Martin Kenny (Sligo-Leitrim, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I recently listened to a representative of the DUP speaking on the radio. The point he made very strongly was that the North of Ireland should be treated no differently to any other part of the United Kingdom. He kept reiterating that point. It brought me back to the days at the very beginning of the negotiations on the Good Friday Agreement. Everyone recognised at the time, and it was the reason an agreement was needed, that this part of the United Kingdom - as they call it - is on a different island; has a border with another country; a border with the European Union; had a conflict that went on for almost 40 years, in which thousands of people were killed, that needed a negotiated settlement; and has a legacy of colonialism that goes back a couple of hundred years. The recognition of all of that brought us to a place where we had to come to an agreement and find a way out of and settle those differences.

The recent issue of the protocol and the demand by a small section of unionism within the higher echelons of the DUP, that is pushing this agenda very hard, is basically to try to wind back the clock to a time before the Good Friday Agreement existed. That is what is very dangerous about this. When we weigh it all up, what we want is a situation in which we can find agreement with everyone. The co-operation that we have had up to now across both governments and all parties, to try to find a way forward, has been the way to do things.

The recognition of the Good Friday Agreement throughout the globe has been an example of how a peace process can be built. The recent visit by representatives from the United States is an example of that. They came here because they recognise that what we have done in Ireland is unique. It is a unique example to the world of how to build a peace process. Yet, Boris Johnson and elements of the DUP and a certain group of Tories want to unwind that and kick it out the door. That is what flies in the face of logic, good common sense and trying to move things forward.

A few days ago, I spoke to a senior person in the dairy industry, who lives in the Border region, about the amount of milk produced in the North that comes South to be processed. If this protocol is taken away and we are back to a situation in which there would be checks on the Border, it would destroy that industry. So many other industries would be destroyed because of it. Yet, the tiny minority in the higher echelons of unionism insist that they want their way, and it is their way or the highway. That brings us to a situation in which we have to work with everyone involved.

I welcome the Minister's speech earlier.

I see he is with us in the House. I commend the work that has been done to try to build alliances and move forward on this. It not just about the protocol, but the legislation the British Government is proposing in relation to legacy. All of these things seek to undermine the Good Friday Agreement, which has been underwritten by the US and the EU. The Irish Government has work to do with the US authorities, including the US President, to get them on board. While it is welcome that a delegation from the US Congress is visiting Ireland, we need to go to a higher level in the US to put pressure on the British Government to take a different track on all of this. It is similar with the EU. We must build international alliances to protect the peace process, which has been an example to the world, and the Government has a huge part to play in doing so.

The British Government's Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill is passing through the House of Commons. I believe it has had its Second Reading and may reach Committee Stage in a number of weeks. It will be passed very quickly. This Bill has angered thousands of people across the North in all communities. They see what it is about. It is about getting away from that which we have always been told is vital, namely, the rule of law. The British Government wants to set aside the rule of law and introduce immunity for certain people under certain circumstances. The view of many academics who have looked at the legislation is that this immunity will basically be available to everyone. That is what the British Government wants to do. It completely flies in the face of all the agreements that have been concluded until now, including the Good Friday Agreement, the St. Andrews Agreement and the Stormont House Agreement. When we settle down and look at all of this, we must recognise that the work that needs to be done has to be done for all of us to have a better future. We must ensure the Irish Government puts maximum pressure on US and European authorities to put pressure on the British Government.

I will make a small final point. Many Deputies spoke about a border poll and the move towards Irish unity. It is true that as republicans, we want to see Irish unity. I believe the vast majority of Deputies in this Chamber want to see Irish unity. The only aspect that we differ on is how we go about achieving it. However, I think we agree on one point, namely, that there cannot be a border poll in Ireland similar to the Brexit vote held in Britain. It has to be worked out. We have to know what we are voting for and what the outcome would be. To do that, we need to put in place structures. We need to establish citizens' assemblies, Oireachtas committees and other committees to bring together, in every way possible, the people on both islands, particularly this island, to work out what kind of new Ireland we want to build. I believe we can all do that together without fighting about it.

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