Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

This debate is an opportunity for us to step away from the day-to-day arguments that dominate our discussions in Europe and a challenge to each of us to reflect on the overall importance of the European Union to promoting or sovereignty, culture and economy. By every significant measure, membership of the European Union is essential for Ireland. Membership not only matters for Ireland but also delivers for Ireland. The greatest beneficiaries by far have been communities and workers throughout our country who have access to jobs and opportunities that would be impossible without our membership of a strong European Union.

Europe is not "them"; Europe is "us". It is a democratic community of nations that allows space for people to disagree. We all get our say in the formation of policy. We do not get to win every debate. There is nothing democratic about demanding to have 100% of our policies adopted. However, Ireland has consistently got dramatically more out of its approach to membership by building and sustaining a situation where other countries know we are acting in good faith and that we want an effective European Union that works for all.

Frankly, we have too much of the cynical politics of attacking everything and refusing to acknowledge any positives. Time after time, we hear loud denunciations of the European Union and every mistake it makes. Any organisation made up of humans will make mistakes. However, people claim those mistakes are the end of particular communities or countries. There is a deep and profound unwillingness to acknowledge the vital national benefits that depend on us being positive, active and constructive members of the European Union. Too often, these debates involve the centrist parties pointing to the undeniable facts of positive benefits of Europe for Ireland, and the left and right refusing to acknowledge anything positive. One of the biggest mistakes pro-Europe parties can make is to simply ignore the Eurosceptics and allow their attacks to go unanswered. Much more should be done to challenge the false idea that sovereignty and European actions are incompatible. It is a simple statement of historical fact that the last major act of the great generation who fought for and won our independence was to set us on the course of membership of the now European Union.

As a teenager, Seán Lemass had fought in the GPO in 1916. He had seen friends and family die in terrible circumstances during both the War of Independence and Civil War. When the fighting was done, he believed the duty of every Irish person was to work to try to build a modern and successful country. As early as the late 1920s, he wrote about the idea that systematic, rules-based co-operation with other European countries could be the only effective way to secure peace, prosperity and sovereignty for European states, large and small. His decision as Taoiseach to commit Ireland to a European future is the foundation upon which we have achieved dramatic and sustained progress in employment, standards of living, education levels and our ability to be heard in the international community. Our membership of the European Union is today, as it has always been, about securing our sovereignty and prosperity and yet, at every stage of our seeking to build this European future we have, there has been a relentless drumbeat from the right and the left attacking everything, refusing to acknowledge any progress and demanding that Ireland take a more anti-European Union position. No cause has been more consistently and overwhelmingly wrong than the cause of anti-European Union forces on the right and left.

I recently reread an account of the debate about Ireland's decision to join the European Economic Community just over 50 years ago. It is a remarkable testament to the resilience of ideology that the arguments being made against the European Union are almost unchanged. They reappear during every referendum and every major policy debate. The main non-party campaign called itself the Common Market Research Group, remarkably similar to the European Research Group in London, which has pushed an extreme anti-EU agenda in the British Parliament.

In 1972, we were told that Europe would turn the island into a barren wasteland and a nuclear base and end our sovereignty. In 1972, the party now known as Sinn Féin had been recently formed and the very first policy position it adopted, other than its support for the Provisional IRA, was its opposition to joining the now European Union. When the membership referendum was passed overwhelmingly by the Irish people, the party announced it was the end of Ireland as an independent State, the end of neutrality and the beginning of our economic disappearance. This approach has been softened in terms of adding in reassuring comments that accept that Ireland is an EU member. Euroscepticism is not a side issue for Sinn Féin, however. It is in its founding DNA. If we look at the party's most recent manifesto, we find the statement, "It is time to end the Brussels power grab, to reign in the Commission, and return powers to the member states." These are words to warm the heart of Nigel Farage. They promote a false view of the Union and Ireland's relationship with it. To be fair to other elements of the far left, they at least do not try to deliver reassuring speeches covering up their anti-European Union beliefs.

When People Before Profit supported Brexit in Northern Ireland but came into this House demanding that Brexit have no impact on the island, it showed just how cynical it too can be.

