Michael D Higgins (Galway West, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 70: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs the action he plans to recommend to his colleague ministers at the General Affairs and External Relations Council following his visit to Gaza; and the timescale for such actions in view of the urgency of the humanitarian issues involved. [13401/10]

Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Question 72: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he discussed with US Secretary of State during his recent visit to Washington plans by Israel to build 1,600 homes for Jewish settlers in occupied east Jerusalem; if there are plans by the Spanish Presidency of the EU to hold an emergency meeting to discuss these recent developments; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [13400/10]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I propose to take Questions Nos. 70 and 72 together.

My discussions in Washington with the Secretary of State Mrs. Clinton provided a welcome and timely opportunity to discuss with her the issues of the Middle East, which are high priorities for the EU and the US, both individually and as members of the international Quartet. I briefed Mrs. Clinton on my recent visit to Gaza. She updated me on the continuing US efforts to bring the Israeli and Palestinian sides together for proximity talks intended to begin a final push to reach an overall settlement between them, and we discussed how the EU can help to support these efforts. I accompanied the Taoiseach to his meeting with President Obama the following day, where I was invited to give my impressions of the situation in Gaza. I also had an opportunity later that day to discuss the situation with Vice President Joe Biden.

The announcement on 9 March of further Israeli settlement plans in East Jerusalem was an element of all these discussions. These plans, announced when Vice President Biden was in Jerusalem, led to the withdrawal of Palestinian agreement to begin proximity talks, which Senator Mitchell had announced only the day before, and attracted widespread international condemnation, including a statement which I issued on 11 March. I stated that the Israeli action called into question their genuine commitment to seek a settlement in the planned proximity talks. The United States also condemned the announcement in unusually strong language and Vice President Biden stated publicly, while still visiting Israel and the West Bank, that the action was directly contrary to the mutual trust that needed to be established to reach a settlement.

Following my visit to Gaza on 25 February, I reported to my EU colleagues at the informal Foreign Ministers meeting in Cordoba on 6 March. I stressed the unacceptable prolongation of the blockade of Gaza; the dire humanitarian consequences for its population, who cannot be held responsible for the actions of a minority of militants in their midst; and the importance of continuing international focus on these problems and on the need for a full and sustained reopening of the crossing points to human and commercial movements. I also urged other leaders, and, in particular, the new EU High Representative, Catherine Ashton, to visit Gaza themselves to see the situation and maintain the pressure on this issue. I have been pleased to note therefore that both High Representative Ashton and UN Secretary General Ban have now visited Gaza, and also that they were allowed to enter Gaza from Israel, as all political visitors should be. We are succeeding in returning a degree of international attention to this issue, but I am under no illusion that we need to keep pressing to convince Israel that its blockade of Gaza is politically counterproductive and in fact strengthens militants, as well as being morally unacceptable.

Both of these issues, the continued expansion of settlements and the blockade of Gaza, featured in the discussion on the Middle East at the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels on last Monday week. The main focus of EU efforts is on the political efforts, led by the Obama Administration, to commence final status negotiations. I agree with this priority, because ultimately the only complete and lasting solution to these political and humanitarian issues is to end the occupation and to achieve the goal of two states living side by side in peace and security. Despite the setbacks caused by the Israeli announcement there are still hopes that this process can be got under way in the near future, and much of our discussion in the EU has been on how we can not only help the process reach that important jumping-off point, but continue to sustain it also in the very difficult negotiations that will have to follow. It will, however, remain an important priority for this country to retain also a focus on the key humanitarian and justice issues on the ground which we believe could wreck any negotiation process, including the questions of settlements and of Gaza.

Michael D Higgins (Galway West, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I thank the Minister for his reply. A total of 56% of the population of Gaza are children. The Minister is aware of that. It was welcome that he visited Gaza and that his visit was followed by the visit of Baroness Ashton and Ban Ki-moon. A number of supplementary questions arise. I do not understand why humanitarian corridors have not been established given the degree of humanitarian urgency that exists, as outlined for example in the Goldstone report. It should be possible to deliver the basics such as food, water, cooking gas, fuel and medical care through safe corridors to the children in Gaza. It should also be possible to implement the short-term demands of the Goldstone report on electricity to enable the provision of clean water, which is not happening.

While I welcome the visit of Ban Ki-moon, it followed an ineffectual presence by his personal representative. I have been in Gaza three times since 2005. The personal representative of the United Nations was the person who was supposed to negotiate about the safe conduct of materials to UNRWA under the leadership of John Ging, which is involved in construction and the provision of housing. Those meetings did not take place and they did not succeed in ending the blockade. I was pleased with the Minister's evolution in thinking given that he appeared to say, although perhaps it is an unfair deduction, that the European Union's non-recognition of the election victory by Hamas was a mistake.

Are we now in a position where people are continually making comparisons between Northern Ireland and the situation in Gaza? What stares one in the face about Northern Ireland is that even when Senator Mitchell was there, a secretariat to the peace process existed. There is no sign of a secretariat to the peace process in the Middle East that would have provided continuity.

