 10,500 by 2025.

We also call for the three-brigade structure to be restored. We believe the move to a two-brigade structure was ill-advised and ignored long-standing organisational linkages and histories. The savings accrued were minimal and did not deliver any appreciable benefits. We believe that the two-brigade move will be recognised as an ill-considered move in retrospect so we favour correcting this mistake right now rather than stubbornly persisting with bedding it in. We need to remember that the Defence Forces are akin to an insurance policy in numerous arenas. No one likes paying their house, car or health insurance, but without it and when trouble arises, they are unable to operate effectively and provide support to their family. Doing it on the cheap usually leads to partial cover and many excuses. The 2012 restructuring of the Defence Forces continues to generate controversy to say the least. In a response to a recent question on the reorganisation of the Defence Forces, the Minister stated the object of the reorganisation was not focused on achieving savings but rather to ensure the Defence Forces could operate more efficiently and effectively. The fact is, however, that the essential element of military efficiency and effectiveness is command and control. Is it not logical that command and control is most effective when it operates closest to the operational troops? The reorganisation re-located that command and control to the operational troops in Custume Barracks, Athlone and Finner Camp, Donegal from Athlone to Dublin and from the troops in Renmore Barracks in Galway from Athlone to Collins Barracks in Cork. Rather than improving effective and efficient command and control for these three garrisons, it has done the exact opposite and in so doing has reversed a core element of the long-established military command principles.

The Defence Forces provide a contingency capability for the State across a wide spectrum of operational areas on land, at sea and in the air. Essential to that contingent capability is the requirement to increase the size of the Defence Forces rapidly in times of national or international emergency and having decreased manning levels in times of less need. Maintaining the formation structures to facilitate such expansions is a centuries-old prudent policy.

The State, in not adhering to this principle, was found wanting in both 1939 and 1969. The folly of not maintaining this policy imperative was repeated in 2012 with the reorganisation of the Defence Forces.

The RDF, to which the Minister has alluded on many occasions both today and in the past, is under pressure to retain what it has. No recruitment has taken place in the first half of 2015. We learned yesterday in the Irish Examinerthat private companies, have been actively seeking senior Defence Force personnel at such a rate that senior personnel warn that the military is at serious risk of not being fit for purpose. The Irish Examinerreports that nearly 100 officers have resigned in the past two years and that allied to continuing budget and manpower cuts this has weakened the Defence Forces in some key areas. RACO, the Representative Association of Commissioned Officers, has warned that the military is critically short of specialist officers including pilots, aeronautical engineers, and bomb disposal experts and that a contributing factor to this brain drain has been the Department of Defence's refusal to honour conditions of service, such as previously agreed career promotion terms. The association said this led many officers to quit as they saw no future for career development in the Defence Forces.

The Defence Forces should have a designated strength of 9,500, but their numbers have now fallen to 9,050. The bomb disposal service is at half its officer strength. The Air Corps lacks a third of officers in the aeronautical engineering department and has only 70% of the necessary pilots. According to RACO general secretary, Commandant Earnan Naughton, "This continual loss of organisational corporate memory and specialist knowledge is a matter which requires immediate attention". He went on to say that the investment required to deliver complex military capability requires human expertise to meet the broad spectrum of an increasingly technologically driven security environment.

Fianna Fáil believes that for an island nation, our naval service is underdeveloped and undervalued. Comparable nations, such as New Zealand, have a much greater maritime component in their defence forces. Furthermore, Ireland's maritime area has expanded from 410,000 sq km to 1 million sq km since the publication of the White Paper in 2000. We all recall the challenge of Ireland's responsibility for 20% of the EU maritime area was a big issue at the symposium in Farmleigh.

Over the next ten years Fianna Fáil believes that we should give serious consideration to expanding the Naval Service. We also suggest that the Minister for Defence be assigned the marine portfolio as was the case between 1993 and 1997. Fianna Fáil would also examine transferring maritime aspects of the remit of the Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport to a Department of the Marine.

10:20 pm

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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For the record, the Minister for Defence currently has the marine portfolio.

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Fianna Fail)
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The Navy should have two to three additional ships on the ocean. Ideally, two of these ships should be frigate-class ships that can have a helicopter on board and also accommodate approximately a platoon of 30 to 40 soldiers. At the end of 2012, the Naval Service numbered 1,058 in strength. We should look to expand it to 1,500 or 1,600 over the years to 2025. In tandem we would also look to develop the air capacity of the forces. The Air Corps rotary wing fleet could be expanded to include additional helicopters, especially over-ocean models with greater troop-carrying capacity, without requiring increases in the Air Corps establishment. Experiences in such overseas missions as the EUFOR mission to Chad and the Central African Republic, have demonstrated the need and requirement to have accessible and appropriate rotary wing capacity in difficult situations and terrains.

We believe that the triple lock should be retained. Ireland has always conferred fundamental importance to the United Nations since we joined 58 years ago and working with other UN members we have supported international action in areas such as disarmament, peacekeeping, development and human rights. We are strong and committed supporters of collective security through the United Nations. This has been the stated policy of many Governments over the past 58 years. Ireland has endorsed and supported the primary role of the Security Council in the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with the charter of the United Nations.

The Nice treaty of 2002, with the associated Seville Declaration, endorsed the stance that the participation of the Defence Forces in overseas operations requires authorisation of the operation by the Security Council or the General Assembly of the United Nations, the agreement of the Government and the approval of Dáil Éireann in accordance with Irish law. This emphasis on the UN is not one we should lightly discard. While we are conscious of the opposition to the triple lock from some military and political commentators, however, we believe that there is overwhelming public support for the mechanism. We acknowledge that the UN is not perfect and can be slow to respond to developing crises but it is still the guarantor of the freedoms of small nations and the best bulwark against unilateralism. Its imprimaturprovides a greater legitimacy for peacekeeping operations than any other international organisation.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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Tá noíméad amháin fághta.

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Fianna Fail)
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The Minister got a few minutes extra so maybe I might have a few extra.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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I would like to do so but the Minister also must speak at 10.55 p.m.

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Fianna Fail)
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Furthermore the legitimacy conferred by a UN mission bolsters the safety and security of our Defence Forces when they participate in peacekeeping missions. No mission will be without risk but the absence of the blue hat will heighten the risk.

