Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

On Sunday, I had the privilege of accompanying the Bloody Sunday families as they walked the same route taken by those who marched for civil rights 50 years ago. I listened to the families recall those they lost and share their memories of that fateful day. Their pain is still very raw and their deep sense of injustice burns still. They say time heals all wounds but this has not been so for the families of the 14 innocent people shot down by the British Army on 30 January 1972. How could it? For them, the five decades since the murder of their loved ones at the hands of the parachute regiment have been dominated by British Government denial, cover-up and lies about what happened that day, thwarting at every turn the families’ quest for truth and justice. The dignity and determination of the Bloody Sunday families is mirrored by the courage and decency of the Ballymurphy families. They too have fought for 50 years to seek justice for the ten innocent civilians murdered by the same regiment in the west Belfast neighbourhood in August 1971.

The integrity of these families stands in stark contrast to shame of the current Tory Government. This government now seeks to push through an amnesty for all those who carried out acts of British state murder in Ireland, including those who perpetrated the atrocities of Bloody Sunday and Ballymurphy, and for those agents who shot dead five innocent people on the Ormeau Road 30 years ago this week, for those who carried out the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, for those British soldiers who in 1974 shot John Pat Cunningham in the back as he ran in fear from them and for those who murdered Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson.

As we walked the roads of Derry in the January sunshine, members of the families not only conveyed their anger about Boris Johnson’s proposed amnesty, they also spoke of their feelings of being re-traumatised by what the British Government was attempting to do. They said this amnesty is not just an effort to rob them of the justice they have been seeking for their loved ones for a half a century but also a statement to the world that innocent people murdered by the British state during the conflict do not matter and never mattered.

This amnesty will be resisted and opposed by the Bloody Sunday families, the Ballymurphy families and others, with the same dignity and determination that has carried their fight for 50 years. Their loved ones counted and their lives mattered. Saoránaigh Éireannacha ab ea iad siúd a dúnmharaíodh ag stát na Breataine le linn an cheangail. Tá sé ríthábhachtach go mbeidh Rialtas na hÉireann dílis, glórach agus réamhghníomhach in aghaidh phardún na dTóraithe.

The families are buoyed by the fact that there is no support for this amnesty on this island. I believe it is important that we have an all-of-Oireachtas approach in challenging the British Government on how it deals with legacy. Only last month, we saw exposed again the depth of Britain's dirty war in Ireland. The Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland's report into Operation Greenwich revealed what so many have known for decades. Collusion between British forces and loyalist death squads was rife. It was a key component of British military strategy in Ireland. These were not random or ad hockillings but were conceived of, directed and orchestrated by the British state at the highest levels. It was a concentrated campaign of murder that targeted the nationalist community, human rights advocates and, indeed, Sinn Féin elected representatives and members. It was an operation targeting republicans and the embryonic peace process in Ireland. The report dealt with 19 killings and two attempted murders of Irish citizens by the British state yet, to this day, there has not been a comprehensive response from the Irish Government.

The Tory policy seeks to grant amnesty to those who perpetrated these murders. Is é an rud is tábhachtaí ar féidir linn a dhéanamh anois ná na meicníochtaí oidhreachta a d’aontaigh Rialtas na Breataine, Rialtas na hÉireann agus na páirtithe polaitíochta ag Teach Stormont i 2014 a chosaint go diongbháilte. The Stormont House Agreement is central to dealing with legacy. It ensures that victims of the conflict have access to agreed mechanisms for delivering truth and justice. These mechanisms are grounded in a human rights approach and best international practice. Provisions include the establishment of a historic enquiries unit, an independent commission on information retrieval, an oral history archive and the creation of an implementation and reconciliation group. The agreement preserves the right of victims of the conflict, and their families, to pursue justice through the courts, a right the proposed British amnesty seeks to shut down.

The British Government committed to implementing the Stormont House proposals within the first 100 days of the New Decade, New Approach agreement. So much for that. Two years on, not alone has Boris Johnson failed to honour this commitment, he has unilaterally pressed forward with legislation that undermines the Stormont mechanisms, replacing them with a self-serving, politically motivated amnesty and citing bogus national security concerns. Far from focusing on the need for truth and reconciliation, and building a new future for all, the Tory government seeks to destabilise the work of peacebuilding and new beginnings in Ireland. The British Prime Minister, in a reckless move, has cast aside the trust, good faith and political integrity that underpinned the achievement of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent accords. He chooses belligerence, Machiavellianism and downright disrespect of all those who suffered at the hands of British forces and their agents.

I have always said that making agreements is important, but keeping them is all the more so. Caithfidh Rialtas na Breataine dul i ngleic lena gcuid oibleagáidí. Caithfidh Boris Johnson stop a chur leis an bpardún seo. The Taoiseach's remarks at the weekend opposing the British amnesty are very welcome, but now the Government must apply concerted, consistent pressure on the British Government to bin the legislation and return in good faith to what was agreed at Stormont House. This must involve effort at all levels, but especially through the Taoiseach engaging Mr. Johnson directly. Time is of the essence. Family members of those killed are getting older. Sadly, some have gone to their graves having never seen justice.

The task of building peace, reconciliation and justice in Ireland is precious. It falls to each of us, those who truly wish to see a new Ireland, to step forward and do everything we can to see this vision grow and flourish. It falls to both governments as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement - the people’s agreement - to never take that responsibility lightly. Dealing with legacy issues is important to shaping our future. It is not about settling old scores, winning or losing or wading into the deep, muddy waters of blame. It has to be about healing, it has to be about ending divisions that have held back our country and it has to be about truth and justice. These must be the foundations of the new future for our people, regardless of background or identity.

Building an Ireland in which every person can lead a happy and prosperous life, free from discrimination and inequality, must be our goal and guiding light. Understanding the past, healing from the past and opening the gates of justice that others seek to slam shut are foremost responsibilities of political leadership. In times such as these, when we are faced with challenges and barriers, history is made and the future is shaped. We must commit everything to ensure we never again see the dark days of the past and move forward in the belief that no matter our backgrounds, no matter our identities and no matter the journey we have travelled to this point, we can reconcile, heal divisions and build our future together on foundations of truth and justice.

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