I agree with the Minister that the siege of Gaza is collective punishment of innocent people. I urge the General Affairs and External Relations Council to speak equally candidly. Some members of the European Union are not helpful on the Gaza issue. Having been a Minister myself I appreciate that the Minister's efforts are frequently buried between anodyne statements that come from the European Council. Last December's statement was welcome but how near we are to the ending of the siege as it affects the civilian population, in particular the 56% of the population in Gaza who are children?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I agree with much of what Deputy Higgins has outlined. The size of the population of children in Gaza is striking. The sight of children everywhere is one of the most immediately visible scenes there. What is more alarming is the number of malnourished children. In spite of the outstanding work by UNRWA the basic food supplies it makes available are not sufficient to deal with the issue. There is also a great thirst for education among families in Gaza for their children. If given half a chance society in Gaza would develop strongly and effectively.

There is no need for the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. It is an indictment of the international community that it continues. We must continue to maintain the pressure and to highlight the humanitarian situation in order to get the blockade lifted so as to allow for the provision of basic needs such as food, security and water. According to the WHO, 90% of the water is not potable. The sewage going into the sea is appalling. The list goes on. UNRWA is holding the line and doing heroic work on a range of indices, not just humanitarian but in education and civil society to maintain moderation, a secular outlook on life and to stop the spread of fundamentalism. It requires the continued and consistent support of the international community.

Deputy Higgins made a point about the importance of a secretariat or a mechanism to bank the product of earlier negotiations. The basic issues are well known for more than 20 years. Part of the difficulty is that the talks are starting afresh yet again in the aftermath of the Annapolis process and the Olmert-Abbas talks. Nothing has been banked from preceding negotiations. That is not an acceptable position. Given the political volatility in the region it is a recipe for continued fragmentation and incapacity to reach a sustainable agreement. The two fundamental lessons to be learned from Northern Ireland are that first, there was a degree of continuity from the two Governments. Second, there was a political will for peace and to find a solution on behalf of all the parties at the table in Northern Ireland. It is open to question whether that exists in the Middle East in terms of all parties, but especially in terms of the position held by the Israeli Government.

Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context

Does the Minister agree that all settlement activity is illegal under international law? It is the policy of the Government and the EU that settlements that were constructed since March 2001 should be deconstructed and that there should be a freeze in settlements. Does the Minister also agree that as we speak there are continuing forced evictions in east Jerusalem? Does he further agree with the spokesperson from the White House who stated that the decision to proceed with the 1,600 houses in east Jerusalem was destructive to the peace efforts during Mr. Biden's visit? Does the Minister believe that Prime Minister Netanyahu is serious about being involved in a peace process if he carries out that activity when efforts are being made to initiate the peace process? I expect the answer to all of those questions will be "Yes".

More importantly, what people want to know is what the international community can do rather than wring its hands in anger. What steps can be taken or will someone be standing in the Chamber in 20 years raising the same issues while the humanitarian crisis and the terror of the people in Gaza and the West Bank continue?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context

I agree with what the Deputy has outlined in terms of the illegality of settlements which are contrary to international law. The fundamental problem is that the facts on the ground continue to feed scepticism on the Palestinian side that the Israeli Government is open to a deal. On the other hand, I put on record that when I went to Egypt, which is the subject matter of a later question, interlocutors were clearly of the view that Prime Minister Netanyahu had the capacity and was anxious to do a deal. That is the view of a number of others who are close to events in the region. Almost all are now agreed that, notwithstanding the difficulties that have been outlined in terms of the settlement announced on east Jerusalem, etc., it is preferable to get proximity talks under way under the Mitchell initiative and to have them conducted through the Mitchell team. There was scepticism about the proximity talks, including on the part of the Arab League and Mr. Amr Mussa, but they advised President Abbas to agree to them nonetheless.

One must reflect on what is happening. It seems that every time a step forward is made, there are elements in the Israeli Government who do not want any progress at all and elements who do. Certain actions, such as those taken during the visit of US Vice President Biden, seem to suggest there were even attempts to derail the commencement of proximity talks. We need to be careful that we are clear about our objectives. If we are to learn another lesson from Northern Ireland, it is that, at the very worst, there is no harm in commencing proximity talks and engagement. After commencement, the confidence, commitment and conviction of both sides can be built, thereby leading to direct negotiations over time.

The EU Ministers posed the same question as Deputy Timmins in that they asked what more the European Union can do. We were briefed last Monday by Mr. Tony Blair, the special envoy for the Quartet on the Middle East, at the EU Foreign Ministers' meeting. It was a good analysis and briefing on circumstances. The Foreign Ministers will return to the question of what the European Union can do collectively to give greater impetus to the talks process and to acknowledge the enormous contribution the European Union makes.

Mr. Tony Blair made the point that one dividend of EU support has been the incremental achievements of the Fayyad Administration on the West Bank in terms of the development of governance, security and economic capacity under the Palestinian Authority. This has emerged directly from the aid and support of the European Union. Therefore, we should not lose sight of some positives that have emerged in recent years, although they may constitute a minority of developments overall.