We must continue to be vigilant with regard to the latent threat that the State faces from the various paramilitary elements still active on the island whether overt, covert or pseudo-political. The same applies to the dissident threat both North and South of the Border. While ongoing intelligence suggests no immediate threat, we must at all times retain the capacity to deal with one. Terrorism is a world-wide reality which needs a comprehensive response.

The Defence Forces have a very small role in intelligence-gathering and this should be developed. The Army Ranger Wing with its professionalism, expertise and elite skills, should be nurtured so as to have a highly skilled asset as a support to the Garda. We should be prepared to meet this threat at home and abroad. There should be a more proactive approach to intelligence-gathering and threat analysis in the communities and localities of military installations. This should be complemented by continuous assessment and review of security measures at military installations.

Photo of Pádraig Mac LochlainnPádraig Mac Lochlainn (Donegal North East, Sinn Fein)
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I take this opportunity to welcome the news tonight of the appointment of Rear Admiral Mark Mellett as chief of staff of the Defence Forces. It was my pleasure to join the Oireachtas justice committee when we were hosted at Haulbowline. We viewed the facilities and learned about the exciting plans for the Naval Service. We also had the opportunity to look at the Irish maritime energy resource cluster which is the partnership between Cork Institute of Technology, UCC and the Naval Service. The presentation given by Rear Admiral Mellett that day was one of the most inspirational I have ever listened to, whether public or private. He is an inspirational public servant and I am personally delighted at his appointment. He will be a superb, a visionary and ambitious chief of staff. It is a great appointment.

I broadly welcome a review of Ireland's defence policy and a White Paper on the issue. It is an opportunity to outline exactly how we would like a modern, efficient and professional Defence Force to stand by the long-held Irish desire for neutrality and independence, as expressed by Sinn Féin in our submission. However, I fear that this Government will use it to do the opposite, having seen successive governments repeatedly undermine Ireland's neutrality and attack the pay and entitlements of Defence Forces personnel.

The last White Paper on Defence was released in 2000. Since their founding in 1922, the Irish Defence Forces are and have been a great source of pride to the Irish people, particularly for their role in overseas peacekeeping missions. We owe a great debt of gratitude to the members of the Irish Defence Forces for their commitment to this State. We also owe it to our Defence Forces to ensure that they are equipped with everything they need to ensure that they carry out their responsibilities to the highest possible standard.

The change from a three-brigade to a two-brigade structure and the closure of barracks across the State, has sapped the morale of the Defence Forces. Not only the closures but the entire process has put stress and strain on personnel who often had to uproot from their communities and homes with their families to be placed somewhere else. As always, those who serve in our Defence Forces have now adapted to the new reality in their service tradition but the Government should not take this as an indication that all is well. It is incumbent on the Minister for Defence and the Minister of State to meet on a regular basis with PDFORRA to monitor the impact of these changes from the perspective of those serving at the coal face. I would hope the White Paper would contain a commitment to this.

The White Paper must also focus on issues concerning the Reserve Defence Force. Sinn Féin has asked members of the RDF about their impression over recent years. They are very saddened by the huge cutbacks they have faced because the RDF is a link of patriotism between our Defence Forces and our local communities. This is particularly the case for young people. I appeal to the Minister to ensure that the White Paper includes a commitment from the Government to engage on a regular basis with the RDF's representative association in order to hear its concerns and to ensure that we do not lose that which has been best about the service its members have given down the years.

I emphasise the point about regular meetings between the Minister and the representative organisations. It was one of the profound criticisms I had of the previous Minister for Defence, Deputy Shatter. As with much of the work he did it was quite arrogant and dismissive. At the end of the day if a Minister cannot listen to those representing the people at the coalface even if he or she disagrees with their assessment, how is it possible to have a partnership and truly develop? I hope the Minister is taking a very different approach. My sense from any engagements I have had with him in the time I have been here is that he is respectful and listens and engages. I wish him well in what I hope will be a very different approach from that of the previous Minister.

In emergency situations the work of the Defence Forces via the Civil Defence is immeasurable. I take this opportunity to commend the work of the Civil Defence, the ordinary people across Ireland who do extraordinary things acting in a voluntary capacity as members of communities. In this White Paper the Government must give an assurance that funding will be maintained for Civil Defence training programmes and activities. We must continue to resource the Civil Defence and give its members the necessary training. We must continue to facilitate active citizenship.

Our party is opposed to the use of the anti-malarial drug, Lariam. Many serving and former soldiers, who have been prescribed Lariam, have experienced adverse psychological effects and experienced a serious negative impact on their health and wellbeing. I urge the Minister to use the White Paper or whatever means at his disposal to ensure that no member of the Defence Forces is put at risk as a result of being given Lariam during future deployments

The core of this White Paper must be a commitment to enhance neutrality. One of the biggest developments since the first White Paper on defence in 2000 is the increased militarisation of the EU and the State's deeper integration in this military system. Sinn Féin's support for neutrality is the product of a developed and coherent republican position stretching back over 200 years of Irish history. From the beginning, Irish republicans have identified an independent foreign policy as one of the essential characteristics of the independent Irish State to which we aspire. It has always been a fundamental demand of those struggling for Irish freedom.

Sinn Féin continues this republican tradition and therefore is committed to promoting positive Irish neutrality and independent foreign policy. We believe Ireland should actively work to promote conflict resolution, peaceful democratic settlements and self-determination throughout the world.

Consecutive Irish Governments have repeatedly assured the people that they support neutrality. However, since 1997 when a previous Government signed Ireland up to NATO's ironically called Partnership for Peace, despite pre-election promises to the contrary, we have seen a repeated attack on Irish neutrality, including the US military's unfettered use of Shannon Airport, and peaking with the actions and rhetoric of the current Government. An estimated 2.25 million US troops have passed through Shannon Airport since 2002, making it a virtual forward airbase of the US military, a pit-stop on their way to the theatre of war. I remind the Minister that in the case of Iraq, it was a war that was not sanctioned by the United Nations.

The Government has refused to use its legal powers to stop and search these planes and they continue to peddle the distortion that all the foreign military aircraft that land at Shannon Airport are unarmed, carrying no arms, ammunition or explosives, and are not engaged in intelligence gathering, and that the flights do not form any part of military exercises or operations. This is despite the huge amount of evidence to the contrary that came out during the recent court cases involving Deputies Wallace and Clare Daly.

