Seán Haughey (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

It is fair to say that British-Irish relations are not particularly good at this time. It all started with Brexit in 2016 and things have got steadily worse since then. The Brexit decision, in which the UK decided to disengage from the EU and go its own way, was a shock to the international community. The modus operandiof British Prime Minister and the governing style of the Conservative Party have been difficult to accommodate. The move towards unilateralism as opposed to multilateral diplomacy in regard to Northern Ireland and the protocol, legacy issues, immigration and the Nationality and Borders Bill, and even the Good Friday Agreement, have made things very difficult for Ireland and the EU.

There is an apparent unwillingness by the British Government to recognise that it is a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and that the Conservative government seems to be more focused on domestic political objectives. There is an unpredictability about the actions of Boris Johnson's government. It appears the UK has no qualms about breaking international law, such as the withdrawal agreement. Trust between the EU and the UK and, more recently, Ireland and Britain, is in short supply. The Minister spoke about the absence of partnership. So here we are.

I appreciate that listening to these concerns is probably not very helpful. It must also be recognised that relations between Ireland and Britain have come a long way since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. Ireland and Britain are friendly neighbouring countries and the need to interact constructively in order to resolve the various problems that confront us is apparent.

As to the sensitive issue of addressing the legacy of the past in Northern Ireland, as we know the British Government published and is in the process of enacting the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill. The Bill is complex and requires careful analysis. It amends a previous proposal on this issue and allows for immunity to be granted for those coming forward with information, among other things. On the face of it, the measures proposed constitute a de factoamnesty and are not in accordance with the Stormont House Agreement. Any proposals on this sensitive matter should be considered in consultation with the Irish Government as a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, taking into account subsequent agreements, and the political parties in the North, all of whom have opposed this Bill. Most important of all, consultation should take place with the victims and their families.

The Northern Ireland Assembly elections took place earlier this month. It is very important that the assembly convenes and an executive is formed without delay. As we know, the DUP is not facilitating this due to its concerns about the protocol. It is very hard to get one's head around the fact that, in a democratic society, a parliament has not been established after the people voted. Normally after a democratic election, the assembly meets and an executive is formed. Members then get down to dealing with the issues and problems raised in the election. However, in this case, it seems the DUP wants the issues and problems resolved first before the assembly and government is up and running. This is turning democracy on its head. The assembly elections resulted in Sinn Féin becoming the largest party in the assembly, and the middle ground made its voice heard as seen by the success of the Alliance Party.

The Good Friday Agreement provides for mandatory power sharing, an obligation to designate, as well as the petition of concern. Questions have been raised about these provisions and calls for political reform have been made in order to promote normal politics. The DUP has a veto which it used. Obviously, any moves towards reform would have to get buy-in from the DUP and Sinn Féin. This will have to be addressed in the coming years. I accept that the immediate priority must be to get the institutions up and running again under the current arrangements as soon as possible. In addition, any future consideration of the Good Friday Agreement must take account of the circumstances surrounding the calling of a border poll. This should be addressed and clarity should be brought to the matter.

The British Government has signalled its intention to bring forward legislation to set aside parts of the Northern Ireland protocol. Here again, it is acting unilaterally. As we know, the people of Northern Ireland voted against Brexit and the protocol was agreed in the withdrawal agreement to deal with the problems arising from Brexit, in particular to avoid the creation of a hard border on the island of Ireland. These are legitimate concerns as to the implementation of the protocol and they have to be addressed. The European Commission Vice President, EU Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič, is a very patient man. Last October, following extensive consultation with all stakeholders in Northern Ireland, he brought forward a flexible package of measures to help resolve these problems. What is needed now is for flexibility and pragmatism to be shown by both sides in the negotiations. These problems can be resolved. The last thing anyone wants is a trade war between the EU and the UK. It must also be remembered that the protocol presents Northern Ireland with genuine opportunities, in that Northern Ireland can be part of the EU Single Market as well as the UK internal market.

This has gone on for too long. The EU and the UK, as well as the USA, have much bigger problems to deal with at present, the war in Ukraine being one example. It is hard to understand why the UK is not shutting down this issue given overall global problems and the challenge facing us at this time.

I welcome moves by the British Government to introduce an Irish language Act. It is perhaps the only positive thing we can talk about today.

I welcome this debate and hope it will contribute to resolving the many issues that confront us in the British-Irish relationship and the situation in the North.

See this speech in context