Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

It is somewhat ridiculous that we are being asked to deal with 37 questions in one bundle. Fifteen of those 37 questions are in my name. This grouping of questions span issues related to the Ballymurphy murders, the Hyde Park atrocity, retrospective banking debt in regard to Europe and the bilateral meetings and so on with Prime Minister Cameron. They could have easily been segmented into those related to the Ballymurphy murders, the Hyde Park atrocity, the Pat Finucane case and other economic issues that are separate altogether. Including the situation in Russia and Ukraine in the middle of this grouping seems to be utterly absurd and ridiculous and brings Question Time into disrepute.

In terms of the questions on the Ballymurphy murders, there is no doubt that innocent people were murdered by British soldiers in Ballymurphy in August of 1971. Forty-three years later, the official account has not been corrected and the families have been denied the right of being told exactly how these murders happened. The British Government, as the Taoiseach said, through the Northern Secretary, recently asserted that there should be no review of the murders because of what she called "the balance of public interest". This goes to the nub of the ongoing detachment and mishandling of the peace process and reconciliation generally. It speaks of a policy that suggests that everything has been achieved, all the big things have been achieved and we do not need to deal with these issues. I met the Ballymurphy group some years ago and it seemed to me that, at the very least, an independent panel of investigators, with some international dimension attached to it, should have been established to report on the murders, such is the appalling nature of what happened.

It needs more than just the Taoiseach articulating here that it is very disappointing that the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland said this. Was there any consultation between the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Ms Theresa Villiers, MP, prior to the decision not to set up a panel to investigate those murders?

While I strongly support the need for this, it equally has to be said that the family of Jean McConville is also entitled to justice and truth in respect of her murder a year later. Both cases show that different sides are trying to be selective in their approach to the past. The British Government will pursue one case but will say there is no need to deal with the murder of 11 people in 1971 because of some obscure balance of public interest reasons. Likewise, I do not believe one can deny the family of a mother of ten who was murdered in 1972 the right to truth, justice and information, and yet Sinn Féin would probably want that denied.

The breakdown of the Haass talks is related and the decision to take a hands-off approach to that up to now has failed. I see from recent comments that that has been accepted and that there is a need for intervention. What steps does the Taoiseach intend to take regarding the Ballymurphy question? How does he intend to get the British Government to change its mind on pursuing the establishment of an independent panel to investigate the murders?

Regarding the Boston College tapes of interviews relating to the McConville case, a disturbing trend is emerging whereby those with anything to do with the Boston College project are being labelled as touts, and as greedy and reckless. A hate campaign is being developed by foot soldiers within the Sinn Féin movement, as far as I can ascertain, to target people. Regardless of whether one likes it, I believe the people involved in the Boston College project saw it as an historical project. They did not envisage the British prosecuting authorities seeking release of the tapes, Boston College being acquiescent, to say the very least, in opposing that until it was forced into a position where now certain tapes relating to the prosecution of that case have been released.

Now a hate campaign has developed where those responsible for conceiving the project and doing the interviews are being targeted in language that is very dangerous. The Taoiseach might have seen recent articles in which Mr. Ivor Bell is called the "Boston tout". People are under pressure to come clean about the contents of the controversial Boston tapes. It is very sinister and almost sets people up for attack. It makes people very insecure and anxious. There should be no toleration of it. It is extremely important that it is nipped in the bud and that all responsible people would deal with that. I ask for the Taoiseach's comments on the implications of that.

The families of the four soldiers who were so barbarically killed in the Hyde Park bombing felt very let down by the trial's collapse. That anger and frustration is completely understandable. The Northern Ireland Attorney General, Mr. John Larkin, actually expressed the controversial view at the time, which I feel inflamed the situation then, in requesting legislation to allow for an amnesty in certain cases. Following the Weston Park talks, the Northern Ireland authorities and the British Government were developing legislation, in essence to facilitate the on-the-runs but also to facilitate official state forces - British soldiers and police officers who had committed crimes. Ultimately, Sinn Féin opposed the bit that would have disallowed, in essence, prosecutions of British soldiers who had been involved in Bloody Sunday or the Ballymurphy killings. Officially, therefore, the legislation did not materialise.

Will the Taoiseach outline how the Government views those issues in terms of the past, the prosecuting of various cases and those who are on the run? How does the Government propose to deal with that contentious issue? Has there been any discussion of the Hyde Park bombing case and related matters with the British Prime Minister in the various meetings the Taoiseach had with him? Does the Taoiseach believe there should be a general amnesty? Is that now the Government's position regardless of the perpetrators of a particular crime or should justice continue to be done in those cases?

Where does the Taoiseach see the role of victims in the overall hierarchy of these complex and difficult issues? Invariably when proposals are made, the views and perspectives of victims seem to matter the least. The families of the victims believe they are the last to be consulted by those devising the various plans and approaches. Will the Taoiseach deal with those questions initially?

Does the Taoiseach have any further developments to outline on the need for an independent inquiry into the Pat Finucane case? Did the Taoiseach discuss it in his recent meeting with the British Prime Minister?

The two remaining issues are unrelated. Will the Taoiseach outline any discussions he had with the British Prime Minister on the situation vis-à-visRussia and Ukraine?

With permission, I might come back to the retrospective debt issue because I do not believe it falls into this particular group of questions. If I get a chance I would like to come back on that matter, if appropriate.

See this speech in context