In addition the Government shamefully voted down Sinn Féin's neutrality Bill in March. The Bill sought to reaffirm Ireland's neutrality by seeking a referendum to insert neutrality into the Constitution. Even though a Peace and Neutrality Alliance-commissioned RED-C poll, published in September 2013, showed that approximately eight out of ten Irish people are in favour of neutrality - a massive and maybe unprecedented number - and despite the fact that Labour supported this same Bill in opposition, it and its Fine Gael partner voted it down. Hence my pessimism that this White Paper will help enforce and safeguard Irish neutrality.

Even at this late hour I urge the Minister to ensure that this White Paper notes that in a world where half of the population lives in poverty, with one person in every eight suffering from malnutrition, where poverty kills approximately 19 people around the world every minute, in 2011 US$1.738 trillion was spent globally on military expenditure. To ensure that we live in a safer and more equal world greater military expenditure is definitely not the solution. Instead we need to challenge the very structures that cause poverty, food insecurity and conflict.

I urge the White Paper to establish Ireland's commitment to positive neutrality, instead of veiled support for NATO and EU militarism. Positive neutrality is not about sitting on the fence. It is not about taking no action. It is not about pacifism. Sinn Féin is not a pacifist political party; I think that is pretty obvious. Consistent with the principles of international law, we believe that the use of force can sometimes be necessary as a last resort to prevent the deaths of others or the oppression of peoples. Sinn Féin makes no apologies for having recognised the right of the Irish people over the ages to use force against the British occupation of our country.

Instead positive neutrality is about actively promoting and participating in conflict resolution, demilitarisation and making politics work to redress legitimate grievances and achieve needed social changes, at both state and international levels. If we redoubled our efforts to focus on working with countries to implement global targets on issues such as land rights, climate change, citizen participation, economic equality and government accountability, the world would inevitably become a better and safer place.

Furthermore Sinn Féin fully supports the role of Irish troops in peacekeeping missions around the world under the auspices of the UN. We believe that this State's history of serving in UN blue-helmet peacekeeping missions is a matter of pride and can enhance our standing as a neutral state, and the White Paper should reflect that.

Neutrality therefore is not a policy of opting out of international affairs; rather it is a commitment to a different type of international politics focused on justice, development and human rights. The first of three pillars of a positive neutrality policy are our Defence Forces participating in UN blue-helmet peacekeeping operations.

The second pillar is an enhanced involvement in overseas development aid. I was previously the Sinn Féin foreign affairs spokesperson. Obviously as part of any portfolio one educates oneself on the issues. I was so proud to learn from the Irish NGOs working on overseas development aid that Ireland for a period had the highest per capita contribution to overseas development aid in the world. That was an immense contribution which I saw at first hand on the occasions I travelled with other members of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade to see the impact our overseas development aid was having in the global south developing countries.

The third pillar is human rights advocacy.

In the history of this State there have been great champions of human rights and of conflict resolution. We have significant skills and a track record in conflict resolution that come from our most recent conflict. For all its limitations and continuing challenges, what we achieved collectively in the North is a beacon of hope for people in conflict around the world. Those are the three pillars of positive neutrality I would love to see our State and Government embrace. In these volatile times a strong commitment to positive neutrality in this White Paper is needed more than ever. It should not act as another Fine Gael 'beyond neutrality' document. Whatever a political party’s perspective on a matter, it is clear that the overwhelming desire of the Irish people is to actively participate in international affairs in an independent fashion and in a way that makes a real constructive impact and plays to our strengths but that fundamentally we are genuinely neutral and not associated in any way, shape or form with military alliances.

10:40 pm

Photo of Mick WallaceMick Wallace (Wexford, Independent)
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The Minister tells us that this paper will deal with the challenges of a changing world but he forgot to tell us that the changing world has been driven by a huge expansion in the militarisation of the planet in recent years. The Irish Times today claims to have seen a copy of the draft White Paper, a privilege we did not have. That is how it works. It stated that the emergence of extremist groups in Syria, Iraq and Libya is playing a major part in the evolution of terrorist threats and that there is also concern about the process of radicalisation. There is a range of influences, including the Internet, which can enable this process. It states that authorities here are concerned about the threat of lone wolf terrorists and the possibility of terrorist groups using the State as a base. All of these concerns share the same misconception. They cut off the phenomenon of terrorism from the context of the real world that surrounds terrorist acts, limiting our attention to the symptom not the cause of terrorism. This is not in the least surprising because this obscuring of the truth allows us to avoid owning up to any responsibility for the events in the Middle East and northern Africa, as well as the few terrorist attacks on mainland Europe.

It is pretty clear to anyone who sees the Orwellian newspeak spouted by neo-liberal Western governments that this terrorist threat is always blown way out of proportion and that there would be very little terrorist threat if the US-led perpetual war on terror had not been raging for the past 15 years. What is also painfully clear is that the biggest threat of a terrorist attack in Ireland comes as a direct result of the continuation of the Government’s policy that allows the US war machine to use Shannon Airport as a forward military base for its never-ending war on whoever it sees as the most expedient fodder for its guns, tanks and bombs.

All this death, destruction and war mongering continues so that the war industry can keep its profits high. In 2014 the global military expenditure was more than €1,500 billion. That is incredible. The armed American men and women we allow pass through our borders are the invading force that, according to the Washington, DC-based Physicians for Social Responsibility have killed more than 2 million civilians. This Nobel peace-prize winning doctors’ group is the first to tally up the total number of civilian casualties from US led counter-terrorism interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. That there is not one mention of this fact or any reference to the US military’s use of Shannon in the Green Paper on defence is fascinating. It tells us either that the Government and its policy makers are completely ignorant of the fact that allowing a military force to pass through their territory on their way to various theatres of war is a defence policy decision, or they are aware this is the case and think that by ignoring it they can pretend that neutral little Ireland had no part in it. Both positions are reprehensible. If the Government and police authorities were really concerned about the threat of terrorism, the first and most significant step to combat this perceived threat would be to put an end to the military stopovers at Shannon and the flyovers of the military planes.

