Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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Question 99: To ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs the situation in Zimbabwe; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [2310/09]

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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The situation in Zimbabwe remains dire. The country effectively has not been governed since March 2008 and after years of mismanagement and neglect, its infrastructure appears to be in terminal collapse. Inflation continues unabated and those in power have found no better response than to print ever larger bank notes, the most recent of which was a 100 trillion Zimbabwean dollar note, which then quickly lose their value. Millions of Zimbabweans are dependent on food aid and on what friends and relatives can send them from abroad. One of the most tragic symptoms of the failure of governance in Zimbabwe is the ongoing cholera epidemic, which is estimated by the World Health Organisation to have cost more than 2,500 lives. Those who protest against this state of affairs and against the abuse of human rights risk arrest and there are reports that some of those in custody, including Ms Jestina Mukoko, may have been tortured.

Discussions last week between President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai resulted in no further progress towards the establishment of a power-sharing government, as agreed in principle last September. The central issue remains the allocation of key Ministries between ZANU-PF and the MDC.

Zimbabwe's neighbours, who have the greatest capacity to exert influence in this troubled country, bear the greatest responsibility to exert pressure towards a solution. The extraordinary summit on Zimbabwe held yesterday by the Southern African Development Community, SADC, outlined a formula for the formation of a unity government by mid-February, with Mr. Tsvangirai to become Prime Minister on 11 February. However, despite claims that this was agreed by the MDC, there is considerable doubt over whether this is in fact the case and the MDC council is to meet at the end of the week. There seem to be few grounds for confidence at present that the arrangements proposed will provide a basis for progress towards a meaningful resolution to the current crisis.

Although the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy and the isolation of the Mugabe regime mean that unfortunately, EU leverage is limited, we are using every avenue open to us. At the General Affairs and External Relations Council yesterday, my EU colleagues and I formally renewed the EU's targeted restrictive measures against individuals and businesses that have supported or participated in the destruction wrought by the Mugabe regime. We also added new names and a number of companies to the list. We are determined to target the regime's finances, that is, the revenues used to support the lifestyle of the elite, to keep the security services on its side and to cushion Mugabe and his cronies from the economic catastrophe they have created.

The European Union continues to provide humanitarian support to Zimbabweans and to press for greater involvement by SADC or the African Union in the mediation process. Yesterday, we reconfirmed that the EU stands ready to support the economic and social recovery of Zimbabwe once a government is formed that reflects the will of the Zimbabwean people and which returns to respect for human rights, the rule of law and responsible macroeconomic management.

Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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For several years, the situation in Zimbabwe has deteriorated dramatically and there has been no government there for more than a year. As the Minister noted, an agreement for power-sharing was signed last September between ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change but that agreement was broken by Mr. Mugabe in a dispute over the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs. In light of the deaths from cholera of almost 3,000 people since August 2008 and the dependence of almost half the population, 5 million people, on food aid in Zimbabwe, what can we in Ireland actually do? A certain number of individuals have had sanctions imposed on them and I note that number was increased recently by the European Union. However, this is not good enough and there appears to be general acceptance that this is okay. Has the Minister had discussions with the South African ambassador recently? If not, will he summon the ambassador and outline the dissatisfaction people in Ireland have regarding the lack of progress towards a resolution?

Does the Minister have a view on why the South African Development Community, in a statement yesterday, stated that a new government would be signed-up to on 11 February when it is clear that Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change had not signed up to it? What forces are at play here?

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I agree with Deputy Timmins's concern and anger at the situation in Zimbabwe. We have conveyed our concerns directly to the governments of key partner countries in Africa and, most recently, in December, the Irish ambassador to Zimbabwe, who is based in Pretoria, communicated Ireland's strong views to the Zimbabwean ambassador there. I have made my views personally known to the South African ambassador in Dublin and they are well aware of our views.

We believe it is at EU level that we can leverage the maximum influence. However, the problem is of course that while we have sanctions against named individuals and companies which are targeted at those who are propping up the regime, in essence it is the considered view of the EU partners that ultimately it is the regional partners who can exert the greatest degree of influence on, and exact the leverage over, President Mugabe.

We are not satisfied with the SADC approach to date. It seems to us that yesterday an attempt was made to force the MDC and Tsvangirai into a position to accept what was on offer. We are not entirely comfortable with that approach. We are not confident that the formula outlined, particularly in terms of the portfolios that the MDC would get, would be a sustainable and viable proposition for good governance in Zimbabwe.

Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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Has the Minister any idea of how much trade we do with Zimbabwe and would he give consideration to breaking off trade links with it? An argument will be made questioning such punishment of all the population——

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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That is the point.

Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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——but the position has deteriorated further and there must be a wake-up call. Until such time as the international community takes tangible action, Mr. Mugabe will remain in his position.

Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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There is a real humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe and the last thing we want to do is take action or initiatives that would exacerbate the suffering of ordinary people. Therefore, that is not a route we will go down.

Our trade with Zimbabwe is minuscule and the economy has collapsed. As I mentioned, the cholera outbreak provides an opportunity and an avenue through which stronger international intervention could be considered, particularly in terms of the significant health epidemic that is taking place there. Ultimately, the real leverage is at the regional level and in our view, the main regional actors have not acted in a way that they should.