Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

This is an important debate. The legacy of conflict on this island and how we address this chapter of our history is vital for the shared future that we want, a shared future committed to on all sides as part of the Good Friday Agreement. We cannot build an inclusive future on cracked foundations. That is why, as difficult as it is, we must have a comprehensive approach to the violence of the past. This must deliver as much as is possible for victims and survivors from both communities in both jurisdictions, and across these islands.

On Sunday, the Taoiseach and I travelled to Derry where we met the families of those who were killed on Bloody Sunday. We stood in solidarity with them as the city marked, with characteristic dignity and courage, the 50th anniversary of that terrible day. It was a fitting tribute to those whose lives were lost. The memory of that day continues to resonate across the island, as the story of the campaign that finally ensured the truth was brought into the light.

Experiences of the Bloody Sunday families, the Kingsmill families, the Birmingham families, the Dublin and Monaghan families and many others must drive us to find a better way forward. I have met regularly with families from all communities who lost loved ones in the conflict. They campaign with great determination but I am deeply conscious that with every year that passes the burden on their shoulders gets heavier and the struggle a little bit harder.

It was the need to provide a clear framework to meet the needs of victims and survivors that led to the Stormont House Agreement in 2014. That agreement envisaged the establishment of an independent historical investigations unit, as well as an independent commission for information recovery. It also importantly allowed for oral history initiatives and acknowledgement. Crucially, the agreement was built on the core principle of justice, truth and the rule of law.

In July last year the British Government published a command paper which proposed the introduction of a general statute of limitations - meaning an immediate end to criminal investigations, the removal of the prospect of prosecutions and the end of all judicial activity in relation to Troubles-related incidents, including current future civil cases and inquests. This proposal has understandably caused widespread hurt and anger. It is important to be absolutely clear this is not a proposal the Irish Government could ever support. I have given that message consistently to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Taoiseach has conveyed it to Prime Minister Johnson also. We are completely clear in our position that it is only through a collective approach that we can hope to deal with legacy issues comprehensively and fairly and in a way that is acceptable to victims’ families. That has been conveyed also to our friends in the United States Congress and Administration and in the important forum of the Council of Europe.

At the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference held in June last year I agreed with the Secretary of State to begin a period of intensive engagement so that the political parties in Northern Ireland and the voices of victims could be centrally heard in finding an agreed way forward. That process ran throughout the summer and early autumn and engaged with a wide range of victims’ organisations, civil society, academics and those working to deliver the current legacy investigations. That engagement process made very clear the almost universal opposition to the idea of a statute of limitations in Northern Ireland. It was also evident that there was unanimous opposition to the UK statute of limitations proposal across the political spectrum in Northern Ireland. This rejection was confirmed in a motion in the Northern Ireland Assembly on 20 July. I am conscious also of the clearly expressed view of all parties in the Oireachtas, as reflected in a Seanad motion last November. That political and community consensus has been borne out in many conversations I have had, both formally and informally, with families and victims’ groups from all communities, including most recently in Derry on Sunday.

The UK proposals have also drawn significant international concern and been criticised by members of the US Congress as well as experts in the Council of Europe and the United Nations. However, the current situation of piecemeal and under-resourced investigations and prosecutions is also not working well enough. We see important breakthroughs such as the Ballymurphy inquest findings last year. We see important new information coming out such as the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland’s Operation Greenwich report that found collusive behaviours within the RUC in relation to a series of loyalist paramilitary murders from 1989 to 1993. However, the important ongoing efforts in place are uneven, and inadequate to the scale of the task. Thus, while making absolutely clear to the UK Government that we cannot and will not support an amnesty we have also remained open and ready to engage seriously with the UK Government to find a way forward. Unilateral action here cannot work but we know from decades of experience what is possible when we work in a partnership between both Governments and parties and stakeholders in Northern Ireland. Indeed, the New Decade, New Approach agreement is an example of what can be achieved when that spirit of partnership prevails. It took difficult compromises from all sides to reach that agreement. There were real political differences but there was also an end and a shared commitment to deliver. I was privileged to work with successive Secretaries of State and party leaders and officials across many challenging months and years but the reward was the restoration of the institutions and a restored voice for the people of Northern Ireland on the issues that impact their lives. The NDNA agreement set out a range of priorities for the Executive with respect to health, education, infrastructure, welfare, language and the sustainability of the institutions. Although Covid has undoubtedly presented an immense challenge and has rightly been the focus, progress nonetheless has been made across a range of some of those areas.

The pandemic also demonstrated the importance of having functioning political institutions able to respond and make vital decisions to protect people when necessary. For our part, the Government also made a series of commitments alongside the NDNA agreement focused on working with the Executive through the North-South Ministerial Council to deliver projects that benefit people across this island. Significant progress has been made with projects such as the Narrow Water Bridge and the Ulster Canal. An expanded reconciliation fund and the newly agreed EU PEACE PLUS programme will continue to support organisations North and South in delivering vital work within communities.

Another key component of the NDNA agreement was of course language and identity. It is welcome that the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has committed to introducing a package of legislation in Westminster to enact what was agreed by all parties, in support of linguistic diversity and cultural expression in Northern Ireland. We would certainly welcome dates on when that legislation would be brought forward.

There is, of course, much more that needs to be said on all of these important issues and I look forward to the contributions of colleagues and to responding at the conclusion of this debate. As a final point on legacy, we want to continue to try to build consensus between political parties, between both Governments and, most importantly, with groups that are representing victims and their families. The status quois not working. The structures are under-resourced and families are not getting the truth that they deserve and not getting the pathways to justice they rightly demand. The Stormont House Agreement was imperfect but it was a way forward that we all agreed to. If there is to be an alternative to that it needs to be agreed collectively by both Governments and by political parties and victims groups. We remain available and open to have that discussion but in reality, given the political timelines in Northern Ireland, the time in which to do this is short. The Taoiseach and myself have given a very clear sing to the British Government that we are willing to have his serious discussion but only in the context of trying to build consensus with political parties and victims’ groups. I look forward to hearing what other Deputies have to say.

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