Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

One of the things about which I am a bit discommoded is that the Government says all the time, "We have to wait to see what the British are doing," or, "We are not sure what the British Government's negotiating position may be." I acknowledge that the Taoiseach was very active during the Brexit campaign and that he has been in contact with our partners within the European Union. However, as I said, what we have to do is get our own house in order. I am concerned that we may restrain ourselves in thinking within the context of what is happening in this State.

Given the age of the State and the length of time for which the parties have been in power, that is a very understandable position to take. Partitionism is writ large among the policy-makers and others within the establishment.

This is an opportunity to think island-wide and not just talk about the matter. We have an opportunity to do something concrete about it for all our sakes, not just in pursuit of Irish unity but also because it is proper to protect and defend all interests across the island of Ireland. This is particularly so because the people of the North voted to remain in the European Union. Those in the North with whom I have been in contact, MLAs, MPs and the MEP Martina Anderson, are all in contact with people who are constitutionally for the Union and are really concerned about the economic and other consequences of the Brexit strategy.

There are also major concerns about the continued provision of EU funding for cross-Border projects. The European Union stopped the funding projects. The British Government has given assurances on funding only for the period up to 2017. As the Taoiseach knows, there are 17 ready-to-go projects in Border counties, worth approximately €120 million. These are issues that need to be raised. Has he raised them within the European Union or with the British Government?

I finally got an answer to a certain question, for which I thank the Taoiseach. The question was on whether there was an agreement between the British and Irish Governments to have British immigration controls at Irish ports and airports. The British Government claims there is such an agreement, while the Taoiseach has said there is not. Has this been an issue for discussion? Is there a putative agreement being discussed at official level that has yet to receive political consideration or approval?

There is an argument for co-operation between all of the parties here on these matters. The Taoiseach may not want to disclose his hand in an open forum like this, but surely, in meetings with the other leaders, he could indicate in detail the substance of the discussions taking place between officials from his office and the British Government. Was this issue covered? There is a complete contradiction between what the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Mr. Brokenshire, said and what the Taoiseach has now said.

With regard to the specific dialogue taking place, we urged the Government initially to ensure it embraced all sectors and parts of the island. That is why I was and remain keen to see the invitation list which we still have not received. We actually made a written submission - I do not know whether other parties did so - to the Government and said the scope of the dialogue should be twofold. First, it should be to facilitate an inclusive process of open policy debate and inform the Government's medium-term political and policy response to the British Government's Brexit plans. We said this should form the basis of a Government Green Paper for wider public consultation. Second, we proposed that the authorities should agree on a policy framework that would shape the future strategic direction of the Government. We should set out a practical vision and an implementation plan that could form the basis of a Government White Paper. Does the Taoiseach agree with this approach? He accepts that Irish society as a whole will be affected by Brexit. Therefore, there needs to be an inclusive approach. It must include the education sector, students' representatives, the business sector, the churches, trade unions, farming organisations, people living in rural areas, sports bodies, human rights bodies, victims' groups and the various migrant organisations. I firmly believe we are not focusing enough on the possibilities and the necessity of having an all-island approach. One would be surprised by how welcome such an a process would be within the Unionist community in the North.

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