Ireland is faced with real threats, climate change and widespread poverty and the Government is doing next to nothing about them. The Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Kelly, produced one of the worthless pieces of climate change legislation yet seen in Europe, kicking the can down the road and refusing point blank to commit to any national emissions targets.

On the poverty front, we are firing ahead with the firesale and privatisation of national assets and the public services that are essential to those who need public services more than most; implementing tax cuts that benefit the wealthy instead of investing in services such as quality child care; free health care and education that would dramatically improve the quality of life of many of Ireland’s less well-off people. Underneath all this the neo-liberal austerity policies that have led to a huge growth in the levels of inequality in Ireland are still firmly in place.

Last week, the Government laid the terms of the low pay commission before the House. The bottom line of those terms is that our competitiveness on the international markets would always come before the best interests of the Irish people when making recommendations on the national minimum wage.

The Green Paper on defence made for strange reading. In fairly vague language it skirted around the idea of making Ireland even less neutral than it already is; suggesting that it might not be the best course of action to throw out the triple lock mechanism but that we should keep it in mind for the White Paper. In a particularly ominous passage the Green Paper states:

We must now look to the future. Our traditional policy of military neutrality was formed in an era when the risk of inter-state conflict was the key issue of national security for most nations. However, the current broad range of threats does not fall into this category and military neutrality is immaterial for threats that are generic and transnational in character e.g., cyber-security or terrorism.
It was mooted in part 5 of the Green Paper that we might engage in a little disaster capitalism and commit research funding to advancing Defence Forces’ capability development and that “the Government agreed that Enterprise Ireland could also support Irish based enterprise and research institutes, the Department of Defence and Defence Forces Capability Development, where appropriate in relation to European Defence Agency ongoing activities.” It seems that the Government’s position is one of never let a good crisis go to waste. Are we really planning to join the list of countries that profit from the industry of war, death and State surveillance? Coronary heart disease, heart attacks and lung cancer are three of the biggest causes of death in Ireland. Rather than investing in an economic sector that sells technology that kills people and strips them of their human rights we should probably spend more on technology that saves lives, on the public health system in general, on promoting sport and activities that lead to healthier lifestyles.

The Minister and I know that we have different takes on how the world operates but the Minister must find the statistics chilling: more than €1,500 billion spent on arms; the Americans are deemed to be responsible for the deaths of more than 2 million civilians in 15 years, how mad is all that? Why do we have to bury our heads in the sand? The idea that we are not complicit in these atrocities by allowing them to use Shannon is not a rational argument. I do not understand how the Minister, who is an intelligent man, does not see that we are complicit by allowing Shannon to be used as a US military base.

Photo of Clare DalyClare Daly (Dublin North, United Left)
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A review of the organisation of the Defence Forces and our defence policy is strategically necessary and I welcome the opportunity to participate in it. Unless we correct the fundamental flaws and contradictions in the Green Paper, which the Minister has reiterated tonight, and which has been consistently the position of this Government and the previous one we are missing an opportunity and doing a disservice to the citizens of this State, particularly to the men and women who make up our Defence Forces because the Green Paper and what we have heard so far represents a continuation of the deeper integration into the EU, US and NATO military axis.

As Raymond Deane has pointed out, the Green Paper never quite comes to grips with the contradictions between stated neutrality and the ongoing commitment to EU Common Security and Defence Policy. Neutrality is consistently misrepresented throughout the Green Paper which even gets it wrong in the context of from where it came, stating it was developed in the course of the Second World War. As Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn said, our neutrality has been a key and intrinsic part of the battle of this country for independence and is rooted in our identity from the writings of Wolfe Tone in the 1790s, to James Connolly's Irish Neutrality League, to the terms negotiated by Michael Collins, of which the demand for perpetual Irish neutrality was part. In addition, recent opinion polls show that Irish people hold neutrality dear.

As Deputy Mick Wallace said, the best defence of our realm and the best contribution to world peace we can make is one of active neutrality, but that does not mean talking about neutrality while in reality taking sides. It does not mean bandying around words like "military neutrality" when the courts of the land have shown that the State has actually breached our neutrality. In that context, frankly it is astounding and gob-smackingly brazen that there is not a single mention of the use of Shannon Airport in the White Paper - not one. It is almost beyond belief. Today, as Deputy Mick Wallace said, we hear talk about the Government and the Department being worried about lone wolf terrorist attacks, but, meanwhile, a whole pack of wolves is transiting through Shannon Airport on a daily basis, with which we do not have a problem at all. The reality is that this is the biggest threat to the security of the State. I do not say this lightly; I say it in the context of the evidence presented in court. In our case two military experts talked about interviewing Hezbollah agents who had talked about an airport in County Clare which was facilitating the US military. I honestly think that if there ever was to be a lone wolf attack in Ireland, it would probably be in retaliation for the use of Shannon Airport. It is tragic that we are having this discussion against the backdrop of the loss of Irish lives in Tunisia by a lone wolf terrorist who targeted westerners and our citizens were victims.

The Minister talked about preventing transnational terrorist groups from using the State as a refuge or base from which to direct their activities and target other countries. I agree with him. We should not allow the State to be used as a base for terrorists on their way to other countries, but is that not what is happening at Shannon Airport and in the case of the devastation in the Middle East and north Africa, which is facilitated by millions of troops transiting through Shannon Airport? The problem is that, throughout the White Paper, there is a conscious blurring of the lines. We talk about Partnership for Peace, but it really is linked with closer alliances with NATO.

There has consistently been a deliberate undermining of the triple lock. The Minister would probably love to be part of the coalition of the willing and we know from the WikiLeaks cables that the Americans think we are. There is talk about the "constraint" of the United Nations sanction, which is a key part of the triple lock provision. The people like that constraint. We like to have UN sanction if we are to be involved in any of this. When the White Paper talks about permanent members of the Security Council-----

10:50 pm

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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We are not proposing to change it, as I have just outlined. Why is the Deputy focusing on something that is not changing?

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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Order, please. Deputy Clare Daly has the floor.