When we look honestly at the situation today, it is absolutely wrong to say there is a broad consensus in Irish politics about EU membership. There is certainly a broad consensus among the Irish people - this has been reflected time and again in many ways - but that is not reflected here in Dáil Éireann or, unfortunately, in our delegation to the European Parliament, which contains some of the most stridently anti-European Union voices from any country. Our national delegation is split between MEPs who work constructively to try to influence policies and those who align themselves with the most extreme anti-European Union and destructive voices. The records of the Parliament show our four members of the extreme-left group are dramatically less effective at influencing votes, contenting themselves with delivering short attacks on everyone else and proposing amendments that attract no support. The records also shamefully show these Irish MEPs are the least likely to ever speak up against dictatorships and in defence of democratic values.

In the past, these European elections have been relatively low risk, treated by many as an opportunity to hear from a colourful group of individuals in the expectation they could not do much harm if elected, yet no one today can deny the many deep threats to the European Union, such as the threat from external forces that want to destroy it as a voice for democracy, the threat from extremists of the right and left who want to return to ideologies and conflicts of the past century, the threat from an unstable world economy, the threat from an existential climate crisis and the need to protect our communities.

Founded in the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the European Union was conceived as a peace project. John Hume, one of our greatest statesmen, saw in the European Union a model and vision for how a lasting peace could be built. In that spirit, over decades, the European Union has provided strong and steadfast support to peace and reconciliation on this island. We should never forget that in 1972, when the European Communities opened the door to Ireland and the United Kingdom, it was the very worst year of violence in Northern Ireland, with nearly 500 men, women and children killed in a single year. In 1998, the Good Friday Agreement, the foundation for peace in Northern Ireland, brought an end to more than 30 years of violent conflict.

In the 26 years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, our European Union partners have been steadfast in their support, contributing enormously to realising the objectives and commitments set out in the agreement and the wider dividends of peace. They have consistently demonstrated the value they place on the process of peace and reconciliation on this island, showing extraordinary solidarity with Ireland as we have navigated the challenges created by the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. The European Union we see is the embodiment of the idea that our differences can be resolved through peaceful co-operation and negotiation and that the collective security of the peoples, nations, religions and traditions in Europe can be guaranteed by the consolidation of democracy, the primacy of the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Tragically, today, Putin's Russia is seeking to return to an era in which European borders are drawn by force instead of by diplomacy and democracy. In the face of that aggression, Ukraine's resolve is undiminished. This is an inspiring testament to the unwavering spirit of a nation determined to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity while upholding the principles of freedom and democracy. It is also a testament to the strength of the European Union's values. As Ukraine heads into a challenging period, it is more important than ever that we continue to stand together with our EU and international partners to support Ukraine by whatever means possible for as long as it takes. Through a broad range of measures, including massive financial support and an aggressive regime of sanctions, the European Union has demonstrated its steadfast commitment to standing with Ukraine, and Ireland is proud to contribute to this endeavour. The Ukrainian people are fighting not just for their country but for our shared values of freedom and democracy. Ireland strongly believes Ukraine's future lies within the European Union and we will continue to support Ukraine on its European path.

We are also witnessing an horrific war on Europe's southern borders, where the situation in Gaza continues to grow more dire with each passing day. The heinous terrorist attacks of 7 October by Hamas and the ensuing war on Gaza by Israel have caused unimaginable suffering for civilians. We have condemned the bombardment of Gaza. We need a ceasefire, humanitarian access and the unconditional release of hostages now. Ireland has been at the forefront of shaping discussions within the European Union on this conflict. At the monthly meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council, including at the most recent meeting in Luxembourg, I have repeatedly stressed the need for the European Union response to evolve. Ireland specifically pushed for political agreement on sanctions on violent settlers in the West Bank, continued funding for UNRWA and support for a two-state solution, including through recognition of a Palestinian state. I was pleased to see the decision by the European Commission to release €50 million in funding for UNRWA, with a further €32 million to follow, and to increase its overall humanitarian aid for Palestinians in 2024. I also welcomed the adoption on 19 March of EU sanctions against violent Israeli settlers in the West Bank. The European Union has a long-standing commitment to the two-state solution and has invested enormously over decades, in political and financial terms, in its pursuit. We will continue to push for an ambitious European contribution towards the achievement of a sustainable and peaceful resolution to the conflict, guided by those same principles of consolidation of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Our progress and well-being as a nation are inextricably linked to a strong, confident and resilient Union. Europe matters, and today is an opportunity to celebrate our Europeanness alongside our Irishness, neither one diluted by the other.

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