Photo of Clare DalyClare Daly (Dublin North, United Left)
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It is implicit in all of the Minister's antics and tactics, not just in the White Paper but also in his ongoing operation of the Department. I share strongly the serious concern of many citizens about the process of military Keynesianism. The Minister did it again tonight when he linked military spending with economic growth and activity. Against the backdrop of the existence of the European Defence Agency which in reality is a front for the international arms trade, that is reprehensible. I have no doubt that there is a huge amount of money to be made from the securitisation of Europe, but our money would be far better spent on other things. For example, the Minister might look at the conditions for members of the Defence Forces, whose living standards have been butchered. He talks about dealing with Army veterans when their widows and families are being driven out of Army accommodation at the Curragh Camp.

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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They are not being driven out.

Photo of Clare DalyClare Daly (Dublin North, United Left)
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The Minister talks about a non-onerous litigation process when victims who have been prescribed Lariam have to take cases before the court and Dónal de Róiste had to wait 40 years for justice. If the Minister wants to spend money, he should spend it on personnel, not on ever-increasing hardware. It would be far better to do this.

The White Paper and the thoughts we heard earlier are quite unimaginative. We should be standing on its head the idea of a conventional army for Ireland because we do not have the money or the personnel for it. People like Ed Horgan, the peace activist and former Army officer, make some very good points about this. This is a small island on the periphery of Europe. If we were invaded - God knows why we would be - we would not stand a chance. Increasing the military hardware of the Army is not going to improve this. The reality is the only way we could defend ourselves would be in guerrilla warfare or through local resistance, a little like the approach the Swiss take, instead of having a conventional army. In that sense, I welcome the plans to extend the Defence Forces Reserve, which is good as there is no doubt that it has been seriously neglected. Civil Defence should be integrated with the Defence Forces Reserve. That volunteer element is to be welcomed. However, the idea that a separate Air Corps or Naval Service could ever be equipped to be an equal with those in the rest of western Europe is simply laughable.

I would love to have extra time to debate this issue. The Government loves privatisation; it loves selling things off. Let us face it: we have no effective military aircraft and, even if we had, how would we withstand an invasion? We should be concentrating more on rescue-type helicopters which would provide a better air-sea rescue element and a better air ambulance service, particularly in rural areas.

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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That is what we have done.

Photo of Clare DalyClare Daly (Dublin North, United Left)
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Why does the Minister not put more money into that aspect? Why would he not think about selling off Baldonnel Aerodrome and giving it to his friends in Ryanair? He could locate the Army and the Air Corps in Shannon Airport and perhaps ask the Americans if they would like to leave. There is no imagination. The White Paper does not put Ireland centre stage in terms of our defence policy. In fact, it tries to move us even further away from neutrality, against the wishes of the population.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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The Minister of State, Deputy Paul Kehoe, and Deputy Gabrielle McFadden are sharing time.

Photo of Paul KehoePaul Kehoe (Wexford, Fine Gael)
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It is interesting to listen to Deputy Clare Daly. There is one of piece of advice I might give her - she should go and talk to Army personnel. It is unfortunate that she says her few words and then goes out the door, as she does not want to listen to anybody else. She is very critical about everything but does not want to listen to anybody on this side of the House, which is very unfortunate.

Photo of Clare DalyClare Daly (Dublin North, United Left)
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I have listened to the Minister of State before.

Photo of Paul KehoePaul Kehoe (Wexford, Fine Gael)
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Since my appointment as Minister of State at the Department of Defence, I have had the opportunity to see the work undertaken by the Defence Forces, the Department of Defence and Civil Defence throughout the country. I have also been fortunate to witness the work of the Defence Forces overseas and the invaluable work being done in the advancement of international peace and security. I also acknowledge the sacrifice made by those members of the Defence Forces who died in the service of the State both at home and overseas.

In 2004 the United Nations published a report entitled, A more secure world: Our shared responsibility. The report identified social and economic threats and transnational organised crime, as well as inter-state conflict, internal conflict, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction as global security threats. In 2005 the former UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan's report, In Larger Freedom, added poverty, environmental degradation and deadly infectious diseases to that list. Globalisation has also brought increased interdependence and highlighted additional vulnerabilities, including our increased reliance on technology. Cyber attacks are a relatively recent addition to the range of security threats that can impact on a state's well being. Many countries also treat natural disasters, including pandemics, as security risks and the officer of emergency planning has produced a comprehensive risk assessment for Ireland of such risks.

This broader concept of security requires a whole-of-State response and, as many risks are transnational in nature, increased international collaboration. The forthcoming White Paper will form a key part of the State's response to emerging security threats. It will do so by identifying the likely threats and the required defence contribution.

As the House is aware, defence is a key element of the State's security and support framework. Defence of the State from armed aggression is a role that is vested exclusively in the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces. However, the Defence Forces also play a significant role in providing a broad range of security and other supports to other Departments and agencies. This ranges from supporting An Garda Síochána on request, known as aid to the civil power, to drugs interdiction, as part of the Joint Taskforce on Drugs Interdiction, to the provision of an air ambulance service, to fishery protection and other maritime supports, such as search and rescue.

It is very easy to forget the work that is done by the Defence Forces at home on a day-to day basis. The Defence Forces and Civil Defence are also an integral part of the State's response to many civil contingencies. As we look ahead to 2016 and the variety of events being held as part of the decade of centenaries, I am sure that Deputies on all sides will acknowledge the important ceremonial role of the Defence Forces in participating in many of these events. In addition, the State has a proud tradition of supporting the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security and we are all conscious of the work that the Defence Forces undertake on our behalf on overseas peace support operations. The recent migrant crisis in the Mediterranean and the deployment of the LE Eithneon search and rescue operations has also highlighted the value and versatility of Ireland's defence capabilities.

I am also very conscious of the fine contribution that is made by volunteer members of the Reserve Defence Forces who undertake training in their spare time and link the Defence Forces to communities throughout the country. The volunteer members of Civil Defence also deliver an excellent service to the State and their communities in difficult times. This includes during periods of severe weather and in searches for missing persons. The fact that these volunteers are willing to devote so much of their time in the service of others deserves special mention and acknowledgement.

The new White Paper will seek to ensure that, having regard to the future environment, the Department, the Defence Forces and Civil Defence are positioned to respond as required. This is a task that is not to be underestimated. I am confident that the new White Paper will chart a course that will ensure the necessary capabilities to meet future challenges. However, it must be acknowledged that the future is inherently uncertain and that the retention of flexible and adaptable capabilities is a pragmatic way to provide for a range of possibilities.

I would like to congratulate the Minister and his predecessor, Deputy Shatter, with whom I worked closely, on the open and transparent approach they have adopted to formulating this White Paper. The Green Paper initiated a broad consultative process, set out a security assessment and posed policy focused questions. A detailed process of consultation has culminated in the recent open policy debate on the White Paper, hosted by the Minister, and in tonight's proceedings, which were also initiated by the Minister. I am very pleased to have been associated with this work and I look forward to contributing to the implementation of the White Paper in due course.

I congratulate all of those who have worked very hard on this White Papter, from the Department, Civil Defence and volunteers.

11:00 pm

Photo of Gabrielle McFaddenGabrielle McFadden (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak on this important White Paper before the Minister brings the draft to Government for approval. Every stakeholder, including all of us here today, can provide important inputs into a process which will frame this White Paper, one which will map out the future of the Defence Forces for the next decade and beyond.

The world is certainly a very changed place since 2000 when the first White Paper on Defence was published. A year later in 2001, the twin towers attack in New York opened the world and all of us to the horror of terrorism and how it can strike anywhere, not just at historic flash-points around the globe but at people's very doorsteps. Since then, the world has been on a constant state of alert, due to the countless terrorism attacks which have led to the brutal and senseless loss of many lives. Given the growth in terrorist groups in all parts of the world, the security challenges facing countries, including Ireland, is now much more significant. The stark reminder of how close these threats really are was brought home to us last week with the tragic deaths of three Irish people, killed in a terrorist attack in Tunisia.

I want to extend my heartfelt sympathies to the families of Larry and Martina Hayes from my home town Athlone and Lorna Carty from Robinstown in Meath. Larry and Martina, Lorna and her husband Declan, had travelled to Tunisia to enjoy a sun holiday, but were brutally killed by a gunman. It is shocking to think that the threat of terrorism is so close to our own people.

It is very evident that given the dramatic changes in the security landscape, the Government has acted promptly to produce a new White Paper on defence in order to fully address these and future challenges. As we provide our final inputs, I want to commend all stakeholders who have made submissions as part of what has been a very intensive consultation process, commencing with a Green Paper published in July 2013. From a wide variety of individuals and interested groups, including civil and military personnel and an inter-departmental group, there has been a comprehensive consultation process.

Last month, I was very pleased to represent Longford-Westmeath at the symposium on the White Paper on defence in Farmleigh. This brought together a wide range of stakeholders and international experts to discuss key policy issues. As we discuss the White Paper this evening, I seek assurance from the Minister that there will be no more brigade restructuring and no more barrack closures. In my home town of Athlone, Custume Barracks has been the heart and soul of the town since the foundation of the State and despite the scaremongering, the barracks is and will continue to be an important operational military barracks. Apart from the considerable capital investment of €6.5 million at Custume Barracks since 2009, ongoing recruitment is also taking place to maintain serving strength. This level of investment and activity would not have taken place if there were any plans to close the barracks.

I also seek an assurance from the Minister that Custume Barracks will become the permanent base for the very successful air ambulance service once this service is placed on a long-term footing. Like many parts of the country, the midlands has a very proud history in the Defence Forces. A large cohort of members and former members have served in Ireland and overseas with distinction. My own family has had a long association with the Defence Forces. I hope that those members who have served their country so proudly will be looked after when they finish their time in the Defence Forces, by way of training and upskilling. Regarding former members, I also seek an assurance from the Minister that all retired members will receive parity of esteem in the context of the completed White Paper, including members of the Association of Retired Commissioned Officers, ARCO, the Organisation of National Ex-Servicemen and Women, ONE, and the Irish United Nations Veterans Association, lUNVA.

On a wider point, I pay credit to the Minister, for standing by Fine Gael's pre-election commitment to maintain Irish Defence Forces numbers at 9,500. No doubt this figure will be retained as a very minimum for the future. It is clear the Government understands the integral role the Defence Forces play in securing this State and in peacekeeping duties around the world. To conclude, this White Paper is about gearing up the Defence Forces, not scaling them down. I very much welcome this.

Photo of Robert TroyRobert Troy (Longford-Westmeath, Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate and welcome the fact the Minister is staying for the duration. Our Defence Forces have a proud tradition, both nationally and internationally. For example, consider the work Defence Forces members from Custume Barracks in Athlone did when the Shannon flooded or of the work done internationally by serving personnel from Custume Barracks who are involved in peacekeeping in Lebanon. They have a proud tradition and it is important to acknowledge this in this debate. It is regrettable, however, that there has been such a significant reorganisation of our Defence Forces in the past years in advance of the publication of the White Paper. I speak particularly of the disestablishment of the Fourth Western Brigade.

Mention has been made here tonight of the international terrorist threat. I take this opportunity to pass on my deepest sympathies to the families who have been affected, in particular the families of Larry and Martina Hayes from Athlone and I offer my deepest sympathy to their daughter Sinead.

Our Defence Forces enhance our international reputation and reaffirm our commitment to the UN. They are of critical importance both to the State and to society.

I welcome the fact that in his contribution the Minister sought cross-party support. He said he would listen to Members of all parties, including Opposition parties, on the White Paper. I hope they are not just idle words and that he is genuinely here to listen, and that when valuable concrete proposals are put forward he will take them on board before the ultimate publication of the White Paper.

All is not perfect or well. There are issues within the Defence Forces. There is no point in saying there are not. Morale is low. Pay and conditions have been savaged in recent years. The closure of barracks has meant personnel have been required to move from one location to another. Constituents have informed me that many people, especially at lower grades in the Defence Forces, are relying on family income supplement. At the 2012 PDFORRA conference which took place in the wake of the announcement of the reorganisation of the Defence Forces we heard claims that they are not fit for purpose. We were told morale is suffering and certain elements of Government and the Civil Service are constantly trying to bring about the total destruction of the Defence Forces by stealth. That is very worrying to hear such things. I hope the Minister is addressing those concerns. By virtue of the fact that he is bringing forward a White Paper he is clearly intending to outline a strategy for the future and I hope he is taking those points on board.

What is more worrying is that we learned only this week from the front page of a national newspaper that 100 officers have resigned in the past two years. That is a serious brain drain from the Defence Forces. The Minister knows better than most that it takes four to six years to train specialist officers. We must ask why they are leaving what would be regarded as a permanent, pensionable job and moving into the private sector. They are doing so because the Government and the Department of Defence have failed to honour commitments made in relation to career progression.

Various Army barracks have closed, including Columb Barracks in Mullingar. Many Garda stations have also closed in recent years. We have taken the eyes and ears of the State off the ground. Since 2012 the Defence Forces have only two permanently occupied barracks along the complete Border with Northern Ireland, namely, Finner Camp in south Donegal and the other in Donegal town, two widely dispersed locations, which leave entire swathes of the Border without the required presence for both State security and economic oversight. With the disestablishment of the Army’s 4th Western Brigade in November 2012 the control and monitoring of the complete Border with Northern Ireland is overseen from Cathal Brugha Barracks in Rathmines in Dublin. From a State security and economic well-being perspective, that is both reckless and unsustainable.

During the outbreak of foot and mouth disease in cattle in 2001, which was discovered in the UK and Northern Ireland, the Department of Defence and Army personnel played a pivotal role in Border control.

11:10 pm

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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They will do it again if they have to.

Photo of Robert TroyRobert Troy (Longford-Westmeath, Fianna Fail)
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Army personnel will have to travel from a more distant location to the Border and the situation will prove challenging. In addition to the incidence of foot and mouth, there are other challenges in which the Army should and could play a more meaningful role. I refer to cigarette smuggling, the smuggling of illegal fuel and fuel laundering. Recently, there have been allegations concerning illegal abattoirs in operation in this country, possibly on both sides of the Border. Only last week 100 cattle were stolen from a farm in Kilbeggan in my constituency. It was not a case of “Beam me up, Scotty” and they disappeared overnight. They are stolen to order. I believe they have been sent to an illegal abattoir. We must be very careful of our good reputation in terms of food quality.

The Government must re-examine its decision to disestablish the 4th Western Brigade. Unlike my constituency colleague who spoke earlier, I do have concerns about the long-term future viability of Custume Barracks in Athlone. I am not scare-mongering. I have no short-term concerns about the barracks’ viability, but the long-term viability would be best served by the re-establishment of the 4th Western Brigade. In February of this year I asked the Minister about the permitted strength and number of units attached to the barracks. We know there has been a reduction from 12 units to eight units and the permitted strength has been reduced from more than 1,400 personnel to less than 1,000 personnel. That has happened by way of statutory instrument and as a result of the downgrading of the 4th Western Brigade.

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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The reduction in numbers happened under the previous Government.

Photo of Robert TroyRobert Troy (Longford-Westmeath, Fianna Fail)
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I am talking about the permitted strength of what we can aspire to achieve in the future.

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael)
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The Deputy should not mislead the House.

Photo of Robert TroyRobert Troy (Longford-Westmeath, Fianna Fail)
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The investment in Custume Barracks in Athlone happened in 2009 before the disestablishment of the 4th Western Brigade.

I am conscious that my time is coming to an end and I wish to refer to the Reserve Defence Force, which plays a pivotal role but is undervalued. We must recognise the commitments of members to volunteerism and the work they are doing within their community. That must be acknowledged.

Last Thursday I had an opportunity to table a question on the future use of Columb Barracks in Mullingar. In his opening speech the Minister referred to the scope of his Department to contribute to Ireland’s economic recovery through further engagement in Irish enterprise, research and the education sector. Could the Minister ensure the Department finds a long-term viable future for the barracks that was closed in 2012? A total of €30,000 in taxpayers’ money is being wasted in hiring a private location for the Reserve Defence Force when numerous buildings are lying idle in Columb Barracks. The Department of Education and Skills recently purchased a new headquarters for the Education and Training Board although significant space is available in the barracks. A new community college is badly needed in Mullingar. Perhaps the Minister would engage with the Department of Education and Skills on the matter. In some cases the Civil Defence works out of rat-infested portakabins. That is something that should be examined.

I acknowledge the Minister’s attendance at the launch of the fuchsia campaign 2015. Many retired ex-Army personnel are living in deplorable conditions. Perhaps the Minister would consider rehousing some of them in barracks which would provide a future use for them.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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Deputy Troy should conclude.

Photo of Robert TroyRobert Troy (Longford-Westmeath, Fianna Fail)
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There are many possible future uses for barracks that have been closed and I implore the Minister to engage with the community on how Columb Barracks could be best utilised in the future and make amends for the disgraceful decision to close it in the first instance.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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We have a lot of people offering. Could Deputies Heydon and Eoghan Murphy give Deputy Penrose three minutes of their time? We are running out of time.

Photo of Willie PenroseWillie Penrose (Longford-Westmeath, Labour)
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I have a ten-minute speaking slot.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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I am sorry but the Minister must be called at 10.55 p.m. and Deputies Maureen O’Sullivan and Richard Boyd Barrett wish to speak also.

Photo of Willie PenroseWillie Penrose (Longford-Westmeath, Labour)
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That is not the way to run the House.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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I know. I am sorry

Photo of Willie PenroseWillie Penrose (Longford-Westmeath, Labour)
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I secured ten minutes from the Whip’s office.

Photo of Michael KittMichael Kitt (Galway East, Fianna Fail)
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I am only doing my best. Deputies Heydon and Eoghan Murphy have ten minutes between them.

Photo of Martin HeydonMartin Heydon (Kildare South, Fine Gael)
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As someone who grew up close to the Curragh and who has huge admiration for and pride in the Defence Forces, I am delighted to have an opportunity to speak on this very important issue. However, I cannot let the comments of the previous speaker go without pulling up Deputy Troy on his and his party, Fianna Fáil’s, great concern about the strength of the Permanent Defence Force. He might want to take up the matter with his colleague, Deputy Niall Collins, the party’s spokesperson on justice, who in recent years has consistently criticised Fine Gael and the Government on ongoing recruitment campaigns for the Defence Forces and committing to maintain the strength at 9,500.

I am not sure whether it is the Fianna Fáil justice spokesperson or Deputy Troy who speaks on Fianna Fáil policy. It is a bit rich for Fianna Fáil to lecture us about the lack of personnel in the Defence Forces when its justice spokesperson has consistently criticised us for ongoing recruitment in the Defence Forces, which was crucial and has proven necessary. Defence policy can be taken for granted, given that we hope it will never have to be used. Threats can be invisible. Deputy Clare Daly's comments earlier were astounding. As someone from Kildare who is very closely connected with the history of the Defence Forces, I cannot understand such comments about dismantling our Defence Forces. It shows a blatant disregard for the great work so many of our serving and former personnel have done.

The Defence Forces, comprising the Army, Air Corps and Naval Service, carry out a very important role in many different areas. When discussing defence policy in the next ten years, it is important we consider how it will be funded. Like all Departments, defence spending has contracted significantly. As the State's finances improve, we must increase the amount of money allocated to defence. I hope the White Paper will outline a systematic rise over the lifetime of the paper that will seek to bring our defence budget closer into line with our European partners. While we are very quick to compare ourselves with our European partners, we lag behind in defence spending and could do more. While all Departments have cut their spending, we must consider this. The White Paper must take account of the threats we face now and over the lifetime of the paper, including cybersecurity, improvised explosive devices that, unfortunately, are cropping up all too often throughout the country, fisheries protection, organised crime, international terrorism, drugs trafficking, people smuggling and piracy. These risks cannot be taken for granted by a State and they represent only a portion of the issues from which our Defence Forces protect us. We must ensure adequate budgets are allocated in future to allow our Defence Forces to continue their great work in protecting our country.

In his address, the Minister mentioned the scope to develop a new international institute for peace support and leadership at the Defence Forces training centre in the Curragh. On a number of occasions, the Minister and I have discussed the possibility of expanding the role of the Defence Forces training centre in the Curragh and to draw on the very significant history, tradition and experience our personnel have in conflict resolution. An institute that would address national and international needs, security education and region building in a manner which generates a comprehensive approach to conflict resolution is to be welcomed and is the right thing to do. I hope such plans are ambitious enough and get the support of the Government. It is something we could seek to grow and expand in the Curragh area.

I mentioned the scope for defence to contribute to Ireland's economic recovery through further engagement with Irish enterprise, research and education sectors. It is also important we consider the transition our serving personnel have to make when their time in the Defence Forces ends. Given that we want to maintain robust and agile Defence Forces, our personnel must retire earlier than in other professions, which brings challenges, as I know from some of my constituents who have struggled with the transition from the Defence Forces to the private sector. The White Paper should address the issue. We could do more to support our personnel as they make the transition from service to the State, given that these men and women have done the State a great service during their time in the Defence Forces.

I greatly welcome the new employment support scheme the Minister referenced, which would be aimed at a specific age group from 18 to 24 and target individuals who might otherwise struggle to break out of cycles of disadvantage and who are likely to benefit from the programme and regime the Defence Forces could offer. The Minister mentioned the Defence Forces' corporate social responsibility initiative, and the employment support scheme would be very much in keeping with its role. I am delighted to have the opportunity to work on this and I look forward to the White Paper.

11:20 pm

Photo of Eoghan MurphyEoghan Murphy (Dublin South East, Fine Gael)
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I commend the Minister on the very welcome publication of the paper. I also welcome the fact that he is consulting the Dáil before bringing his proposals to the Cabinet. I wish to raise two aspects of the paper, namely, funding and the triple lock. Recently, a Member of the House put forward a neutrality Bill which we debated here. During the debate, a Member welcomed the fact that defence spending in Europe was decreasing. The point was made from an anti-war stance, which is a valid and appropriate point of view, given that no one is in favour of war. The Member was probably also speaking as someone who was against the perceived American military complex or war-mongering machine, which is also a valid point of view for those who hold it. If one holds this point of view, however, the decrease in defence spending in Europe is a bad thing in that it makes us more dependent on others, such as the US, for our defence and less able to influence what they do in the name of our defence and in what they perceive to be our defence. From recent history, we know how often such perceptions can be wrong.

Europe and Ireland should spend more on defence such that we can decide how best to deal with the challenges and threats that are emerging in our continent and beyond. This requires responsibility on our part. The challenges we see today require defence spending, the kind of spending that buys boats and helicopters, such as those that are doing such good work in the Mediterranean to save lives. I commend the crew of the LE Eithnewho are doing such brave work. It is fantastic the Taoiseach and Minister sent these personnel abroad on our behalf to do such good work for the people there. We must recognise our responsibilities in the world and in our continent and allocate our resources appropriately. It is good to know the increase in spending in 2015 for our Defence Forces compared with 2014. Perhaps, this level of funding will stabilise at an even higher level. Deputy Heydon referred to it. I do not know the appropriate amount of defence spending for a country of our size that is as active abroad in peacekeeping and other missions as we are. I assume it is higher, and I hope the Minister can work towards a higher figure in the years to come.

Some contributors have questioned whether we need the Defence Forces. We can no longer submit to the free rider problem in our security. We must make investments, have policy and recognise we have a responsibility regarding traditional threats. There are threats on the eastern borders of Europe to our friends, allies and neighbours in which we might have to share in the responsibility of dealing with them, one hopes politically. We do not know what will happen in the future or what it might mean. The advantage of geography is no longer meaningful. The first line of defence no longer stands against traditional threats or asymmetric threats such as cyberterrorism or terrorism by groups that do not recognise state borders or governments. It is encouraging that the White Paper recognises all this and makes commitments on it.

We have had discussions on the triple lock and I tabled parliamentary questions last year and since we were elected. We should end the triple lock. It is not a responsible position to take as an independent country. It is not about wanting to go off on unilateral adventures abroad. It is about recognising that there may be missions in Europe or close to Europe that are justified and in which we have a responsibility to engage but which certain members of the Security Council may veto. Given that the Security Council is not a democratic body, I do not understand why we would outsource our foreign policy to it. We must take ownership of it once more. It would not prohibit us from being involved in UN-led missions or leading them. However, I do not agree that we should not participate in missions, perhaps in the EU, without the consent of the Security Council which could be blocked by one of the members.

It is great to see the expertise we employ abroad, particularly in conflict zones and in relation to improvised explosive devices, and it should be continued and encouraged. I support all the plans in that regard. I mentioned neutrality, as did other speakers. The concept of active neutrality is a complete nonsense. Ireland should jettison any pretence of neutrality, as I have previously said in the House. It is meaningless as a concept, I cannot find any previous example in history in which it has worked, and it is not a responsible position to take in the modern world.